
Class 
Book- 



COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT 



HISTORY 



TOWN OF HAMPTON 



NEW HAMPSHIRE. 



FROM ITS SETTLEMENT IN 1638, TO THE AUTUMN OF 1892. 



BY JOSEPH DOW. 

EDITED AND PUBLISHED BY HIS DAUGHTER. 



■. 2... 



^^OXj. X. 



SALEM, MASS : 
PRINTICT) in THE SALEM PRESS PUBLISHING AND PRINTING CO. 

1893. 



COPYRIGHT, 1894, 
BY LUCY E. DOW. 



AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 



It is many years since my interest was first awakened to collect 
material for a history of the town of Hampton. In the intervals of 
an otherwise busy life, I have brought together, from all available 
sources, such information as seemed to me important to presei-ve 
and disseminate, in compact form, for future generations. I was the 
more inclined to do this, since the history of Hampton, in its earlier 
years, was in some measure, the history of the Piovince of New Hamp- 
shire. Being one of the four original towns and united with tlie other 
three in many public acts ; being a lialf-shire town of Norfolk County 
when under Massachusetts jurisdiction ; being a border town between 
the two provinces, and so participating in the boundary disputes; 
being a sea-board town, whose defenses were of vital importance to all 
the rest, — the record of its progress, for at least one hundred years, 
must be of more than local interest. ■S f 

Moreover, from many of the early families have gone out branches, 
to people the newer towns, as they were settled, one after another;' 
and even in remote portions of our country, are found many persons, 
who trace their ancestry back to this settlement by the sea. 

Every person, who has attempted to trace his own descent from the 
several families from which he has sprung, in following out any one 
of them for two centuries, through all the branches into which it has 
ramified, has found the task to be very difficult. No one can appre- 
ciate the difficulty, except from his own experience. Written memo- 
rials he finds to be exceedingly rare ; and living members of the fam- 
ily, often, on this subject, very ignorant or very indifferent. In many 
cases, there are traditions and little besides traditions, relative to some 
branches. But not unfrequently, these vary one from another, so 
that they are of but little value. Indeed, tradition, at best, is not a 
very reliable source of information. Fortunate, then, must he be 
considered, who, after long, patient research, has been able to approx- 
imate his hmu ideal of a complete genealogy. 

If such obstacles are to be encountered in tracing a single family, 
how much greater must be met when Jifty or a hundred families are 
to be traced through a period of two hundred years and more. Such 

(iii) 



iv author's preface. 

is the work T would gladly have performed for the readers of this His- 
tory. But to prepare a full and correct genealogy of all the families 
that were in Hampton at an early period is impossible. In many 
instances family records have been lost, and in a larger number none 
were ever kept. The Town Records, indeed, afford valuable aid. 
Entries of births, beginning in 1652, and of marriages and deaths, in 
1654, are perhaps as full on the Hampton Records, as on those of 
almost any other town. The records of the Congregational church 
also, the church of the town till well into tlie present century, are very 
valuable, containing entries of marriages by the ministers, after 1687; 
of baptisms, after 1696 ; and of deaths in the town, since 1734. This 
last record, with some private records kept in the town, gives us an 
ahnost complete list of deaths for a period of a hundred fifty-seven 
years. With such material, supplemented by a laborious search of 
wills, deeds, the old Norfolk County Records and numerous private 
papers, I have prepared the genealogies embodied in this work. That 
they are free from errors is more than can reasonably be expected ; 
but a great amount of labor has been employed in their preparation, 
and no pains have been spared to make them correct. 

To prevent mistakes in regard to certain dates, it must be remem- 
bered that, during the whole ofjthe seventeenth and one-half of the 
eighteenth century, the civil and ecclesiastical year in England began 
March 25th, and March was called the first month; while the histori- 
cal year, beginning on the first of January, was often used in narra- 
tion. This gave rise to the system of double-dating, from January to 
INIarch, till 1752, when the historical year alone came to be recognized. 
All dates in this work, so far as practicable, are made couforinable to 
the historical year. 

By an act of Parliament, passed in 1751, to make the reckoning of 
time conformable to the Gregorian Calendar, so called, it was or- 
dered that the day next after September 2, 1752, should be reckoned 
September 14, thus dropping eleven days. This has been called a 
change of style. Dates before this change are said to be in Old Style ; 
later dates, in New Style. All the dates in this work, earlier than 
September 2, 1752, are in Old Style. To change them to New Style, 
add ten days to those prior to 1 700, and eleven daj's to those after 
that year. 

I have given more space to the discussion of the boundary lines and 
the protective measures in regard to the beach and the public lands 
contiguous, than would ordinaril}' be allotted in a work of this com- 
pass ; but it lias seemed necessary in the one case, in order to correct 
a popular error, which has long prevailed, as to the original extent of 



author's TREFACE. V 

our territory ; and in the other, to establish by the records themselves, 
the fact of the town's ancient and habitual control. 

In the early stages of my study, I had an efHcieut co-laborer in my 
friend and cousin, Josiah Page, of Hampton, who devoted himself 
assiduously to the task of gathering information, which, by his notes, 
and from the treasures of his wonderfully retentive memory, he placed 
in my hands. A born genealogist, Mr. Page brought to this depart- 
ment of the work his greatest zeal, while he collected also many facts' 
of historical importance. I have to regret that he died without seeing 
the work completed. 

The names of John Wingate Thornton, Amos Tuck, Edmund B. 
Dearborn and others, who have passed away, recall much valuable 
help rendered by these men. To all who have given access to papers, 
searched records or otherwise aided me in my researches, 1 would 
render grateful acknowledgements. 

Free reference is made, in these pages, to the works of Relknap, 
Winthrop and various town historians ; to the Provincial and State 
papers, edited by Rev. Nathaniel Bouton, D.D. ; to Adjutant General 
Head's Reporl s ; to the New Hampshire Historical Society's Collections, 
the New England Historic-Genealogical Register and kindred worlds ; 
while the records of town, church and county have been the main 
reliance for the history of local affairs. 

If I have succeeded in preparing a worthy memorial of my native 
town, in the years fast receding, I shall not have labored in vain. 

Joseph Dow. 



EDITOR'S PREFACE. 



It is not easy for one person to enter into iinotlicr's labor and carr}' 
out bis plan, even though the material be ready at Iiand. The author 
of this History died December IG, 1889. Had he lived to complete it, 
the selection and arrangement from among his papers would doubt- 
less have differed in many respects from the work as now sent forth. 
The editor can scarcely hope to have realized his ideal. And yet, by 
far the greater part of it was finished by the author's own hand ; and 
for the rest, having striven to carry it on with accuracy and discrimi- 
nation, the editor submits it to the public, trusting that no serious 
mistakes have been made, and that something of value will be found 
to have been added to the written history of both early and later 
times. 

The task of bringing the genealogies down to date has been 
attended witii much difficulty, both from lack of knowledge of what, 
among the author's records, he designed for this work, and what for 
other purposes ; and because of omissions and inaccuracies in the 
Town Records. These have doubtless been as carefully kept as the 
generality of town records ; but whole decades are passed over with 
scarcely an entry of birth or marriage ; and it must be confessed that 
errors have been found in the entries made. To supply deficiencies 
and correct dates has required much time and labor, and it cannot be 
claimed that all errors have been eliminated ; but much pains having 
been taken to insure accuracy, it is believed' that any errors which 
remain will not essentially mar the verity of the record. 

The history is brought down to the autumn of 1892 ; and any refer- 
ences to the present time are to be understood of that period. 

The editor desires to thank all those citizens and friends who have 
aided in completing genealogies or furnishing historical information. 
Special acknowledgements are due to Mr. and Mrs. Edward Shaw, 
Charles M. Lamprey, Esq., Wm. E. Lane and J. Warren Dow, for 
obtaining facts that required correspondence and pains-taking search. 
Other helpers are too many to mention by name, but they are grate- 
fully remembered, 
(vi) 



CONTENTS. 



GENERAL AND MILITARY. 
Ch.ipter. Page. 

I. The Settlement in the Wilderness. 1638-1646. 1 

II. Labors, Controversies and Superstitions. 1647-1662. 35 
III. Town Affairs. 1658-1680. Public Lands— Public 

Houses — And a Troublesome Public Charge. 58 
IV. Hampton under the Mason and Massachusetts Con- 
troversy. 1651-1677. 86 
V. Town and Province under the Royal Government. 

1677-1689. 96 

VI. Under Royal Government (continued). 1689-1730. 115 

VII. The Boundary Lines. 1639-1742. 133 

VIII. Town Affairs— Kingston. 1680-1707. 146 

IX. Hampton Falls. 1709-1760. 162 

X. Town Affairs — Natural Phenomena — Rye. 

1708-1736. 173 

XL North Hampton. 1719-1742. 195 

XII. Regulations — Lawsuits — Casualties. 1733-1780. 202 

XIII. Indian Wars. 1675-1763. 219 

XIV. In the Revolution. 1774-1783. 249 
XV. In the Early Years of Independence. 1784-1814. 276 

XVI. A War— A Colonel— A Regiment. 1812-1860. 292 

XVII. The Civil War. 1860-1865. 301 

XVIII. Other Nineteenth Century Happenings. J800-1892. 321 

ECCLESIASTICAL. 

XIX. The Interwoven Pastorates : 

Rev. Stephen Bachiler. 1638-1641. 
Rev. Timothy Dalton. 1639-1661. 
Rev. John Wheelwright. 1647-1656. 
Rev. Seaborn Cotton. 1657-1686. 343 

(vii) 



Viii CONTENTS. 

XX. Rev. John Cotton's Ministry. 168G-1710. 366 
XXI. Pastors Gookin and Ward Cotton — New Parishes. 

1710-1837. 377 
XXII. Rev. Ward Cotton's Ministry— The North Hill 

Parish. 1731-1767. 395 

XXIII. Rev. Ebenezer Thayer's Pastorate. 1765-1792. 406 

XXIV. The Presbyterian Schism. 1792-1807. 419 
XXV. Last Years of the Town Ministry. 1807-1839. 440 

XXVI. The Independent Churches. 456 

EDUCATIONAL. 

XX\"II. Tiie Common Schools. 473 

XXVIII. IIami)ton Academy and High School. 484 

INDUSTRIAL. 

XXIX. Hampton Beach and Vicinity — Ownership and Uses. 502 

XXX. The Public Roads. 519 

XXXI. The Story of the Mills. 531 

XXXII. Stores and Trades. • 546 

XXXIII. Last Words. 559 

TABULAR. 

A Tubular Record of Town Officers. 563 

APPENDIX. 578 

GENEALOGICAL AND BIOGRAPHICAL. 581 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Map of Hampton as Originally Laid Out, 

Portrait of the Author, 

View from the North Beacli, 

Plan of Hampton in 1806, 

Portrait of Col. Christopher Toppan, 

Tlie Old Top[)an Homestead, 

Hotel Wliittier, - . . . . 

Portrait of Rev. Josiah Webster, 

Portrait of Prof. John C. Wel)ster, 

Portrait of Rev. DeWitt C. Durgin, D.D., 

Ham[)l()n Academy, .... 



Cover. 

Frontispiece. 

facing page 4 

285 

. 296 

298 

. 341 

442 

. 452 

464 

. 493 



First Graduating Class of Hampton Academy and High Sc1k)o1, 497 
viz. : 



1. George Erviu Garland. 

3. Howard Garland Lane. 

5. Frank Elmer Leavitt. 

7. Caroline Belle Nudd. 

9. Ernest Gowell Cole. 

11. Amos Towle Leavitt. 

13. Percy Downing Godfrey. 



2. Annie Elizabeth (Lamprey) Garland. 

4. Sarah Maria Hobbs. 

6. Ida Pearl Williams. 

8. Grace Reed Williams. 

10. Alice Sarah Weare. 

12. Eugene Frank Nudd. 

14. William Eastman Philbrick. 



Portrait of William T. Merrill, M.D., 
Mrs. Zipporah J. Jenness and her Birds, 
Portrait (d' Dr. Claudius B. Webster, 
Portrait ot Joseph F. Dearboi'n, Esq., . 
The Dearborn Monument, 
Folio from Ca[)t. Henry Dovv's Diary, . 
Portrait of Mr. John H. Fogg, . 
The Original James Homestead, 
Weare Arms, Seals and Signatures, . 
Portrait of Dr. Eliphalet K. Webster, . 
Portrait of G-en. Joseph D. Webster. . 



500 

557 

560 

668 

670 

679 

714 

762 

1026 

1034 

1036 



ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS. 

Pages 65-85, head line, for "1676" read 1680. 

Pages 127, 138, for Vaughn read Vaughan. 

Page 130, 20th line, for "king" read King. 

Page 146, foot note, for "Little river" read LUcle Biver. 

Page 472, 1st line, for "ansterity" read austerity. 

Page 529, 40th line, for "council" read counsel. 

Page 548, near bottom, between -'Marston" and "Perkins" insert MouUon. 

Page 564, under Moderators in Presidential Elections, for "1799, Oliver 
Whipple" read 1800 \_no record']. 

Page 582, the name of Batchelder (2) was Nathaniel. He m. Hester Mercer, 
andd. probably about 1630, in England or Holland. 

Page 615, middle of page, for "afward" read afterward. 

Page 655, under D.ilton (6), erase "probably" before "daughter of Moses." 
The youngest child, "Elizabeth, b. Apr. 1, 1745," m. Stephen Mason, son 
of John (4) . 

Page 682, under Dow (12), Abi-aham and Phebe, of Seabrook, had nine chil- 
dren, of wliom was Jedediah, b. 1739; m., 1st, Mary Dow, 2nd, Dorcas 
Neal; settled in Weare; by 2nd marriage, had a son Josiah, who settled 
in Portland, Me., the father of Gen. Neal Dow, b. 1804. 

Page 692, under Drake (13), for "Giles swamp" read Gups' swamp. 

Page 694, under Drake (23), for "Fisk (3)" read Fisk (2). 

Page 721, under (iarland (5), it was Joseph, not Jacob, who m. Jane Stick- 
ney (Dec. 30, 1736", and had the children mentioned 

Page 748, under Hobbs (4), for "(Marston?)" read Marston. 

Page 779, John Knowles (4) had also children, Samuel and Susanna. 

Page 849, under Marston (46), for "Thomas Sanborn, son of Daniel (35)" 
read Thomas L. il^anborn (54). 

Page 854, John Mason (1) had also children: Francis, d. in Ki. about 1718. 
Joseph, b. about 1693. Benjamin, b. 1696. Mary. Hannah. Esther. 

Page 869, at bottom, for "Phebe Moulton" read Phebe Palmer. 

Pajie 880, under Neal (3), for "Capt. Joseph (4)" read Capt. Joseph (2). 

Page 940, 4th line of text, for "Dusdale" read JDugdale ; 9th line, for "Kid- 
deminster" read Kidderminster ; last line, for "Placite" read Placita. 

Page 943, under Richard (13), for "Mary" raad Marie. 

Page 1026, under Wardwell, for "Philip Towle" read./o/in Cass. (Seep. 1039). 

Page 1029, Natli'l Weare (3) had also a dau. Susanna, b. July 28, 1723. 

Page l031, 23rd line, f or " were " read was; 2tth line, for " recorded " read 
accorded. 

Page 1069, first line after title, for "list" read lists. 



Page 682, 8th line from bottom, for "1728" read 1S2S. 

Page 760, near bottom : It is now thought that there was no Joseph 
' Hussey. Cliristopher Hussey (2) was representative in 1672 (see p. 
5G6V The original town record for that year is torn off and lost. 
Page 432, 25th liu'-. for "sight" read ri^kt. 



GENERAL AND MILITARY, 



HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



CHAPTER I. 

THE SETTLEMENT IN THE WILDEKNESS. 1G38-1G-16. 
TOPOGRAPHY. 

THE ancient town of Hampton, New Hampshire, embraced a large 
territory, lying along the coast between Salisbury, Massachu- 
setts, on the south, and Portsmouth, or tlie lower Piscataqua settle- 
ment on the north ; and extending from the Atlantic Ocean westward, 
about six miles to Squamscott Patent (Stratham) and Exeter, and 
along the southerly side of the latter town, ten or twelve miles farther ; 
the w'esterly line running thence southerly to the boundary between 
Salisbury (now Amesbury) and Haverhill, Massachusetts. The whole 
area is not less than one hundred square miles. 

The surface is somewhat varied, though no portion of it is very 
rough. In the southeast part, and extending beyond its limits through 
Salisbury to the Merriinac river, is a very large tract of marsh, or 
salt meadows, containing several thousand acres, as level as any prai- 
rie of the West, and, through its whole extent, covered in summer 
with salt grass. It was this feature of the place, more than any other, 
that attracted the notice of the government of Massachusetts, and led 
to its early settlement. The rest of the land near the coast is also 
remarkably level, but farther back it is more uneven, though there are 
no very high hills. Those of the greatest elevation, east of Kingston 
old line, are Great, or Hardy's Hill, and Cock Hill, in Hampton Falls, 
and Horse Hill, in Kensington. 

The largest ponds are Great Pond, in Kingston, covering about 300 
acres, and Country Pond, about two-thirds as large, lying parti}- in 
the same town and partly in Newton, beyond the original limits of 
Hampton. The principal rivers are the Winnacunnet, or Hampton 
river with its tributaries, and Little river, flowing into the ocean ; the 
Winnicut, a tributary of the Piscataqua, flowing into Great Bay, and 

(1) 



2 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

tlie outlets of the ponds named above, which are the chief sources of 
the Powow river, tiiat empties into the Merrimac between Salisbury 
and Amesbiir}-. 

The coast line of the ancient town was about eight or nine miles in 
extent, terminating on the north at the easterly side of Jocelyn's (af- 
terward called Locke's) Neck, in the present town of Rye. On the 
coast are two noted headlands, called Great Boar's Head and Little 
Boar's Head. The rest of the coast is mostly a low, sandy beach, 
some portions of which are greatly admired for their beauty. Li sev- 
eral places, the beach is indented by small coves, which being some- 
what sheltered from the wind, serve as landing places for boats, and 
afford facilities for carrying on the shore fishery. 

In a territory so extensive, almost every variety of soil was found. 
In some parts, it was light, sandy and porons, liable to be parched 
by drought ; in others, clayey and wet, or rocky and difficult to culti- 
vate ; while, in man}' places, there was a rich, dark mold of great 
depth and fertility, yielding to the -husbandman an ample reward for 
his toll. A large portion of the land, except the salt meadows, was 
covered with forests where grew in great luxnriance tiie i)ine and the 
hemlock ; the cedar and the spruce ; the beech, the birch find the ma- 
ple ; the ash, the elm, the hickory and the oak. Of some of these 
there were several varieties. Oaks, both white and red, were exten- 
sively used by the early inhabitants in the manufacture of staves, 
for wliich a read}^ market was generally found, the sales bringing in 
a considerable portion of the money in circulation among them. 

The rivers, the brooks, and the neighboring ocean furnished the 
people with fish ; the woods and marshes afforded an abundance of 
game. Wild animals roamed in the forests, some of Vvhich, particu- 
larly the wolf and the bear, were ver}' troublesome to the inhabitants, 
and frequently committed depredations upon their sheep and cattle. 

A little more than two centuries and a half ago, no jiart of this 
tract was inhabited by white men. Some Lidians, but how many, 
we know not, dwelt here. In favorable localities, they built their 
wigwams and had their homes. They roamed through the forests, 
and over the marshes, in search of game, which they shot with their 
arrows. Their trails might have been seen along the banks of the 
ponds, the brooks, and the rivers, where they often sauntered to draw 
from them their daily food. On the larger streams, they delighted 
to paddle their birch canoes. They had also places of burial where 
they deposited their dead. These they held as sacred spots. 

After the white men had formed a settlement, there was some friendly 
intercourse between the two races. The ImWan pcqypooses, it is said, 



THE SETTLEMENT IN THE WILDERNESS. 1638-1046. 3 

would, in times of peace, often go to the log-huts of the new settlers, 
to pUij' with tiieir children. But the ancient race soon began to dwin- 
dle awa}', and, in little more than one century, were all gone. Their 
very names have also perished. Scarcely one is now known, and but 
very few authentic anecdotes concerning them have been preserved. 
An arrow-head of flint, occasionally picked up, and in some localities 
marl mixed with the soil, where they deposited the shells of clams 
dug for food from the river-flats, are almost the only relics that re- 
main to remind us that this was once the home^of the red men. 

"Alas ! for them, tlieir day is o'er ! 
Their ifires are out from liill and sliore ! 
No more for them tlie wild deer bounds ; 
The plough is on their hunting grounds ; 
The pale man's axe rings through their woods — 
The pale man's sail skims o'er their floods." 

Such was Hampton at an early period. But its ample dimen- 
sions soon began to be curtailed. The first extensive tract severed 
from it was the town of Kingston, which was granted to a number 
of inhabitants of Hampton, who soon after removed thither with their 
families; but as no part of it had been settled at the time of its in- 
corporation, its history will not be given in this work. Next in or- 
der was incorporated the Paris/i of Hampton Falls, including, besides 
the town bearing that name, the present town of Kensington and a 
considerable part of Seabrook. A few years later, a valuable tract 
in the northeasterly part of Hampton was annexed to the town of 
Rye. Soon after, the remaining territory was divided into two por- 
tions nearly equal, and one of them set off to form the town of North 
Hampton. 

The present town of Hampton lies on the seacoast, in the easterly 
part of the county of Rockingham, in latitude 42° 56' 15" N. and lon- 
gitude 70° 50' 12" W.i It has for its boundaries, North Hampton on 
the north ; Hampton Falls on the southwest and west ; and P^xeter on 
the northwest ; while its eastern border, throughout its whole extent, 
is washed by the Atlantic Ocean. The town is small in extent, having 
an area of only a little more than 8000 acres. About one-fourth part 
of it is salt marsh, and sand banks along the coast. The surface is 
generally level or undulating, nowhere rising into high hills, and con- 
sequently the streams of water, none of which are large, furnish but 
few, valuable mill privileges. 

Winnacunnet, or Hampton river, is formed by the union of several 

iTaken on the site of the Baptist cluiixh— U. S. Coast Survey Report. 



4 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

brooks, or rivulets, some of which, tliough of moderate size, are usually 
called rivers. The largest of these are Taylor's, Brown's, Falls and 
Blackwater rivers. One of the brooks early received the name of Ni- 
lus, which it still bears. Taylor's river has its source in a i)ond in the 
town of Hampton Falls, and runs southeasterly, forming, for a consid- 
erable distance, the boundary between that town and Hampton, re- 
taining its name till it reaches the salt marsh, — and perhaps, formerly 
to the mouth of Falls river, -which flows into it from the town of 
Hampton Falls, — when it takes the name of Hampton river. Passing 
on between the two towns nearly a mile farther, it unites with Brown's 
river coming in from the northeast, thus forming the main river, which 
flows on to the ocean, receiving in its course Blackwater river fro^i 
the south. 

The smaller tributaries from the Hampton side are Ass brook, which 
comes in from F^xeter ; Great Swamp run, rising in " the old swamp" 
in the north part of the town ; and Mill brook, rising in the central part, 
— all of which flow into Taylor's river; and Nilus brook, which has 
its source in Alder Meadow, near the boundary line between Hampton 
and North Hampton, and running several miles easterly and southerly, 
falls into the Meadow pond, and from that passes out southerly into 
the Spring marsh, where it meets the tide, and soon receives the name 
of Brown's river. Dow's river, more properly called a brook, is a 
small stream in the easterly part of the town, flowing from Spring 
Heads into the Meadow pond. 

Hampton river is of some value for the purposes of navigation, being 
of suflicient depth to admit vessels^of sevent}? or eighty tons, though 
it is somewhat difficult of entrance, in consequence of sand bars and 
of sunken rocks that lie oflT its mouth. It is also productive of other 
benefits. The main river and some of its branches take a serpentine 
course through the salt marshes. These and the numerous creeks 
connected with them, serve both to drain and water the marshes, as 
the tide ebbs and flows, thus rendering them productive, while they 
also furnish facilities for taking off the hay in boats. 

Along the whole eastern border of the town is a fine, sandy beach, 
interrupted only by a projecting rocky point near the northern ex- 
tremit}', which shelters from troublesome winds a fishing cove on the 
southerly side; and about midwa}-, by Great Boar's Head, which has 
already been mentioned. This is a singular bluff, lifting itself between 
two low, sandy beaches, and extending into the sea about one-fourth 
of a mile, l)eing of a triangular shape, and terminating in a i)oint at 
the southeast. It rises gradually fioni the salt-marsh and a low ridge 
of upland on the west, till it attains the height of fifty or sixty feet 



THE SETTLEMENT IN THE WILDERNESS. 1 638-1 64(). 5 

above the level of the sea, which at high water washes its base. The 
eastern half is nearly level at the top, and the whole area is not far 
from twenty acres. 

From the summit of tliis bold headland the prospect is varied and 
extensive, embracing fine views of portions of this, and some of the 
neighboring towns ; of the salt-marsh stretching off to the west and 
southwest, almost as far as the eye can- reach, and beautilied by the 
raeanderings of the river ; of the blue summit of Againenticus, far off 
in Maine; of various points along the coast from Cape Neddock, in 
Maine to Cape Ann, in Massachusetts; of the Isles of Shoals; and 
lastly, of the ocean itself, apparently limitless, bearing upon its bosom 
the white sails of commerce, and with waves, sometimes but gentle 
undulations, sportively chasing each other landward and laving the 
shore with a soothing murmur, and sometimes lashed into the wildest 
commotion by the tempest, rolling in and breaking upon the coast 
with a deafening roar, that can be heard for leagues. 

THE GORGES AND MASON GRANTS. 

In 1622, a grant was made b}' the Council of Plymouth to two of 
its most active members. Sir Ferdinando Gorges and Capt. John 
Mason, jointly, "of all the lands between the rivers Merrimack and 
Sagadahock [now the Kennebec], extending back to the great lakes 
and river of Canada," which grant was called Laconia. The grant- 
ees, having admitted several English merchants as associates, under 
the style of " The Company of Laconia," soon began to make prepa- 
ration to form settlements on the territory. Early the next spring, 
they sent out a considerable number of people, well supplied with 
everything needful for their undertaking, to establish a colony for the 
purpose of fishing, and of trading with the natives. When the emi- 
grants arrived at the Piscataqua, they separated into two companies, 
one of which remained at Little Harbor, near the mouth of the river,' 
and the other proceeding about eight miles up the river, settled on a 
point of land called by the Indians Winnichahannat,- to which they 
gave the name Df Northam, and subsequently, Dover. 

In 1629, Mason received from the Council of Plymouth a new pat- 
ent for all the land "from the middle of Piscataqua river, and up the 
same, to the farthest head thereof, and from thence northward, until 
sixty miles from the mouth of the harbor were finished ; also, through 
Merrimack river, to the farthest head thereof, and so forward up into 

iThe setUement was at Odiorne's Point, in tlie northeast part of Rye. 
=Spelled also Wecoliannet, etc. 



6 HISTORY OF ha:\ipton. 

the land westward, until sixty miles were finished, and from thence 
to cross over land to the end of sixty miles, accounted from Piscata- 
qua river, togetlier with all tlie islands within five miles of the coast." 
This tract was ctdled Nkw Hampshiue. 

These grants and the expenditure of considerable sums of money 
by Captain Mason, in forming and sustaining the settlements a few 
years, were the grounds on whicli his heirs based their claim to tiie 
province, in the [)rosecution of which, they subjected the inhal)itants 
to an expensive and tedious course of litigation. It has therefore 
seemed im|>ortant to take some notice of the grants, although the town 
of Hampton was settled without any reference to them, and has never, 
in any wa}', derived fi'om them the least benefit. 

WINNACUNNKT. 

The grants to Gorges and Mason, and to Mason alone, both in- 
cluded the place, which the Indians called Winnaainnet. Tliis name 
seems to have been used b}- them to designate the river, afterward 
called Hampton river, tlowing into the Atlantic, a few miles north of 
the Merrimac, and a tract of land in the vicinity of the river, whose 
limits are not well defined, but which appears to have been extensive 
enough to embrace the Indian population, accustomed to resort to the 
river for shell-fish and game, and to make it, for their canoes, a 
thoroughfare to the ocean. 

This Indian name Dr. Belknap writes Winicumet. and Governor Wintlirop, Winicowett. 
Tlie name was probably written according as the sound struck tlie ear of the persons at- 
tempting to give it a visible form. The orthograpliy here adopted is the uniform spelling 
in tlie Records of tlie Ueneral Court of Massachusetts. The earliest town records also have 
unn, never um nor oiv; and this is most likely to represent the Indian utterance. Hon. O. 
E. Potter, sometime of Hillsborough, N. H., gives the meaning of the word thus : Pleasant 
Place or Pines, or The Beautiful Place of Pines. Rev. Edward Ballard, sometime of Bruns- 
wick, Me., would translate it, The Beautiful Long Place. 

This tract, lying along the sea-shore and only a few miles distant 
from the lower settlement on the Piscataqua, was probably sometimes 
visited by persons from that settlement, some of whom may have been 
temporarily employed here as fishermen. But nothing of this kind 
appears from history. The earliest notice of the place that we have 
found, is in the Records of the General Court of Massachusetts, where, 
under date of March 3, 1636, is found the following order: 

"That there shalbe a plantacon settled at Winnacunnet & that M'' 
Dumer & M'" John Spencer shall have power to presse men to builde 
a house forthw'^'', in some convenient place, & what money they lay out 
aboute it, shalbe repaide them againe out of the tresury, or by those 
that come to inhabit there." 



TfiE SETTLEMENT IN THE WILDERNESS. 1638-1646. 7 

Agreeably to this order, a, house was built for the purpose of secur- 
ing Winnacunnet to Massachusetts, though, by a fair construction of 
its charter, the place was evidentl}- beyond its jurisdiction. Tlie 
house tlius I)uilt was afterward known as the Bound Ilouse^ though 
it seems to have been intended by the General Court, as a mark of 
possession, rather than of limit. 

It is not known with certainty where the Bound House stood, and 
it is hardly [)robable that any future researches will serve to identify 
the spot. That was a disputed point more than a century ago. Some 
then located it on, or near, the Meeting House Green ; some on Easton's 
Point, and others on Sargent's Island. There are reasons for believ- 
ing that no one of these opinions is correct. That the house was not 
at either of the two places last named, appears probable from Gov- 
ernor Winthrop's History of New England, in which it is incidentally 
mentioned as being on the way, or path, from Newbury to the Piscata- 
qua settlement. Other circumstances lead to the belief that it was 
farther south than the Meeting House Green. Rev. John Wheelwright, 
in his testimony taken by the commissioners of Charles II, in 1665, 
and embodied in their report to the King, stated tliat it was "erected 
three large miles from the Merrimac." This statement favors the 
opinion held by some, that the Bound House was somewhere within 
the limits of the present town of Seabrook ; but it fails to settle the 
question, for it does not a[)pear what distance is meant by a large 
mile, and in the same report it is stated that Mr. Wheelwright, when 
banished from Massachusetts, "settled just beyond the Bound House," 
wheieas Exeter, the place of his settlement, is more than six miles 
from the Merrimac. 

It is probable that the Bound House was occupied soon after it was 
built, but by whom, history fails to inform us; nor do we know how 
long it remained standing, unless by inference from Mr. Wheelwright's 
testimony, that it "was for seventeen years called and known to be the 
bounds of Massachusetts." 

About two years after the settlement of the town of Newbury had 
been commenced near the river Parker, the inhabitants, for some 
reason "haveing been moved to leave their plantation," received from 
the General Court, November 2, 1637, a conditional grant of Winna- 
cunnet, and such as should "remove w^'^in one yeare" w^ere to "have 
three years imunity" from the first day of March, 1638. 

About this time, April 3, 1638, Rev. John Wheelwright and others 
bought of the Indians a tract of land around Squamscott Falls, included 
in the following boundaries, viz. : "Within three miles on the north- 
erne side of y'^ river Meremake extending thirty miles along by the 



8 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

river from llie seaside and from the sayd river side to Piscataqua Pat- 
ents thirty miles up into the countrey northwest, and so from tlie 
ffalls of Piscataqua to Oyster river thirty miles square ever}- wa^'." 
This purchase included Winnacunnet, and thus was "obtained a right 
to tlie soil from the original proprietors, more valuable in a moral 
view than tlie grants of any European prince could coiive}"."^ 

Early in 1638, two persons, at least, were at Winnacunnet, where 
they had already built, or were then building houses for themselves. 
Whether they tliought tliemselves authorized to proceed tluis by the 
grant to the people of Newbury the autumn before, — for one of tliem, 
and perhaps both, had been living in that town, — or whether they 
supposed themselves be^'ond the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, is un- 
certain. One of them, Nicholas Easton, had, with many others, re- 
monstrated against the harsh treatment shown to Mr. AVheelwright, 
and had in consequence been disarmed by an order of the General 
Court made November 20, 1637. This order, Mr. Easton probably 
considered arbitrary and unjust, and it may have led him to resolve 
to leave the colony. Still, it could not have been unknown to him 
that Winnacunnet was claimed to be within tlie jurisdiction of INIassa- 
chusetts, and tiiat the Bound House had been built to denote that 
claim. It has even been said that Mr. Easton was tlie architect em- 
ployed to build the house. If so, he might thus have become acquainted 
with the advantages that Winnacunnet possessed as a place for set- 
tlement. 'But tliis is very doubtful. The Bound House had been 
built under authority to "presse" men for the purpose, and, tliougli 
it might not require much architectural skill to build a log-house, yet 
the persons authorized by the court to see to the execution of their 
order, would have been more likely to impress a carpenter than a tan- 
ner ; and Mr. Easton was a tanner. 

But whatever may have been the motives of Mr. Easton ; whatever 
his opinion relative to the northern limit of Massachusetts, we find 
him and a Mr. Geoffre}^ at Winnacunnet early in the year 1638. But 
they did not long remain unmolested. The former, at least, was ob- 
noxious to the government, and both were here without authority from 
the General Court. They must therefore be removed. To effect their 
removal, the following order was passed, Maj' 17, 1638: "That the 
magistrates of Ipswich shall have power to discharge Mr. Eason & 
Mr. GeofTry fro"' building at Winnacunnet, and if they will not take 
warning, to cleare the place of y'"." It does' not appear whether they 
did "take warning," and go away peaceably, or whether the magis- 
trates were obliged "to cleare the place of y"' ;" nor is it certain to 

^Judge Smith. 



THE SETTLEMENT IN THE WILDERNESS. 1688-1G46. 9 

what place Mr. G-eoffrey next went. Mr. Kastou was soon after in 
Rhode Island. He is said to have built the first house at Newport, 
tiie place selected for his residence. In the years 1672 and 1673, he 
was governor of Rhode Island. He died in 1685 at the age of eighty- 
three years. 

THE TOWNSHIP GRANT. 

In the autumn of 1G3<S, Winnacunnet remaining still unsettled, and 
the time allowed to tiie inhal)itants of Newbury for a removal hitlier 
having nearly expired, a petition, signed by Steven Bachiler and others, 
was presented to the General Court, asking leave to settle here. Their 
prayer was granted. The record stands thus : 

"•The Court grants that the i)etitioners, Mr. Steven Bachiler, Christo : 
Hussey, MaryHussey, vidua, Thorn : Cromwell, Samuell SkuUard, John 
Osgood, John Crosse, Samu : Greenfield, Joiiii Molton, Tho : Molton, 
Willi : Estow, Willi : Palmer, Willi : Sergant, Rich^'d Swayne, Willi : 
Sanders, Rob^'t Tucke, w"^^' diverse ,othei'S, shall have liberty to begin 
a plantation at Winnacunnet and Mr. Bradstreete, Mr. Winthrope, 
Junior and Mr. Rawson, or some two of them, are to assist in setting 
out the place of the towne, and apportioning the severall quantity of 
land to each man, so as nothing shalbee done therein w"'out leave 
fiom them, or two of them. "^ 

The above grant was made sometime during the session of the Gen- 
eral Court, that was commenced Sept. 6, 1638 ; but as all the acts of 
the session bear this date, it may not be possible to determine the 
very day on which the grant was made. Its place on the records — 
it being the second entry — indicates that it was made very early iu 
the session. An entry on the Records of Hampton, in the handwrit- 
ing of one of the grantees. Rev. Steven Bachiler, assigns as the date, 
the seventh of the eighth month, that is October ; but as that day was 
the Sabbath, it must be presumed that some error has crept into the 
record, which possibly should read, 8: 7 mo., that is the eighth of 
September, — a more probable date, it being two days from the open- 
ing of the session. 

If there is some uncertainty about the exact date of the grant, there 
has been until recently, still more about that of the settlement. Sev- 
eral considerations, however, concur to induce the belief, that there was 
but little delay on the part of the grantees, many of whom had been 
living at Newbury, only a few miles distant from Winnacunnet, and 
had, undoubtedly, alread}^ explored the land and found the most eligi- 

iMass., Rec, I: 236. 



10 HISTORY OF HAMPTO:^^. 

ble place for a settlement. When those who had been at Boston to 
present and urge their petition, had obtained the desired grant, we 
ma}' readily believe that they returned immediately to their friends 
at Newburj^ and then, as the season was far advanced, proceeded 
without an}' needless dela}' to the place, where they intended to fix 
their residence. AVith this view agrees the tradition that the settle- 
ment was nearly coeval with the grant. It is also a matter of record, 
that when the petitioners received permission to form a settlement, 
"they were shortly after to enter upon and begin the same." 

Governor Winthrop affords some aid in determining the date of the 
settlement. He not onl}' states that, from the great number of per- 
sons who arrived in the country in the summer of 1638, it was found 
necessary to look out new plantations, and that, among others, one 
was formed at Winicowett, but also under a date corresponding to 
March, 1639, he writes in his Journal, that Mr. Wheelwright and his 
compan}^ who had formed a settlement at Exeter, and had purchased 
of the Indians a large tract of land which included this place, had 
written to the government of Massachusetts, informing them of their 
purchase and their intentions, and to those who had been "sent to 
plant Winicowett, to have them desist, etc." Hence it is evident that 
the settlement was made prior to this entr}-, and, consequently, in the 
preceding autumn or winter. It seems hardly probable that a com- 
pany of men would go into the wilderness, ten or twelve miles from 
their families, and seven or eight miles from the nearest habitation, 
to begin a settlement in the midst of winter. 

From a brief entry on the records of the First church in Hampton, 
made by one of its pastors a hundred years after the settlement was 
formed, it appears to have been the tradition at that time, that tiie four- 
teenth of October was the date of its origin. If such'were then the belief, 
it ma}^ reasonably be considered as correct. Several persons were 
then living, whose parents were among the first inhabitants, and a 
still larger number, who remembered some of the settlers, and, in all 
probability, had heard them relate the time and circumstances of the 
settlement. That the 14th of October was the exact date, there is, 
indeed, no positive proof; but circumstantial evidence has within a 
few years, been found, in the discovery of a letter in Rev. Stephen 
Bachiler's own handwriting, which proves conclusively that the in- 
tention, at least, declared within a week of that date, was to begin 
the settlement on the 14th of October; and there is no reason to sup- 
pose that the plan was not carried out. 

The letter is as follows : 



THE SETTLEMENT IN THE WILDERNESS. 1638-1646. 11 

"To my ^vorsliipfnl friciul John Wiutlirop, Esq., at his house in Ips-\vitcli. 
these : 

Wortliy Sir. 

I coinmencl iiie to you & yours in the Lord, So it is, tiiat we 
are resolved (God so conseutiug) the second working day of the next weeke 
to set forward towards our plantation, preparing thereto the day before. 
We intend to go by a siiallop, so that as we hope and desire to have your 
helpe and our christian friend's Mr. Bradstreet; so we pray you both to be 
ready to accompany vs, the day following : we were there & vewed it cur- 
soryly & Ave found a reasonable meet place, which we shall shew you ; but 
we concluded nothing. 

I pray you acquaint Mr. Bradstreet with our desire & purpose, that we may 
lay some foundation & the better by your helpe & assistance. 

The Lord's good eye be ever upon you & yours, & so I rest in Ilim that is 
alsufflcient. 

Yours in all christian office & service, 

his most unworthy 

Stephen Bachiler. 
This 9, of this 8"i month 1(!38." 

The above date was on Friday. The second working da}' of the next 
week (Tuesday) was October 13. The day following (Wednesday) 
was Oct. 14, when tliey were to set forward towards the plantation. 
If the plan was carried out, then the time of making a beginning of 
the settlement was October 14, 1638. 

Aside from any evidence, it would seem hardly probable that the 
grantees would remain inactive within a few miles of the place, which 
as early as September or October, they knew was in a few months to 
become their home, and suffer the autumn and winter to pass away 
without making any preparation for the accommodation of their fam- 
ilies, or for the farming operations of the ensuing season. Prudence 
would dictate that, at the opening of the spring, they should be in 
readiness for planting and sowing, without having a large portion of 
their time occupied in clearing land, or building houses. Some might 
indeed make such preparation, and yet not remove their families till 
the return of spring ; but that the settlement had actually been com- 
menced before that time, cannot reasonably be doubted. 

In the early part of the year 1639, a considerable accession was 
made to the number of inhabitants. With this new band of settlers, 
came Mr. Timothy Dalton, wdio was soon associated with Mr. Bach- 
iler, the pastor of the church, in the work of the ministry. In the 
(;ourse of the year the number of families had increased to about sixt}'. 
Such is the statement of a contemporary writer, and his statement is 
corroborated by other evidence. At a town meeting on the 30th of 
June in the following year, grants of land were made to nearly sixty 



12 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

persons. Add to tliese, other names previously entered upon the 
records, and we have an aggregate of about sevent3'-five persons, 
mentioned in such a wa}' as to show, that nearly all of them were 
then residents of the place. From the great diversity of their names, 
and from what is known of many of them, it is safe to conclude, that 
they belonged to almost as many families. 

In the spring following the gi-ant for a plantation, the General 
Court enacted, as follows: dated-May 22, 1639. 

"Wiunacunnet is alowed to bee a towne, & hath power to choose a 
cunstable & other officers, & jnake orders for the well ordering of 
their towne, & to send a deputy to the court; & Christo: llussey, 
Willi : Palmer, & Ricli'Vl Swaine to end all businesses under 20 sh*- 
for this yeare ; the laying out of land to bee by those expressed in 
the former order." 

This may be considered as the incorporation of the toion. The date 
of the act, according to the town records, was the 7'^ of June, the 
date given above being the time when the session of the court began. 
The plantation was then "in some degree of forwardness ;" — a fact of 
some importance in determining the time of the first settlement; and 
tending to show the correctness of the view that has been taken. 

During the next fall session of the General Court, the Indian name, 
by which the town had hitlierto been called, was exchanged for the 
one that it has ever since l)orne. The brief record of the act is in these 
words: ^'•Winnacunnet shalbee called Hampton.'' As briefly is it 
stated in the town records, that this change was made "at Mr. Bach- 
iler's request."' About the same time, through the influence of John 
Moulton, the first deputy to the General Court, the riglit of disposing 
of, and layingout the land, was vested in the town. The people were 
now in full possession of town powers and privileges. 

In looking back upon this portion of our history, through a period 
of two centuries and a half, and finding the plantation steadily ad- 
vancing under prudent management, we are apt to lose sight of the 
difficulties which the people had to encounter. Of their toils and tri- 
als, their suff'erings and sorrows, we can liaA^e but very inadequate 
conceptions. The}' were alone in the midst of an unbroken wilder- 
ness. The forest around them had never before echoed with the 
sound of the axe. No house was opened to afford them shelter, no 
friendly hand extended to give them aid. Their dependence, under 
God, was upon themselves alone. Their first labors were undoubt 
edly expended in constructing for themselves, from the trees of the 

^Mr. Joshua Coflin says that the change in the name of the town was made at the re- 
quest of Mr. Rawson. This is incorrect. 



THE SETTLEMENT IN THE AVILDERNESS. 1638-1646. 13 

surrounding forest, log-cabins in wliich they miglit repose their weary 
limbs at night, and find shelter from the frosts and storms of autumn 
and approaching" winter. 

In the prosecution of their labors, and in the endurance of hard- 
ships, the people appear to have been cheerful and happy. They felt 
that they had embarked in an important enterprise, and with a firm 
reliance on Divine Providence, they were confident of success. Hence 
they were not discouraged by the privations and difficulties incident 
to a new settlement. 

But they met with difficulties and trials, that they had not antici- 
pated. These must now be explained. 

PROTEST FROM EXETER. 

Allusion has already been made to the purchase of a considerable 
tract of land around Squamscott Falls, and to the settlement of Exe- 
ter b}' Mr. John Wheelwright and his company. The ground of the 
contention, that arose soon after between that company and the Mas- 
sachusetts government, and I)}' whicli the settlers of this town were 
annoyed, since their grant was from that government, will be under- 
stood from a brief statement of facts. Mr. Wheelwright had previ- 
ously been settled in the ministr}- in what was then a [)urt of Boston, 
and had been banished from Massachusetts on a charge of heresy 
and sedition. Squamscott Falls and the whole tract of land that he 
had bought of the Indians, he regarded as beyond the jurisdiction of 
that government. Hence, when a few months after, he and his asso- 
ciates saw another company taking possession of, and settling upon a 
valuable portion of that tract, and claiming the soil under a grant from 
Massachusetts, they attempted to vindicate their own rights, by order- 
ing those whom they regarded as intruders, to desist from their un- 
dertaking ; and by inquiring of the government on what they founded 
their claim, avowing at the same time their own intention to lay out 
the whole of Winnacunnet in farms, unless Massachusetts could show 
a better title. 

The General Court replied, "that they looked at this, their dealing, 
as against good neighborhood, religion and common honesty," since 
they had gone and purchased of the Indians a doubtful title, and had 
then sent to Massachusetts to inquire as to her right, when they 
well knew, at the time of their purchase, that Massachusetts claimed 
Winnacunnet as coming within her patent, or, at least, as vacuum 
domicilium, and that she had taken possession by building a house 
upon it two years before. Tlie court also denied the validity of 
title to unimproved lands, derived from the Indians ; maintaining 



14 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

that they h:ul n uaturnl right to so much land only, as they liad 
actually improved, or were able to improve, Avhile all other lands lay 
open to the occupation and improvement of otliers. 

However this dispute may have been settled between the parties, 
it is evident that, so far as the Indians were concerned, they had no 
reason to complain of encroachment upon their rights, as their title 
to the laud had been fully extinguished by their deed to Mr. Wheel- 
wright. Nor do we learn that the "Indians ever complained, or af- 
tei*wards set up any title" to these lands. It is probable, too, that a sat- 
isfactory adjustment was soon made between the settlers of Exeter and 
of Hampton, as they ever afterwards maintained a friendly inter- 
course, and in their subsequent transactions, no unpleasant allusion 
is known to have been made to these early dirtioulties; while a few 
3'ears later, Mr. Wheelwright was invited to Ilam[)tou and accepted 
the invitation under circumstances which leave no room to doubt that 
harmony liad been fully restored. UitFiculties did, indeed, arise as to 
the location of bounds, but not as to the right of Hampton to be. 

CHANGE OF NAME. 

Here let us pause to enquire tlie reason of tlie cliange of name, 
from Winnacunnet to Hampton. The following extract from a letter, 
written by Hon. Charles E. Batchelderof Portsmouth, is of much in- 
terest in this connection, and affords, at least, circumstantial evidence. 
Under date, January 27, 1890, he writes : 

" Why was the name Hampton given to the nsAv settlement north of the 
Merrunac? The record says the name Avas given at the request oi' Rev. 
Stephen Bachiler. I have]ofteu wondered what connection there was between 
the new Hampton and old Hampton in England. I thinlv I discovered tlie rea- 
son in my trip to England this last sunnner. The last settlement of Hex. 
Stephen Bachiler in England was at South Stoneham, at St. Mary's Church. 
This church is a dependency of St. Mary's Church, Southampton, and the lat- 
ter church presents the living of the South Stoneham church to such incum- 
bent as they choose. 

The common name of Southampton in 1630 was Hampton, as can be seen 
by Gov. Winthrop commonly calUug it Hampton in his History of New Eng- 
land. The "South" is said to have been added at a comparatively late day to 
distinguish this Hampton from Hampton in Middlesex. The name is said to 
be derived from Ilantstone, that is, the stone i)f the county Hants or Hamp- 
shire. 

South Stoneham was practically a sul>uvb of the City of Southampton, be- 
ing situated just outside the city limits on the north. 

This close connection between South Stoneham and Southampton and the 
settlement of Kev. Stephen Bacjiiler at the former place evidently accounts 
for the name of our Hampton ; and there nuiy have been a real or fancied re- 



THE SETTLEMENT IN THE WFLDERNESS. 1638-164fi. 15 

semblance to Southampton Water as the first settlers of our Hampton sailed 
up Hampton Kiver in a shallop "when they made their settlement there in 
1638." 

TOWN MEETINGS. 

At tlie first town meeting of which there is any record — i)robubly 
the first that wn.s holden —October 31, 1639, Williuni Wulvclield was 
chosen town clerk ; and, judging by the records which lie kept, the 
choice was a judicious one. Christopher Hnssey, Richard Swaine and 
William Wakefield were chosen "to measure, lay forth and bound all 
such lots as should be granted by the freemen," to hold their office for 
one year, and to receive as compensation for their services, twelve 
shillings for laying out a house lot ; and, in ordinary cases, one pen- 
ny an acre for all other land surveyed by them. 

A vote was passed, imposing a fine of Is. on each freeman, who, af- 
ter due notice of any town meeting, should fail to be at tlie place des- 
ignated, within half an hour after the time appointed ; and it was 
made the duty of the constable to collect every such fine, for the use 
of the town, under penalty of forfeiting double the amount. 

At another town meeting a few weeks afterwards, November 22, two 
rates were ordered to be made, one of which was " for the payment 
of 3-^ IP 8'^ to John Moulton, for his going twice to the Court as dep- 
uty, at which times he spent twenty-seven daj-s, which at 2*^ 6*^ per 
day, — his diet being satisfied by the Court, — comes to 3^ T** 6'', and 
that with 4"* 2'' for ferriage, comes to 3-^ ll'^ 8'^'." 

The purpose of the other rate appears to have been to meet expen- 
ses incurred at the beginning of the settlement for the transportation 
of goods, but so much of the record is worn off, that it is impossible 
to gain from it any very definite information. 

As the term "freemen" will often be used in the early annals of the 
town, it is proper to explain here its meaning. Under the first char- 
ter of the Massachusetts colony, only those were freemen, who were 
admitted such by the General Court, and took the oath of allegiance. 
This custom prevailed till the second charter changed the colony to a 
province. 

In Coffin's Newbury, we read : 

"A man might be a freeholder & not a freeman, and vice versa. 
He might be a voter in town affairs, and yet neither a freeholder nor 
a freeman. 

A freeman was one who had taken the freeman's oath, and which 
alone entitled him to vote in the nomination of magistrates and choice 
of deputies, alias representatives. 

A freeholder was one, who either by grant, purchase, or inheritance, 
was entitled to a share in all the common and undivided lands. 



16 HISTORY OF HAMPTON . 

When an 3^ town olHcers were to be cliosen, or money raised by way 
of rate, all the inhabitants could vote. 

Thus we sometimes find the expression, 'at a meeting of the free- 
men', sometimes, 'a meeting of the freeholders', or 'a meeting of the 
freeholders and inhabitants,' or 'a generall towne meeting,' and some- 
times of 'a legall towne meeting,' 

These expressions always indicate the nature and object of the 
meeting, and were necessary, as all the transactions were recorded by 
the town clerk in the same book." 

WOODWARDS. 

When nearl}' the whole territory of the township, except the salt 
marshes, was covered with a dense forest, which had hitherto been 
undisturbed, it might, to some people, have appeared of little conse- 
quence what TREES should be taken from the public lands. But such 
was not the opinion of a majoritj^ of the freemen. Tlieir course in 
this matter evinces a great deal of foresight and a careful regard to 
the welfare of succeeding generations, as well as to their own imme- 
diate interest. To prevent waste upon tlieir timber lands by an indis- 
criminate destruction of trees, the town appointed Philemon Dalton, 
William Eastow and William Wakefield, a board of ivoodivards, to as- 
sign to individuals, what trees they might take from the common land. 

ADMISSION OF INHABITANTS. 

Anotlier subject which engaged the attention of the people at this 
early period, was the admission of persons as inhabitants. Some pre- 
caution was evidently needed to preserve the town from harm. Un- 
principled and disorderly persons might otherwise, in the infancy of 
the settlement, have come in from abroad and harassed the whole com- 
munity by their irregularities, and exerted an influence for evil, that 
could not have been easily counteracted. This was foreseen, and pru- 
dential regulations were adopted for its prevention. The power of ad- 
mitting inhabitants was guarded with great strictness as the palladium 
of their civil rights. The town would not delegate this power to au}^ 
man, or any set of men, but most scrupulously retained it in their own 
hands. After the first organization, no persons from abroad were ad- 
mitted as citizens, without permission of the town, whatever inigiit 
have been their character or reputation ; unless on the condition ex- 
pressed in the following vote : "No manner of person shall come into 
the town as an inhabitant without the consent of the town, under the 
penalty of twenty shillings per week, unless he give satisfactory se- 
curity to the town." 

On several occasions, votes were passed to prohibit the selectmen 



THE SETTLEMENT IN THE WILDERNESS. 1G38-1()46. 17 

from admittingiiiliabilants. As aspechnen, the followin<^ may ho (titcd, 
althon.iih passed tihoiit (brty years after the first settlement. Tlie se- 
lectmen for the ensiling" year had just been chosen. The anthoi ity 
conferred upon them having been stated, they were then '"strictly 
pHiiljitcd from granting or exchanging, or any waves disposeinii' of 
any laud, limlier or conionage, or receiueing of Inhabitants : which 
things are left to tiie vvliole Town as formerly." 

To show the manner of admitting inhat)itauts, tlie two following 
votes, passed near the close of the year 1639, are transcribed IVom tlie 
records. 

December 6. "Lil)erty is given to W'" Fuller, of I[)swicii to come 
and sit down here as a planter and smith, in case he bring a certificate 
of approbation from the M ig''*'^ or Polders." 

December 13. "The like liberty is given to John Saunders of r[)swich, 
as was to W'" ffuUer at tiie last meeting." 

LAND GRANTS. 

At the commencement of the settlement, house lots were granted 
to the settlers by the committee ai)pointed for that i)urpose by the 
General Court. After the right of disposing of the land had been 
vested in the town, individuals were not allowed to select lands for 
themselves, where, when, and in what quantities they pleased ; nor 
did the town by vote grant to each freeman indiscriminately the same 
number of acres. Some of the inhabitants had undoubtedly expended 
more money and made greater sacrifices than others in effecting the 
settlement, and they were, therefore, justly entitled to more valuable 
grants. In the records it is expressly stated that, in granting land, 
"resi)ect was had partly to estate, partlj' to charges and partly to other 
things." 

In point of fact, grants were usually made no more frequently, and 
in no greater quantities than prudence dictated, or necessity required, 
though the people in making them were guided by their own good 
sense, and not i-estricted by any colonial or provincial laws. They 
seem not to have been disposed to enter into any speculation, nor to 
have felt that, because the territory of the whole township was upon 
their hands, they must give themselves no rest till they had disi)Osed 
of it. ''The same number of the 2noj>le,'' says Judge Jeremiah Smith, 
"two centuries later, would have made shipwreck at once. The whole 
territory would have been granted out in the first year." 

December 24, 1639, the town granted to the following persons the 
number of acres of land denoted by the figures annexed to their names 
respectively, viz. : 
2 



18 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Ml-: Steven Bachiler 300 Abraham Perkins 80 

(besides his house lot), (granted Jan. 14, 1640), 

Mr. Timothy DaUon, 300 Ricliard Swaine, 100 

Mr. Christopher Ilussey, 250 William Eastow, 100 

John Cross, 250 Thomas Monlton, 80 

. John Moulton, 250 Robert Saunderson, 80 

^William Palmer, 100 Thomas Jones, 100 

Philemon Dalton, 100 William Wakefield, 150 

James Davis, 80 

Three weeks afterwards, January 14, 1640, the town took further 
action in relation to these grants, and determined the kind of land to 
be assigned to the several grantees. The vote was as follows : 

"It is agreed y*^ evry one of those i^sons shall have the one halfe 
of his ground — so granted, — in upland, & that on that p'le of the 
Towne w^'' is next or towards his house lott, if it be there to be 
liad conveniantly & w'^^out p'^iudice ; & if it be not, then every one 
is to have a share according to the p'^portions granted, & to have the 
rest of that halfe in swampy or wood ground, where it may be had ; 
of the other halfe he is to have a third p^'te in fresh meadow & the 
rest in salt marsh, or else p^'te of that rest in salt marsh, & the re- 
maynd"" thereof in swampy or wood ground ; And therein the quality 
of theirs that have the worser is to be rectifyed w"' addition in quan- 
tity of the same sort or other." 

In June, 1640, grants were made toother individuals as follows: 
Henr}' Ambrose (granted in Oct.), William Filield, 
Francis Asten, Giles Fuller, 

John P>rabrook, William Fuller, 

John Brown, Sauniel Greenfield, 

Henry Bright, Daniel Henrick, 

Widow Bristow, Barnabas Horton, 

Ambrose Carpenter, William Howard, 

Richard Carre, John Huggins, 

Aquila Chase, Widow Mary Hussey, 

Thomas Chase, Edmund Johnson, 

Arthur Clarke, Thomas King, 

William Cole, Richard Knight, 

Moses Coxe, John Legat, 

Timothy Dalton, jr., William Marston, 

James Davis, jr., Robert IMarston, 

. Dow (if he come), Daniel Morse, 

John Eldred, Henry Moulton, 

William English, Jetlery Mingay, 



THE SETTLEMENT IN THE WILDERNESS. 1038-1640. 19 

Robert Pixge, ^ John Saunders, 

Palmer, Robert Sanuderson, 

Widow Jnditli Parker, Robert 8avv\'er, 

Francis Peabody, Thomas Sleeper, 

John Pliilbrick, Thomas Smith, 
Walter Ro[)er ([)erhaps at this Anthony Ta\-lor, . 

time), RoI)ert Tuck, 100 acres, 

John Sanboi-n, Francis Wainwright, 

Stephen Sanborn, John Ward (if he come), 

William Sanborn, Thomas Ward, 

William Sargent, John Wedgwood. 

The first lands granted were small tracts for house lots, contain- 
ing in but few instances as many as ten acres. In many cases these 
lots, being from ten to twenty-five or thirty rods in width, lay contig- 
uous to each other, so that when other grants were afterwards made 
to their owners, they usually consisted of land not adjoining their 
house-lots, and in some instances lying at a considerable distance from 
them. From this arrangement it has resulted, that at the present time, 
the farms in the earliest settled portions of the town, are not situated 
in one compact body, but lie in several detached lots, and are in con- 
sequence less convenient than they might have been under a different 
arrangement. Only five or six grants, styled farms, were made at an 
early period. These were made to Mr. Steven Bacliiler, Mr. Timothy 
Dalton, Mr. Christopher Hussey, Mr. John Cross and .Jolni Brown ; 
and none of tliein lay in that part of the town where the earliest in- 
habitants princi|)ally lived. A farm was also granted to Mr. .John 
Moulton, but he soon after "resigned it to the freemen." Mr. Bachi- 
ler's farm was' afterwards owned by Mr. John Wheelwright. 

THE MEETING-HOUSE GREEN. 

The place at first selected as a site for a house of worship, was on 
the northerly side of the salt marsh, at the distance of about one- 
fourth of a mile from it. A considerable tract of land near this was 
called The Meeting-house Green. This tract included the whole of 
what afterwards took the name of Ring Swamp, together with the 
road around it. From tlie easterly part of the Green a common-way 
was laid out where the principal road to the seashore now goes. 
Around the Green and along this common-way, many of the early 
families had their homes, and, in several instances, the house lots of 
those early inhabitants are now, after the lapse of two centuries and 
a half, owned and occupied by their lineal descendants. A similar 
remark may be made concerning a few house lots in other parts of 
the town. 



20 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Along the nortlierly side of the Meeting-house Green, and tlie 
road leading from it to the beach, are extensive fields of tillage land, 
owned in small lots by a large number of persons, each knowing the 
boundaries of his own, though not separated from the adjoining lots 
by walls or fences and, in some cases, hardly marked by metes and 
bounds. Many years ago, the fences enclosing these common fields 
were dividetl and portions assigned to each lot, so that no one of the 
proprietors might be released from an equital)le share of the burden 
and expense of keeping the fields enclosed, whether his lots lay near 
the border or in the interior. Latterl}', this arrangement has been 
to some extent disregarded, and those owning the land next to the 
roads, maintain the fences. 

For several generations, these fields have been cultivated from year 
to year, and no finer corn-fields could be found in New P^ngland. After 
the crops were harvested in autumn, tlie fields were laid open to the 
cattle of all the proprietors. Tiiis was called '■^turning shack." The 
custom was i)robably introduced from the County of Norfolk, in Eng- 
land, — the birthplace of man}' of the first inhabitants. A similar 
custom has long pi-evailed there, and when the cattle are admitted to 
the fields, they are said to go a-shack. 

CARE OF THE CATTLE. 

The people of Hampton, at an early period, appear to have given 
considerable attention to the raising of cattle, of which in a few years 
they had four hundred fifty head, and cattle at that time bore a very 
high price. For the means of wintering so large a stock, they were 
much indebted to their extensive salt marshes. In summer they had 
no lack of pasturage. As yet, however, they had enclosed but few, 
if any, pastures, and were consequently'^ liable to lose their cattle in 
the swamps and forests, and to have their sheep destroyed by wolves 
and other wild beasts that prowled the woods. 

To preserve their sheep and cattle, — and acting on the principlo, 
that a division of labor promotes the general good, — tlie town autiior- 
ities appointed shepherds and herdsmen, to wliom was committed the 
care of the flocks and herds. The first herdsman mentioned in tiie 
records is Moses Coxe, who was appointed in the spring of 1640. 
From a contract made with him by the selectmen, we are informed as 
to his compensation and duties. "All the other beasts w*'Mn the town, 
except sucli as have calves sucking them," were to be entrusted to 
Ills care, and he was to keep them from doing and receiving hurt by 
day till "foddering time" in the succeeding autumn. It was no i)nrt 
of his business to collect the cattle from their owners in the morning 
nor to return them in tlie evenin<i. The town had caused a fence to 



THE SETTLEMENT IN THE WILDERNESS. 1638-1046. 21 

be built around that portion of the Green near the Meeting-house, 
and to a considerable distance along the rojtds proceeding from it, and 
gates to be set up across these roads. To this Green, or common, 
the cattle were driven by their owners in the morning, and delivered 
into the care of the herdsman, who returned them to the same place 
in the evening, and was then released from all care of them for the 
night. 

In full compensation for his services for the season, Goodman Coxe 
was to receive £20 to be paid in three instalments, viz. : 12d. per beast 
in hand ; a like sum at the eml of seven weeks, and the remainder 
when his work was done. The records give no information as to the 
number of cattle under his care. 

The same year. May 4, by an agreement made with William Palmer, 
the care of the calves was committed to his son Christopher, a young 
man then in his minority. His management seems to have been sat- 
isfactory to his employers, for the next year, in May, the engagement 
was renewed for that season : "It is agreed betwixt the towne & W" 
Palmer y* Chr: Palmer shall keepe the calves every working day & 
every 4th Lord's day, 20 weeks from the tenth of this moneth ; for w*^'' 
he shall have 8* p"" weeke, to be payed in worke & other comodityes. 
This agreera*^^ to continue unless three owners of calves come on that 
day — in the morn^ — and give notice of another keep""." 

As the cattle must be cared for on the Sabbath as well as on other 
days, so also should their keepers be cared for. The people were not 
willing that they should be entirely deprived of the privilege of at- 
tending public worship. An arrangement was therefore made to have 
the care of the cattle committed to other hands, on some of the Sab- 
baths of each month. Thus, Christoi)her Palmer was required to spend 
but one Sabbath in four in taking care of the calves. So also the 
town agreed with Thomas Jones and Moses Coxe to have the care of 
the cows % ^(('/-ns on the Lord's day, after having Joined awhile at the 
beginning, "to go forth aboute half an hour after sunrise" each Sab- 
bath. 

At a meeting, April 13, 1640, the town passed the following vote: 
"No man shall sutler any of his beasts to feed in the meadow or corne- 
ground belonging to other men, after the [ — ] of this month, under 
payne to forfeit for every beast so [feeding] 12'^ for every tyme." 

At the session of the General Court in the spring of this year, John 
Moulton, Thomas Moulton and John Crosse were appointed to ap- 
praise the "horses, mares, cowes, oxen, goats, and hoggs," belonging to 
the inhabitants, and by law they were required to value them below 
rather than above their worth. 



22 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

The court also "ordered .llifit there should be a levy of 1200£ raysed," 
to be laid "upon every towne proportionably and paid within two 
months." The proportion for Hampton was £10 or tiie one hundred 
twentieth part of tlie wliole sum ordered to be raised. 

At a town meeting, July 20, it was "agreed or declared," that the 
grants of land, made on tlie 24th of December in tlie preceding year, 
should stand good to the persons to wiiom they were tiien made, and 
that each of them should liave the same, althougli it had l)een proposed 
that the grants should be annulled. It was also voted "y' the [)''sent 
countr}^ Rate of 10£ shall be made by the Towne Clarke, according to 
the quantity of upland & freshm[eadow] of those portions & of 
the rest sithence^ granted, togetlier w^'' the land that some have w"'out 
this Towne ; w*^^ latter land shall be rated but after ^'^ p' acre ; the 
former, more, so as the 10£ may be raised." 

The Court had ordered that in payment of this rate, "silverplate 
should passe at 5** the ounce ; good ould Indian corne growing here be- 
ing clean & marchantable, at 5^ the bushell ; suluer wheate, at 7* the 
bushell ; rye at 6^ the bushell." 

BOUNDS BETWEKN HAMPTON AND COLCnESTER. 

At a meeting on the 29th of May, the town voted as follows : "Upon 
consideration of the bounds to be sett betwixt this [town] and Col- 
chester, the Teacher is desired, & bro"" Hussey & bro : Jo[lin] INIoulton, 
appointed to goe & meet the CoTuissioners that are tovie^w the grounds 
belonging, or neare to Colchester & this Towne." 

Colchester was the name first given to the town on the southerlj' 
side of Hampton, since called Salisbury. The vote here cited is the 
first allusion in the records, to a protracted controversy concerning 
the boundary line between the two towns. The subject had, however, 
been previously brought to the notice of the General Court, and Mr. 
pdward Woodman, Mr. William Paine and Mr. Thomas Nelson had, 
on the 13th of the same month, been appointed to view and settle the 
bounds, and make their return to the court. It was to meet tliese com- 
missioners, that the men here named were appointed on the part of 
this town. At the next fall session of the General Court, the com- 
missioners made their return, as follows :- 

"Wee whose names are under written, according to the order of the 
Generall Court, have taken viewe of the bounds of IIam[)ton and Col- 
chester, according to o'" best light, by o"" discovery and fro'" infonna- 
tion of both the townes, wee judge it mostequall that the line beglTTing 

'An old word meaning b'inco. 
-Prov. Taj)., I, ll'J. 



THE SETTLEMENT IN THE WILDERNESS. 1038-1040. 23 

at Hampton Ryver mouth, nining from thence so as to leave Mr. 
Bacliiler's farme layde out, in Hampton l)otm(ls, and from the sonth- 
erlist line of Mr. Bacliiler's farme, tlie line to extend westerly between 
Colcliester and Hampton, the same point of the com[)ass tiiat INIerri- 
mack Ryver runes, from the mouth to the end of Colchester hounds. 

Thomas Nelson, 

Septemb' 24, 1640. Willi : Paine, 

Edward Woodman." 

This manner of settling the line was not satisfactory to both of the 
parties as we shall see hereafter ; and the controversy, developing in- 
to disputes between province and province, and tlien between state and 
state, was onl}' finally settled vvlien the states ratified the agreement 
of 1889. 

THK LANDING. 

An agreement was made, August 4, 1640, between the town and 
Richard Knight, in regard to his building and keeping a mill at the 
Landing, for which the town was to allow him a '■'reasonable accom- 
modation." 

The Landing here mentioned was at a bend in tlie river, where it 
swept along by the upland, about half a mile south of the enclosed 
portion of the Meeting-house Green already mentioned. It was after- 
ward frequently called Freese's Landing, and is now familiarly known 
as "The Landing," being on the southerly side of the road, opposite 
the Benjamin Perkins house ; and is, veiy likely, the place where tiie 
first settlers brought their siialloj) to shore. Across the neck of land 
around wliicii tlie river formerly flowed, a passage for the water was 
made at an early period, and in the course of years, this passage, widened 
and deepened by the force of the current, became the main river ; while 
that part of the old river between the Landing and the upper end of 
the passage, or cut, was gradually filled up, so that it long since ceased 
to be a part of the river ; and that portion of the river between the 
Landing and the lower or easterly end of the cut, has so much dimin- 
ished in size, that it may be regarded as a creek or cove. 

At an adjourned town-meeting, August 25, the following vote was 
passed : "On the fifth day of the next weeke, the Teacher, bro : Hussey, 
bro : Crosse, bro : Moultou and bro : Tucke, -vf^^ the 'I'owne Clarke [are] 
to goe and view the highwayes towards Colchester." A week later the 
following entry is made in the records : "On the sixth day of y^ weeke 
all the highwayes about the Towne are to be viewed by as many of the 
Towne as will." 

William Palmer was chosen grand juryman for the court to be holdcn 
at Boston on the first Thursday in September. 



24 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

John Crosse was chosen, "by votes in writiug," deputy for the town 
to the next General Court of P21ection lo be holden in Boston on the 
seventh day of October, in case he be timely recovered of his present 
infirmity." The records of the Court show tliat he was present as a 
member. At this session John Moulton was appointed "to take cap- 
tion, or cognizance, and to make replevies" in Hampton. 

November 6, the town voted that a way, four rods in width, should 
be laid out from the Meeting-house Green to the trails, passing through 
Richard Swaine's home lot. This way, or road, crossed the salt marsh, 
and will be noticed again as the causeioay or causey. 

THE POUND. 

January 29, 1641, the Meeting-house porch was, by vote, appropri- 
ated as '■'■a 2vutch-hou.se till another may be gotten." 

The sanie day a vote was passed concerning a pound. The record 
is as follows: "A Pound (about thirty foote square) is appointed to 
be sett up by Mr. Dalton's fence ; two sides being firmly pro[***] the 
other sides are to [be] done with saweu railes and posts ; [William] 
Howard undertaking to fell trees, and W™ Eastow and Ro[bert] Mars- 
ton ***," 

Soon afterwards this vote was passed : "The Pound mentioned [at] 
the last meeting, is appointed to be made [on] the 1 6th day of this 
moneth [February] by Thomas King and his company viz. : [***] Moul- 
ton, W™ Howard, Abra : Perkins, Philemon Dalton, Jeffrey Mingay, 
Robert Page, James Davis, Sam : Greenfield, Edm : Johnson, Henry 
Ambrose and Stephen Samborne." Afterwards it was ordered that 
Richard Knight should make a gate for the pound, instead of working 
at the common. 

The town having provided a pound, soon after chose Richard Swaine 
"hey ward, or pound keep'' for the next yeare & for impounding great 
beasts," he was to be allowed two pence apiece, and for small cattle, 
one penny ajjiece. 

WIGWAM ROW. 

March 23 : "Upon our comoners undertaking to satisfy Jo : ffllbrig 
[John Philbrick] for his house and lott, and upon John Legat's reqnest, 
the lott that P^ldred was to have had in the Wigwam Row, is granted 
unto the said Jo : Legat, he coming and dwelhng npon it." 

The Wigwam Row, here mentioned, extended, if we may trust tradi- 
tion, nearly parallel with the present road leading from Lane's corner 
towards Exeter, but farther down the declivitj' in the meadows, and 
reached from about the site of Andrew J. Philbrick's homestead to the 
field opposite tlie house of the late John Dearborn. It pro1)ably re- 



THE SETTLEMENT IN THE WILDERNESS. 1638-1646. 25 

ceived its name from Indian wigwams built on the deolivity of the hill 
where it slopes down in a southwesterly direction towards the meadows. 
The high ground above was probably covered with a dense forest, 
and, if so, a spot more sheltered from the cold winds and storms of 
winter, could hardly be found ; and as the Indians were not slow to 
discover the most favorable localities, here, doubtless, several families 
hatl their homes, and hence the name. 

REDUCTION OF WAGES. 

Complaints of the high price of labor, began at an early period, to 
be made in various parts of the colony. Gov. Winthrop says : "The 
court having found by experience, that it would not avail by any law 
to redress the excessive rates of laborers and workmen's wages, etc. 
(for being restrained, they would either remove to other places where 
they might have more, or else being able to live by planting and other 
employments of their own, they would not be hired at all), it was 
therefore referred to the several towns to set down rates among them- 
selves. This took better effect, so that in a voluntary way, by the 
counsel and persuasion of the elders, and example of some who led 
the way, they were brought to more moderation than they could be 
by compulsion." 

To procure a reduction of wages, it is indeed far more rational to 
proceed by way of "counsel, persuasion and example," than l>yany 
compulsory legislative enactments. In any other than despotic govern- 
ments, it is futile to expect to secure by law a perfect unilormity of 
prices of either labor or commodities. 

But the experiment was ti-ied. In this town it was voted, March 23, 
1641, that a workman should be allowed only P 3'^ per day from 
the first of September to the first of IMarch, and P 8^' per day during 
the remainder of the year, except for ^noiving, for Avhich he might re- 
ceive two shillings. For a day's work for a man with four oxen and 
a cart, 5s were to be allowed through six calendar months, from the 
first day of September, and 6s at any other season. This order was 
to reu)ain in force till the 14th of the following April, when it was to 
be further considered. Soon afterward it w^as so modified, that the best 
workmen should not receive more than 2« each per day, and others 
not more than P 8*^. 

How long this order remained in force and how strictly it was ob- 
served, are not matters of record. Judging from the nature of the case, 
we may presume that it could not easily be enforced, and that, though, 
perhiips, never repealed by any formal act, it soon became wholly in- 
operative. 



26 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

In order to transact the great amount of business incident to a new 
settlement, it had been found necessary to hold town meetings some- 
what frequently, but liitherto they had not been holden at stated in- 
tervals. It was now, March 23, determined to hold a meeting once 
in three weeks, the first meeting under this arrangement to be holden 
on AVednesday, the 14th of April, and other meetings to succeed on 
Wednesday of every third week thereafter, each meeting to commence 
at 12 o'clock, noon. Every freeman was required to be present, and 
if any one should "absent himself the space of an hour after 12 
from any such meeting," he was to forfeit for each offence "12d. to the 
the use of the town, & the like also in case he should depart, with- 
out leave, from the meeting before it was ended." The forfeiture 
for absence was also made to apply to a meeting holden previous to 
the 14th of April, for Robert Tuck was fined 12'' for absenting him- 
self therefrom Contrary to this order. 

At this meeting on tlie 14th of April, it was ordered that the fences 
about the Riiuj iSiccmq? should be built within three days, in such a 
manner as Jolm Moulton and AYilliam AVakefield should deem sufficient 
for the time; and these two men were required to "levy by distress" 
a fine of 3** 4'' on each delinquent. At the same meeting it was voted, 
"that, if after the end of this weeke an}' man's beasts or cattell be 
found in the meadowes or marshes, the owner shall forfeit 12'' for eury 
one so found eury tyme." 

Five days later, IMr. Christopher Hussey and John Moulton were 
appointed by the town "to goe w"' Mr. Dalton & John Crosse on this 
day fortnight, to coiiferre of y® fferi-place." This ferry was between 
iSalisbmy and Newbury, and "crossed the Merrimac at Carr's island, 
George Carr keeping the Salisbury side, and Tristram Coffin, senior, 
the Newbury side." The General Coui't had nearly a year before ap- 
pointed and authorized "Mr. Edward Woodman, Mr Christo : Batt and 
John Crosse, to settle the fferry where they [might] think meete." 

John Crosse was chosen deputy to tiie General Court of Election to 
be holden at Boston on the second day of June. 

At a Quarter Court, June 1, the town was fined 2* 6^' for not being 
provided with weights and measures, as required by law. At the 
General Court convened the next day, there were appointed for Hamp- 
ton, "to order small causes," John Crosse, Christopher Ilussey and 
John Moulton ; '*and one of them to see people ioyne in marriage in a 
publike meeting and keepe records of the same." Hence it may fairly 
be inferred, that the law then required marriages to be in public. 
How far sucli a I'egulation was observed in practice, we know not. 

At the same session of the Genera4 Court it was enacted that the courts 



THE SETTLEMENT IN THE WILDERNESS. 1638-1646. 27 

at Stilem and Ipswich should have the same power both in civil and 
criminal causes as the Court of Assistants at Boston, except in trials 
for life, limbs, or banishment. Such cases were to be tried only by 
the court in Boston, and to this court appeals might also be carried 
from the other courts. Salisbury and Hampton were joined to the 
jurisdiction of Ipswich, and each of them was to send a grand jury- 
man once a year to Ipswich. 

At the same session the court " ordered that Hampton, Dcdliam, & 
all the out towues should each of them have a barrell of gun-powder, 
for w'^^i they were to give satisfaction to the Treasurer." 

CONDUCT OF TOWN MEETINGS. 

At a town meeting about mid-summer, some measures of consider- 
able importance were introduced and to some extent discussed, but 
final action postponed to another meeting. At the close, John Crosse 
was chosen moderator to preside at the next meeting. Three weeks 
afterward, July 28, that meeting was holden and measures were adopt- 
ed, by which future town meetings were to be regulated. 

These measures were substantially as follows : 

1. A moderator was to be chosen at the close of each meeting for 
the next succeeding one. 

2. The moderator, if the elders were not present, was to open the 
meeting with prayer. 

3. The clerk or register was to call the freeman and note those 
who were absent. 

4. The moderator was to state some proposition to be considered, 
or to call upon some other one to do it. 

5. When any person addressed the moderator, he w:is to stand up 
or put otf his hat, and while any one was speaking in an orderly man- 
ner, no other person was to speak without leave. 

6. No person was to speak oftener than twice or thrice to one busi- 
ness, without leave. 

7. After any business had been introduced, no person was to pro- 
pound any other business, till the former was for the time determined. 

8. No person, when a matter was in agitation, was to talk of any 
other thing within the room in which the meeting was holden. 

9 . The meeting was to be closed with prayer. 

The penalty for violating these regulations is stated as follows : 
"If any man, whether free or no, doe contrary to any of these p^tieulers, 
he shall forfeit for eury tyme 6'^ w'^^'* being demanded by y*^ moderator 
and satisfaction not made within sixe dayes after, the moderator and 
constable shall distrayne for it, or see it payed, or ready to be payed. 



28 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

before the next meeting; and the money sliall be imployed about 
mending highwayes, or other necessary town-business." 

June 14, 1642, William Howard was appointed by the General 
Court, "to grant sumons attaehm''* & replevies in Hampton, in the 
place of Willi : Wakefield." William Howard, John Crosse and James 
Davis were appointed for the trial of actions, under twenty shillings. 
The authority of Capt. Thomas Wiggin, one of the assistants of the 
Couit of Piscataqua, was extended to this town, the settlements on 
■ the Pisctitaqna having been the year before received under the juris- 
diction of Massachusetts. 

At the same session, the General Court made a regulation concern- 
ing the registration of births and deaths, the faithful observance of 
which would have been of inestimable value to the genealogist of later 
years. It was conceived in a right spirit, and in its operation was 
intended to be . retrospective as well as prospective. As a regulation 
for the future, it ordered that the clerks of the writs should take es- 
pecial care to record all births and deatlis of persons in their towns ; 
and to remedy any defect in the past, it provided that the clerks should 
use their utmost endeavors to find out, in their several towns, who 
had l)een born, and who had died since the first founding of those 
towns, and to make a record of the same. 

"the BREEDINf} OF SALT PEETER." 

In the manufacture of gunpowder for the colony, a supply of salt- 
iwter was needed. The General Court passed an act, September 27, 
making provision for procuring such a supply. It reads thus : 

"The townesmen [selectmen] in every towne shall take order that 
ev''y house, or some two or more houses do ioyue [join] together for 
the breeding of salt-peeter in some outhouse used for poultry, or the 
like, and give them direction about the same ; and every towne w*^'' 
shall neglect the execution of this order before the last of the first 
month next, [March 31, 1643,] shall forfeit 20*; ev'"y family so ap- 
pointed, that shall faile therein, shall forfeit forev^'y month so failing 
12*'; and [they are] to let them know that such peeler as shalbee 
raised by this meanes shalbee to the publique use ; but the owners 
shall have a due price for the same." 

William Kastow was appointed "to have the charge of looking to 
this order" in Hampton. 

Hampton was fined 20* for failing to comply with the provisions of 
this law, though the fine was afterwards remitted on condition that 
llie town shouhl provide "peeter-houses," for the future. 

A late of £800 was ordered to be raised in the colony, payable in 



THE SETTLEMENT IN THE WILDERNESS. 1638-1646. 29 

November. The proportion for Hampton wjis £5, By an order of 
the court, payment might be made in beaver, money or wampum ; or 
in any of the following articles, at the prices specified, viz., wheat and 
barley at 4® per bushel ; rye and pease at S'^ 4'', and Indian corn at 2** 6''. 

William Palmer was chosen woodreeve, May 4, 1^4 4, in place of 
William Wakefield who removed from the town about this time. The 
term, woodreeve, is here used as synonymous Avith woodward, an offi- 
cer whose duties have already been mentioned. 

At another meeting there were granted to John Wedgwood two 
acres of meadow "all next the hether side of the Great Tond neere 
that which was sometimes Will: Wakefield's meadow — it it be thereto 
be had — all wayes reserveing ivays to the folding •pond.'' From this 
reservation — and it is not the only one of the kind — it may be inferred 
that the practice of fowling, or gunning, for which Hampton is some- 
what noted, was commenced at a very early date. There are certain 
localities in the town, which were favorite resorts for different kinds 
of fowl, and which continued so for many years, till the frequent visits 
of the fowler, in the pursuit of game, rendered these haunts entirely 
unsafe. As to the projit or loss to those who have been in the habit of 
gunning here at any time during the present century, there is but one 
opinion among those whose judgment has not been warped by the 
excitement and fascination of the employment. That it was less un- 
profitable many years ago, is very probable. 

TOWNS — HOW RANKKD. 

It was ordered by the House of Representatives May 20, 1644, that 
from that time forward, the existing towns and also those that should 
afterwards be "erected" in Massachusetts, should rank "according to 
their antiquity," or as it is expressed in the order, should "take theire 
places of p'cedencie botli in y^ transactinge of y*^ affayers of this 
howse, as also in all other such occasions as may fall out w^^^ in tliis 
colony respecting such p^'cedency of place." J n the list of towns in 
connection with this entry in the court records, Hampton occupies 
the sixteenth place. 

The quiet of tlie town liad for some time been disturbed b}^ party 
feelings. The differences among the people were partly, perhaps 
principally, though not entirely, ecclesiastical. Petitions from the dif- 
ferent i)arties — one signed by Christopher Hussey and eighteen others, 
another by William Howard, and still others by otlier persons — were 
sent to the General Coiu't in June, asking for legislative interference 
in the settlement of their ditfijtilties. Tae court a[)pointed a coni- 
raitlee with full power to hear the parties and determine everything 
in controversy among them. The committee were IMr. Bellingham, 



30 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Mr. Saltonstall and Mr. Sj'monds. Among other difficulties to be 
adjusted by tliem were tliose tliut had arisen concerning a neio ^ilan- 
tation. But of the nature of tliese difficulties, or tlie place and circum- 
stances of the plantation, we are not informed, as this is the only 
allusion to it that we have found ; and not iiaving met witli the re- 
port of the committee, we are ignorant of tiie measures adopted for 
the attainment of the ol'ject of tiieir ai)pointment. Concerning one 
of the petitions, we find in the records of the court, the following 
entry : "It is ordered, in ans'' to Lift^ Howards peticon, that his charges 
alowed him to be p** him by y*^ towne of Hampton, bee forborne untill 
y^ foregoeing coffiittee of mag^'^ doe end y*^ differences betweene y*^ 
inhabitants of the said towne." 

DUTIES OK TOWN CLERK. 

William "Wakefield, the first town clerk, remained in office about 
three 3ears and a half, when, having determined soon to remove from 
the town, he probably resigned the several offices held by him. AT.'l- 
liam Howard succeeded him in the office of town clerk, which he held 
till lie, too, was about to seek a new residence. 

The duties of the town clerk, summarily stated, were "to keep the 
book and to record such acts as should be made b}' the town." Other 
duties, however, were required of him. At the meeting when Mr. 
Howard was elected, a vote was passed for registering all the grants 
of land tiiat had been made, and this business was assigned to the 
town clerk. The record of the vote is in these words : 

"It is ordered tiiat every inhabitant in the town shall, within one 
mounth after the date hereof, bring to the towne clarke in wrighting, 
upon the lectter dayes within the same mounth, the severall abuttments 
of their lands ; and, as neer as they can, upon what poynt the}' laye ; 
with six pence in courne [corn] for every p'^shall [parcel] of land 
they haue, either granted, appoynted, or possessed by them, for the 
recording thereof; And six pence for every mans [vv]hole p^portion, 
for a transcript to be written to send to the secritary to be recordetl ; 
And eveiT one who shall be found defective herein at the mo[nth's] 
end, shall forfitt five shillings, & from thence following, 12'^ per weeke 
untill they doe reforme according to this order." 

Accordingly, the town clerk was furnished with a statement and 
description of a large number of grants, that had previously been 
made to the inhal)itants. These grants, with the quantity of land and 
the aliutments of the several lots, were entered upon the records, 
where they still remain, alike creditable to Lieut. Howard for clearness 
and order of arrangement, and for beauty of chirography. 

Two or three months later, April 1, a vote was passed declaring all 



THE SETTLEMENT IN THE WILDERNESS. 1638-1646. 31 

gifts, grants, or elections, or any act wliatsoever, done by the freemen, 
illegal, unless recorded by the town clerk. In July, the General Court 
ordered that there should be raised in the Colony a rate of £617 15s., 
one-half to be paid in three months and one-half by the end of the 
first month next [March, 1645], in cattle, corn, beaver, or money, as 
towns please. Of this rate, Boston was to pay £100, Hampton £10 
and four towns a less sum each. Hence it appears, that in tliis in- 
stance, Hampton was required to i)ay one-tenth as much as Boston, 
and more than one sixty second part of the whole rate. 

OWNERSHIP OF THE COW-COMMONS. 

Near the beginning of the following year, a measure of great im- 
portance to the inhabitants was consummated, the design of which 
was to settle for all future time the question of ownership of a large 
tract of ungranted lands, known as the cow commons, and to determine 
severally the shares of the pioprietors. This measure was not adopted 
hastily, as it had been under consideration more than two years, 
but had constantly met with strenuous opposition. There were in 
the town, as has already been stated, two parties, that on various 
subjects were very far from harmonizing, either in their opinions or 
their practices. Great bitterness of feeling prevailed, originating, in- 
deed, from different sources, but fomented and cherished, to a con- 
siderable extent, by a single individual ; a person of acknowledged 
ability, shrew^l, calculating, of indomitable energy, — but, in the es- 
timation of many, an unprincipled demagogue ; one who knew the 
Zawwell, as his friends claimed, — for he had both friends and follow- 
ers; — but who, in the estimation of his opponents, was so fond of 
litigation, and so constant in his attendance upon the courts, as a 
party litigant, a witness, or an agent, that, in their quaint language, 
he was said to be "more meeter to follow the courts than to follow his 
work." 

At length the vexed question relative to these commons came fully 
and fairly before the town at a meeting holden expressly for this pur- 
pose, February 23, and warned ten days beforehand. After mature 
deliberation, a majority of the voters present decided upon, and 
adopted a plan, which they hoped would be satisfactory and final. 
But agitation was not yet at an end. Just before the time of the 
meeting, Edward Colcord, — the person so notorious for stirring up 
strife, — went out of town, and was absent till after the meeting. On 
his return, "he found himself greaued at the Towns act that passed, 
becase he was not in the first place considered, and [he] gayned many 
to side with him, whose speaker he was." 



32 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Those opposed to the measure had recourse to the General Court 
for redress. At the May session, a petition was presented, signed 
by John Moulton and Edward Colcord, setting forth that great in. 
justice had been done in the division of the commons, inasmuch as 
some persons with seven children, and paying forty or fifty shillings 
to a rate, had not so many beasts-lease as others with but two chil- 
dren, and paying not ten shillings to a public rate ; and they asked 
for the appointment of "indifferent gentlemen of o'' neighboring townes 
to heere our sayd greauances and obserue any answer that may be 
made hereunto." 

Against this petition, a remonstrance was presented, signed b}' Wil- 
liam Howard in behalf of the town, in which he makes use of this 
language : "Our deferances have been so long and tedious, as that 
they euen make our spirits to droop under them." After stating the 
action of the town, and the course pursued by Colcord, he concludes 
as follows : 

"Our humble request is that this honored Court would please to 
appoint the hearing and determination of the matter to any court in 
a juditiall waye. — except onely the Court of Paschataqua, — or to our 
honored magistratts whom we haue chosen as our Judges in these or 
the like casses, unto whom I trust we shall willingly submit and rest 
foreuer obliged to the honored Court for their fauer herein." 

The action of the Court appears from the record : M"" Samu : 
Dudly, M'' Edw*i Rawson, M"" W" Paine and M"" Cadeton are ap- 
pointed to search and examine all differences at Hampton, & make 
returne of what they shall do or find in y^ p'mises to y*^ next siting 
of this C^'te, & [they] haue hereby pow'' on oath to examine wit- 
nesses." 

The report of this committee has not been found, but the arrange- 
ment made by the town, relative to the commons, was never set aside 
by the Court. It was afterwards slightly modified by the town, so 
far as related to the land on the south side of Taylor's river, for the 
purpose of allowing a due share of commonage to the Jive farms, all 
of which lay in that part of the town. 

The record of the vote assigning to individuals their respective 
rights in the cow commons, is as follows : 

"The 23 : 12 mo, 1645." [i. e., Feb. 23, 1646.] 

"Itt is ofdered y^ there shal be only reseiued to the power of the 
freemen of Hampton 200 acres of gionnd forLliem to disi)ose of hereaf- 
ter as they shall see just cause besids tliatt tluitt is already granted to 
seuerall persons: all other grounds are hereby ordered to bee com- 
mon to the town of Hampton foreuer, excepting only and always re- 



THE SETTLEMENT IN THE WILDERNESS. 1638-1646. 33 



seriieing to the power of the freeineii the liberty of ordering both feed- 
nge and svveepage. And the land as aforesayd is denided into one 
hundred and forty seven shares, and giuen to the seuerall lots and 
p^'sons hereafter mentioned, excepting only and always reserueing to 
the seuerall farnies a due p'"[)ortion of coTnonage, to them and euery 
of them answarable to their seuerall p^'portions of ground, and thatt 
on tliatt partt of the towne on which the seuerall farmes doe ly ; the 
names of all the seuerall p'sons thatt the residue of all the coluons 
aboue s^' are giuen and confermed unto, are as followeth :" 

A true and pi'fect List of the Shares of the Cominon, Granted unto the 
p'^prietors of House Lotts, as followeth : 2'6 : 12 mo. 16-io. 



Ant: Taj^lor 


2 shares 


Tho : Sleeper 


1 [share] 


lieu : Qreene 


2 


Tho: Chase 


2 


Ed: Colcord 


2 


John Phil brick 


1 


Jef : Mingay 


3 


Our Teachers lott 


2 


Sam : Getchell 


I 


Hen : Say word 


1 


Tho : Lonitt 


3 


The Almis Lot 


3 


John Marrlan 


2 


John Brown y 


2 besides his farme 


Hen : Aml)rose 


3 


Will : Samboru 


2 


Tho: Ward 


3 


Acquil : Chase 


1 


Gill: Fuller 


2 


Will: fhfleld 


2 


Will: English 


3 [1st lot] 


Wid: Bristow 


1 


Abra: Perkins 


3 


Moses Cocks 


2 


Isa : Perkins 


3 


John Wedgwood 


2 


Aran : Peabody 


3 


Edm : Jonson 


3 


Will: Coule 


1 


Chr : Hussey 


2 besides his farme 


Pliile: Dalton 


3 


M"- Bachiler 


2 besides his farme 


Mary Hiissey 


1 


John Sanborn 


2 


WiUi: Marston 


3 


Will: fluller 


3 


Tho : Marston 


2 


James Davis Sen'' 


3 


Eobe : Page 


3 


Our Teacher 


3 besides his farme 


Will: Moultou 


^ J 2 lotts 
3 S 


Kich : Swaiue 


3 


Will: Moulton 


Will : Swaine 


2 


Will: Eastow 


3 


John Crosse 


2 


Mor : Hobes 


2 


Will: English 


2 [2"'i lot] 


Will: Palmer 


3 


Kob: Tuck 


3 


John Moulton 


3 


ffran : Swaine 


2 


Tho: Moulton 


3 


Rob : Sayword 


1 


Y« Elders Lott 
Hen : Moulton 


3 
2 


Will: Howard 
Will: Howard 


^ 1 2 lotts 


Hen : Dowe 


3 


Wal : Roper 


3 



Of the one hundred forty-seven shares provided for in this arrange- 
ment, eleven were retained by tlve town to meet future exigencies. 
But by this act of the town, there was not any actual division of the 
land, but merely a settlement of the question of ownership, and of the 
amoant of interest that the proprietors severally had in these undi- 
3 



34 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

vided lands. It was intended that the whole should still be held in 
common, but that whatever income or profits might be derived from 
them, whether b}^ feedage or sweepage, should be divided among the 
owners according to their respective shares, or rights, in the com- 
mons. 

In accordance with this arrangement, whenever any portions of the 
commons were subsequently surveyed, lotted out, and disposed of, 
such portions were divided into one hundred forty-seven shares, and 
distributed by lot, and in due proportions, to the original proprie- 
tors or their legal representatives. Hence, too, in the conveyance of 
anj' of these rights, or shares, whether by will or by deed, there was 
no transfer of any particular tract, or lot, of land, but of so many one 
hundred fort3'-sevenths of the whole of the commons, as there were 
shares mentioned in the instrument of conveyance. 



CHAPTER II. 

LABORS, CONTROVERSIES AND SUPERSTITIONS. 1G47-1CG2. 
THK SUFFRAGE EXTENDED. 

HITHERTO none but freemen luid been permitted to liold any 
important office either in tlie government or the town, and none 
conkl become freemen except church members. The riglitof suffrao-e, 
or of voting in the election of public officers, had been equally restricted. 
Hence there were in the colony many persons of distinguished ability 
and undoubted integrity, men, too, possessed of i)roperty, and pay- 
ing taxes for tiie support of government, who were allowed no voice 
in the management of public affairs. But now this rule was some- 
what relaxed. Tlie General Court, in consideration of "tlie useful 
parts and abilities" of such, and of the advantages to the common- 
wealtii that might be derived from their services, passed an act. May 
26, 1647, declaring that it should tlienceforth be lawful for the free- 
men within nuy of the tovvns in the colony, to make choice of sucii 
persons to serve as jurymen, and in some other offices, provided that 
they had taken, or should take, the oath of fidelity. But the law still 
required that a majority o^ every board of selectmen should lie free- 
men ; otiierwise, no act done b\' them would be valid. Those, not 
freemen, who might thus be voted for, were also Isy this act of the 
court themselves permitted to vote for [)ublic officers, and, under some 
circumstances, to act witii the freemen, in ordering schools, herding 
cattle, laying out highways and distributing lands, any law, usage, 
or custom to the contrary notwithstanding. But in order to enjoy 
these privileges, the man who was not a freeman must have attained 
the age of twenty-four years, and if convicted in coui-t, of any evil 
carriage against the government, or commonwealth, or church, he would 
immediately be deprived of them, and could afterwards, in no way, 
re(;over them, "until the court, where he was convicted or sentenced, 
should restore him to his former libertj'." 

THE COMMON- SCHOOL SYSTEM. 

Another subject of great importance was agitated in the General 
Court at the fall session of the same year, and resulted in the enact- 

(35) 



36 HISTORY OP HAMPTON. 

ment of a law highly honorable to the members, and worthy of being 
read and studied, and pondered and admired by succeeding genera- 
tions. This was a law making provision for the education of the 
young, by the establishment of a school in every town in the common- 
wealth containing fifty families, or more. Although the interests of 
education had not previously been neglected, and Harvard college 
had been established more than ten years before, and was already 
doing mucii for those interests, still tiie enactment of this law may be 
regarded as the beginning of a series of measures for the education 
of the whole people; in a word, as the germ of the common- school system, 
to whicli New England generally is so deeply indebted. 

The considerations that led to the enactment of this law are briefly 
set forth in the preamble to the act, and the language used is so 
unique, and at the same time, so cliaracteristic of the people of Mas- 
sachusetts in that age, and the law itself is one so worthy of being 
known, that no apology is deemed necessary for inserting both the 
law and the preamble, without abridgment or alteration : 

"It being one cheife p''iect [project] of y' ould deluder, Satan, to keepemen 
from the knowledge of the Scriptures, as in form"" times by keeping y™ in an 
unknowne tongue, so in these latt'' times by pi'swading from y'' use of tongues, 
yt so at least y« true sence & meaning of y^ originall might be clouded by 
false glosses of saint-seeming deceivers ; — y' learning may not be buried in 
y« grave of o"^ fath" in y^ church & comonwealth, the Lord assisting o"' en- 
deav". — It is therefore ord''d y' ev''y towneship in this iurisdiction, aff y" 
Lord hath increased y"" to y« number of 50 household'■^ shall then forthw"^ 
appoint one w"'in their towne to teach all such children as shall resort to 
him, to write & reade, — whose wages shall be paid eith"" by y<^ parents or 
mast" of such children, or by y« inhabitants in generall by way of supply, as 
ye major p't of those y' ord"^ y« prudential [afl'airs] of y« toAvne shall appoint ; 
pi'vided those that send their children be not oppressed by paying much more 
y° they can have y™ taught for in oth'' townes ; and it is furth"^ ordered y' 
where any towne shall increase to y" numb'' of 100 families or househould", 
they shall set up a grainer schoole, y* m'^ thereof being able to instruct youth 
so farr as they may be fited for y« university, p''vided y' if any towne neglect 
ye p''forniance hereof above one yeare, y' every such towne shall pay 5£ to 
ye next schoole till they shall p'"forme tliis order." 

On anotlier occasion, the General Court having premised tliat "tlie 
good education of children is of singular behoof and benefit to any 
commonwealth," and that "many parents and masters are too indul- 
gent and negligent of their duty" towards their children, enacted such 
a law as, in their opinion, the case demanded. It was made tlieduty 
of the selectmen in their several precincts and quarters, to have a 
vigilant eye over their brethren and neighbors, to see, in the first place, 
tliat none of them should suffer so much barbarism in any of their 



LABORS, CONTROVERSIES AND SUPERSTITIONS. 1647-1662. 37 

families, as not to ondeavoi- to teach by thetnselvcs or others, tiieir 
children and apprentices learning enough to enable tliein perfectly to 
read the English tongue, and to give them a knowledge of the capital 
laws, nnder penalty of twenty shillings for each and every neglect. 

What provision was made for the education of the children in this 
town, during the first ten years of its history, is not known. To sup- 
pose that no means were employed for their instruction, would be 
derogatory to the character of a people, who, from the very settlement 
of the town, had shown a willingness to make sacrifices in order to 
maintain among themselves the institutions of religion. While the 
religious interests of the community had been so well cared for, it is 
not probable that the intellectual culture of the children had been 
wholly neglected. We know that Harvard college had taken a deep 
hold upon the affections of all the people, who cheerfully endured 
many privations, that they might contribute to its support and en- 
hance its usefulness. The inhabitants of Hampton were not wanting 
in their attachment to the college ; and when called upon for aid, they 
contributed cheerfully, if they could not bountifully, to its necessities. 

The progress of education within the town is connectedly set forth 
in the chapter on public schools. 

AN ENEMY TO BE MET. 

Before the formation of European settlements in New England, the 
beasts of the forest had been free to range the country, their right 
undisputed, and themselves unmolested, except occasionally by an ar- 
row from the bow of some Indian hunter. But now, the white people 
were rapidly making inroads upon the forests, and disputing the right 
of the wild beasts to come upon grounds that had been cleared and 
cultivated. It could hardly be expected that the authority of the new 
settlers would be at once respected, and the wild animals leave them 
entirely unmolested. The peo2)le, indeed, were not often attacked, 
but their sheep and cattle were in constant danger, especially from 
wolves. 

To devise means, then, for destroying the wolves, was considered 
worthy the attention, both of towns and legislatures. Bounties were 
frequently ofiered for killing them within certain limits. As early 
as 1645, a bounty of ten shillings was offered here for each wolf killed 
by a townsman. This vote was passed, 27: 11 mo: 1644, that is, 
Jan. 27, 1645, and is thus recorded: "It is hereby declared that every 
townsman which shall kill a wolfe & bring the head thereof & nayle the 
same to a little red oake at the northeast end of the meeting-house— 



38 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

The^' shall have 10s a woolfe for ther paynes out of the town fines; 
or otherwise, if noe fines be in hand." 

Nine years afterward, tiie bounty was quadrupled. In 1658, it was 
increased to £5. In 1663, it was £6 10s. 

About the year 1648, the General Court directed tluit 80s., at least, 
sliould be paid to an P^nglishman, and 20s. to an Indian, for killing 
a wolf within an}' town in the colony ; — in either case, 10s. to be paid 
by the county, and the remainder by the town where the wolf was 
killed. Several years later, a bill passed the lower house, to allow 
40s. for each wolf killed, to be paid out of the public treasury, besides 
what the town might give. Although this bill, by not being con- 
curred in by the magistrates, failed to become a law, yet it is im- 
portant in a historical view, proving by implication at least, the suf- 
ferings and losses occasioned by the depredations of the wolves, here 
represented as. "the destroyers and devourers of cattle of all sorts." 

Another expedient was resorted to by the General Court. The 
selectmen of each town were authorized to procure, at the town's ex- 
pense, so many Jiounds as they might think proper, and impose the 
keeping of them on such persons as they judged fittest, so that all 
means might be used for the destruction of the wolves. No other 
dogs than those allowed by the selectmen, were to be kept in any 
town. 

No record has been found of any action under this law, by the 
selectmen of Hampton. Hence it is not known how many hounds if 
any, were considered needful, nor on whom the kee[)ing of them was 
imposed. As little do we know of the success of the plan in other 
places. 

CARE OF cows AND CALVES. 

An arrangement somewhat different from the one heretofore noticed 
was made in 1648, about the care of the cows and cnlves for the sea- 
son. For convenience, the cows were to be pastured in two separate 
herds neaily equal, with two keepers to each herd. John Cass, for 
himself and Isaac Perkins, agreed with the selectmen, carefully to 
keep one of the herds, or one-half of the cows in the town, frou) the 
18th of April till a fortnight after IMichaelmas, or near the middle of 
Octol)er. The keepers were to go in the morning, to the fall-gate 
near Robert Tuck's, ^ about half an hour after sunrise, to take charge 
of the cows, on all days except tlu^ Sabbath, and they were also to 
have the care of them every third Sabbath. For tlie [x-rfoi'mance of 
this service, the selectmen agreed that they sliould receive £15 10s. 

'At tlie angle of the loads on Ilaiur.s hill. 



LABORS, CONTROVERSIES AND SUPERSTITIONS. 1647-1662. 39 

In paj^ment, they were to have one pound of butter for each cow in 
the herd, at 6d. per pound. One half of the remainder was to be paid 
in wlieat, to be delivered the next September, at 4s. 6d. per bushel ; and 
the rest in the following February, in Indian corn, at 3s. 6d. per 
bushel. In the case of a failure, on the part of any owners, to pay 
their proportion in due season, it was stipulated that they should pay 
the keepers 6d. per week, smart money, till the debt should be can- 
celled. 

By a similar agreement made a few days afterward, with William 
Moulton and John Woding, they were to have the care of the other 
herd, from the 22nd of April, on precisely the same terms, except that 
this herd was to be collected at John Moulton's.^ 

Thomas Nudd agreed to have the care of tiie calves, from the sev- 
enth of May to the sixth of October, for £11, to be paid as the other 
keepers. Persons neglecting to send their calves to the herd till sev(!n 
days after it had been entrusted to the keeper, were to furnish a per- 
son to assist him one da}' ; and extra pay vras to be given for all calves 
not put to the herd till after midsummer. The calves were to be 
driven to pasture every day at sunrise. 

THE GRASS ON THE COMMONS. 

In the summer of the next year, a regulation was made by the 
town, for the preservation of the grass growing upon the several com- 
mons. No person was to be permitted to cut any of it before the 15th 
of July, under penalty of 5s. a day for each person found violating 
the order. To enforce the regulation, the town made choice of Wil- 
liam Marston, Sen., and Anthony Stanyan, as their agents, to levy the 
fines incurred. 

CONTROVERSY ABOUT THE GREAT OX-COMMON. 

About this time, we find a controversy existing between the town in 
its corporate capacity', and some of the inhabitants, about the owner- 
ship of the Great Ox-Common. This common was a large tract of up- 
land, salt marsh and thatch-ground in the easterly part of the town, 
the whole tract being nearly surrounded by the river and the ocean. 
Beginning about one hundred rods northerly of Great Boar's Head, it 
extended along the seashore southerly to the mouth of Hampton riv- 
er ; thence up the river westerly to the junction of Brown's river with 
the main branch; thence along the easterly and soiilherly side of 
Brown's river, to the place of beginniug, which was where the river 

'Tlie Daniel Moulton i)l<ico, now owned by Mrs. E. S. Stone. 



40 HISTORY OF HAMTTON. 

at that time approached very near the beach, a little southerly from 
the road now called "the causeway." From this place to the north- 
erly side of Great Boar's Head was the only portion that needed to 
be fenced. 

The upland within these limits includes the portions now known as 
Great Boar's Head, The Kidge, The Common, Sargent's Island, and 
Easton's Neck, or Eastman's Point. The marsh and thatch-ground 
include Great Neck, Little Neck, The Common-marsh, Hendrick's, a 
part of the Spring-marsh, and some other smaller tracts. 

It had been agreed at a town-meeting on the 23d of March, 1641, 
to set apart this tract as an ox-common from that time " to the world's 
end." It was also voted, that it should be fenced within two weeks. 
As at the expiration of that time the fence had not been built, the 
town soon afterwards appointed a day definite when the work should 
be done, and for security against another failure, designated by name 
the several persons who were to do the work, specifj'ing which of 
them should make and set up the gate. 

This common was appropriated exclusivel}' to the pasturage of oxen, 
as its name imports. The pasturing of horses there was strictly pro- 
hibited, and any person, vrhose horse should be found on the corpmon, 
was made liable to pay a flue of 5s. for each offence. The marsh 
and thatch ground, that were unsuitable for grazing, were valuable 
for the hay they afforded, and the sweepage belonged to the propri- 
etors. 

The parties to the controversj'^ to which allusion has been made, 
agreed to submit the question of ownership, for adjudication, to the 
ministers, Timothy Dalton and John Wheelwright, together with 
Edward Colcord. 

This committee reported, March 31, 1649, that the common should 
belong to those persons who were inhabitants at some former i)eriod 
to which they alluded — probably the time of the vote already men- 
tioned — their heirs and assigns forever, in an equal proportion ; and 
that the house-lots at that time, which had continued such till the date 
of this report, should also be entitled to their just proportion of it. 
The report appears lo have been favorabl}' received, and the town 
immediately appointed and empowered William Eastow and John 
Sanborn to lay out all the salt marsh in this common, so that the 
owners might receive the beuefit thereof, though the shares were not 
then severally assigned to indivicbials in fee. Indeed, the marsh was 
not at this time actually divided into shares, but only surveyed, still 
to be held in common by the owners, agreeably to the vote, by which 
it had been set apart as a common forever. 



LABORS, CONTROVERSIES AND SUPERSTITIONS. 1647-lG(i2. 41 



IIJGHWAYS. 

A little previous to the settlement of tlie town, a wsi}' had been 
traced out from Newbury to the Piscataqua, passing through the woods 
of AV^innacunnet. It could liardly be called a road, for it was prob- 
ably only a foot-path seldom trod, and indicated to the traveller by 
blazed trees. Besides this, the fn-at inhabitants found no roads 
but winding i)aths made by the wild beasts roaming the forests, or 
formed by the Indians around their wigwams and accustomed haunts, 
whether in pursuit of game in the woods, or going to the river to ob- 
tain shell-fish from its banks, or to make excursions upon its waters 
in their birchen canoes, for fishing and other jjurposes. But the ne- 
cessities of the people soon compelled them to make other paths, 
some of which became public roads, while others were given up for 
better routes. 

It is difficult to estimate the labor and expense incurred bj^ the 
early inhabitants, in making and maintaining such roads as were in- 
dispensable. No wonder, therefore, that these were, in many in- 
stances, laid out in a serpentine, or even a zigzag course, to carry them 
over ground favorable to their construction. Some of their curves 
and turnings might probably have been avoided, without enhancing 
the cost. It cannot be supposed that those who acted for the town, 
never erred in judgment. The}"^ claimed for themselves no such infal- 
libility nor do we claim it for them. But if we would decide correctly 
in what cases a better location might have been given to the roads, 
without increasing the expense of their construction, we should know 
what changes have been produced in different localities by clearing, 
drainage and cultivation. Other considerations than their feasibility, 
however, without any doubt, in some instances determined the location 
and course of the roads, which in that age were not like some at the 
present day, designed wholly, or mainly, as thoroughfares between 
different and distant towns. They served rather as avenues to the 
farms and lots of the inhabitants. As such, a circuitous, in preference 
to a direct route might wisely be chosen, where a larger number of the 
inhabitants would thus be accommodated. 

To connect the settlement at the Falls — or on the south side of Tay- 
lor's river — with the town, a more direct road was needed, especially 
as this was also on the route to Salisbury, Newbury, and other towns 
that had been settled in Massachusetts. This was an expensive road 
to build and maintain, for it must cross a considerable tract of salt 
marsh, which was often overflowed by the tide, and over which the cur- 
rent sometimes swept with great force. To nu^iutain a good road 



42 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

across this marsh was considered too heavy a burden for the town a 
century and a half later. It might well, then, in the infancy of the 
settlement, be regarded as a great undertaking. 

But as the public convenience required such a road, and it was 
deemed indispensable to the settlement and prosperity of that part of 
the town lying south of the marsh, the subject was early brought before 
the people for their consideration, and the town voted, November 6, 
1640, to lay out a road four rods in width, from the Meeting-house 
Green to the Falls, to pass through Richard Swaine's home lot. It 
appears, however, not to have been l)uilt immediately; but a bridge 
had been thrown across the river sometime before mid-summer of that 
year, for it is incidentally mentioned in an entry on the Records, under 
date of Jul}^ 8th, when there was made to John Sanborn a grant of a 
tract of land, 13'ing "on the east side of the common way bej^ond the 
great bridge towards Salisbury." The next spring, Richard Swaine 
and William Wakefield were directed by the town to join, with Salisbury 
iu laying out the highway to that town. The road over the marsh was 
a part of this highway. Years passed before it was completed, and 
further action was taken iu town meeting in regard to it. It was or- 
dered, May 1, 1645, that every person in the town should sutllciently 
make his share of the causey t )ward Salisbury before the end of the 
month. The road was to be built iu this manner : Two ditches were 
to be dug across the marsh and the road to be built between them. 
The ditch on the west side of the road was to be five feet wide, and 
that on the east side, four feet, and the "floor of the causey" to be 
eight and a half feet in width ; and wherever it should be needful for 
a '-gutter-tree" to be laid, it should be the duty of the person, on whose 
share it might be, to see it done. Any m;iu failing to perform the 
work assigned to him, within the time specified, should be fined 2s. 6d. 
for every rod which he should fail to build. 

To keep this road in repair, after it had once been made passable, 
required no small amount of labor, both on account of the softness 
of the marsh, in consequence of whicli it failed to sustain the materials 
used in its construction, and of its liability to be waslied away by the 
tide, especially at those seasons of the year when large quantities of 
fresh water were coming down from above. So much labor and ex- 
pense were needed here, that some other roads were somewhat neg- 
lected, and the town was presented at the court at Ipswich, for not 
repairing the highways and keeping them in good order. A fine was 
imposed, which the town petitioned the General Court to remit ; as by 
reason of their limited means and the greatness of the work, they 
were unable to co.npiss or psrfoi'iu it in any re isou ible time ; and they 



LABORS, CONTROVERSIES AND SUPERSTITIONS. 1647-1062. 43 



estimated that the repairing of one road — the canscwajT — wonld "cost 
neere one liuudred pounds." They also asked for a reasonable time 
in I which to repair their roads. The (tonrt, in answer to the petition 
in November, 1646, remitted the tine, and granted the town £5 out of 
the next country rate, on condition that a sulllcient cart and horse way 
should speedily be made "over the great marsh," as it was termed by 
the court. 

The records of the General Court also show that, in answer to the 
petition from Hampton, Mr. AValdron and Lieut. Howard were appoint- 
ed, to search out and examine the nearest and best way from Dover to 
Salisbury, that would be attended with the least expense, whether 
passing through the woods or elsewhere. As no request for such a 
committee was made in the petition, it is probable that the court sup- 
posed that a route for a road might be found farther west, that would 
be a substitute for the one across the marsh, thus, so far as the pub- 
lic were concerned, relieving the town of the necessity ot'^-anaintaining 
a road so liable to be rendered impassable and useless. The report 
of this committee, if any report was made, has not been found ; but 
the most direct way between the towns mentioned, still continues to 
be over this marsh. 

On the 15th of May, 1650, the town voted, that the causeway should 
be sufficiently repaired within sixteen days, each person doing the 
share that had previously been assigned to him, except in certain cases 
specified in the vote. If anj'^ person should neglect to do his part, 
he was to pay a fine of ten shillings for each rod not properly repaired ; 
and the constable, together with Abraham Perkins, was to collect the 
fines and see that they were laid out in repairing the road. Richard 
Swaine and Thomas Ward, both of whom lived near the marsh, were 
to give information to these men, of every case of neglect. 

Here we leave this subject for the present, but shall have occasion 
hereafter to refer to it again. 

In this same month of May, Thomas Wiggin was api)ointed one of 
the magistrates usually called assistants. 

The early inhabitants of the town, as has already been noticed, by 
laying out detached portions of land to ths same individual, made its 
cultivation more inconvenient. But this was tlie result of circum- 
stances, and not done through inadvertence or ignorance, as may be 
inferred from a vote of the town July 15, 1650, concerning the salt 
marsh on the south side of the river. It was ordered that, in laying it 
out, the shares should be made unequal in size, proportioned to their 
distance from the town. Those the most distant were to be the larg- 
est, and the shares to be smaller as they were nearer home. 



44 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



SCARCITY OF MONEY. 

liy industry, frugality and ecouomy, the people iu general, it is be- 
lievedj were enabled to live very comfortably ; but when called upon 
to raise money for an}' purpose whatever, it was with great difficulty 
that they could meet the demand. In illustration, reference niaj' be 
made to their course concerning a barrel of powder, procured by the 
town by order of the General Court. The town, at the time of re- 
ceiving it, appears to have given securit}' for pajmient, and some time 
afterward caused a rate to be made for the purpose of meeting this 
payment. Philemon Dalton the constable, and AVilliam Eastow were 
ordered to collect it forthwith, and in case of their neglect, they were 
to forfeit 10s. apiece. Abraham Perkins and Jeffery Mingay were at 
the same time appointed to take their iines, if any should be incuiTed. 
This was on the second of September, 1650. About thirteen months 
afterward, t'le Surveyor General of Massachusetts arrested Roger 
Shaw, who ^^as at that time the deputy to the General Court, for the 
sum of £8, which was due from the town to the public treasury, for 
this same barrel of powder ; and the court gave the person arrested 
authority to make a levy on the iuhahitants for reimbursement. The 
next winter, the town voted, that every person indebted for powder re- 
ceived from William Howard, should make immediate paj^ment iu such 
pay as should be acceptable to the country, that is, the government. 

A petition, signed by Richard Swaine, William Swaine, and other 
inhabitants of Hampton, for relief on account of being unjustly mo- 
lested by persons claiming to have power from Mr. Bachiler, having 
been presented to the General Court, in the autumn of 1651, the court 
ordered, that whatsoever goods or lands had been taken from any of 
the inhabitants of Hampton, bj' Edward Colcord or John Sanborn, 
upon pretence of being authorized by Mr. Bachiler, either with, or 
without execution, should be returned to them from whom they had 
been taken, and the execution called in, and no more granted, until 
there should be produced to the count}' court at Salisbury or Hampton, 
sufficient power from ]\Ir. Bachiler to recover the same. This was after 
Mr. Bachiler had sued the town, to recover unpaid salary.' 

OLD GRANTS EXAMINKD. 

At a public town nieeting, held March 6, 1652, an order was made, 
that the "seven men," that is, the selectmen, together with the elders, 
or ministers of the town, should examine all the old grants, and con- 
firm such of them as they might think pi"0|)er ; and they a[)i)ear to 
have been autiiorized to increase the 147 shares of the Cow Common 

1 Chap. XIX. 



LABORS, COXTROVERSIES AND SUPERSTITIONS. 1647-1 6G2. 45 

to 157, and to dispose of the ten shares added, according to their best 
judgment. Tiiey were also empowered to enlarge the number of 
shares in tlie Great Ox-Comraon, and to dispose of the new shares at 
their discretion. 

The committee performed the duties assigned them, but seem to 
have thought it inexpedient to create any new shares in either com- 
mon. Tiieir report, without date, signed by all the committee except 
Richard Swaine, one of the "seven men," is as follows : 

"Wee "whose names are hear under written haue made good and confermed 
all y*^ old grantts and Apoynted them in ther perticnler plases acording to y" 
poure giueu us by y'' towne by y" townes order bearing datte y" 0"' first mo. 
1651. 

Timothie Dalton Jeflerie Mingy 

John Wlielewriglit Abraliam Perkins 
Christopher Hussey John Sambourne 
William ffuUer Thomas Word." 

At the same meeting at which the foregoing committee was appointed, 
the town gave permission to William Swaine, to take from the public 
land so much timber as he could manufacture into oars with his oion 
hand, in one year ; but none of the timber was to be cut within a mile 
and a half of the meeting house. 

In making regulations about the wood and timber on the common 
lands, the town appears to have had as much regard to the conven- 
ience of the inhabitants severally as was consistent with the public 
good. To have allowed the cutting of trees indiscriminatel}' to all, 
and in unlimited quantities, would have been productive of great 
waste, and the public domain would sooji have been strip[)ed of its 
most valuable timber. Hence some restrictions became necessary. 
These were altered from time to time, to meet existing circumstances. 

Late in tiie autumn of 1652, this subject was brought before the 
town for consideration, and certain regulations made. Liberty was 
granted to all the inhabitants, to make pipe and hogshead staves 
upon the commons, till the last of March following — a space of a little 
more than four months. But during this time, no inhabitant was to 
be allowed to employ any person not belonging to the town, to vvoi'k 
up any timber taken from the commons, under penalty of 10s. for each 
tree thus wrought into staves ; and all the timber that had been felled, 
and at the expiration of this time had not been fully wrought into 
staves, was to be at the town's disposal, whether found in trees or in 
bolts. 

This regulaliou was defective, inasmuch as, while it declared the 
timber cut on the commons to be forfeited in certain cases to the 



46 HISTORY OF irAMPTON. 

town, it still made no provision for talcing tiic forfeiture. After one 
3'ear's trial, it having l)een fonml tliat tlie law wonld not execute it- 
self, the selectmen appointed John Sanborn and William Fifield, to 
seize all the tinil)er i'ound to be forfeited by virtue of this order. 
Four days later, January 20, 1654, the town voted that the regulation 
should i)e continued, and the forfeit taken. 

At the same meeting, the town Ibrbade the felling of either white 
oaks or red, for bolts, staves or heading, upon any part of the com- 
mons within two miles of any dwelling house in the town, under pen- 
alty of 10s. for each tree felled in violation of the order. 

"Itt was then ordered by vote that Every Inhabitant shall haue lib- 
erty to make pittes or sett trappes for the taking of vvoulues p^'uided 
that they make them so conuenient as they can & free from damage 
as they can." 

"Itt was likewise ordered y' If any p'"sons or p'son shall kill any 
wolues within the spase of one yeare next the}' shall haue 40s. for eu- 
ery wolfe within the time exprest." 

THE NORTH LINE. 

Someiinie before this, the inhabitants of Strawberry Bank, being 
desirous of enlarging their territory, presented a petition to the. Gen- 
eral Court, for a grant of certain lands. The court consented, Oct. 
14, 1651, and granted to them all the lands — Squamscott Patent ex- 
cepted — l^'ing between themselves and Hampton, which had not pre- 
viously been granted either to towns or persons. It then became 
important to know exactly how far north Hampton actually extended. 
The settlement of this question had indeed engaged the attention of 
the General Court at an earlier date, and at their session in the spring 
of this yeai', they had appointed four commissioners for this purpose, 
any three of whom were empowered to act. The persons appointed 
were Mr. Samuel Winslow, Mr. William Paine, Mr. Samuel Hall, 
and Mr. Thomas Bradbury. 

The commissioners determined that the north line of Hampton 
should run from a point five miles north from the Meeting-house, on 
an east line to the sea; and from the same point with the westerly 
line till it comes within two miles of the Meeting-house — where it then 
stood — in Exeter. They made their return accordingl}^ and the 
General Court approved it May 26, 1652, provided that it did not in- 
trench on any former grant. The return bears the signatures of all 
the commissioners except Mr. Paine. 

But these proceedings did not set the matter at rest — perhaps in 
consequence of the line not having been fully and satisfactorily run 



LABORS, CONTROVERSIES AND SUrERSTITIONS. U)47-1GG2. 47 

out, agreeably to the return made to the General Court. The people 
of Hampton found, or at least believed, that encroachments upon 
their rights had been made in that part of their territory. That they 
might learn the facts, the town sent Serg*^ William P^astovv and John 
Sanborn, in January, 1654, to view the upland and meadows "about 
the Little River on this side Strawberry Bank bounds," and to ascer- 
tain as far as possible, who were the proprietors and possessors of 
land there, and of what validity their titles were, and also to learn 
the design of those who had settled on the town's land, and to report 
accordingly. 

At another meeting, on the 27th of February, the town chose Sergt. 
William Ea«tow and Thomas Coleman, as their agents, empowering 
them to go the next day, to the northernmost part of the town towards 
Strawberry Bank, and forbid any person or persons whom they might 
find there, from intermeddling with the property or the rights of the 
town, near and within the boundary line, as determined by the com- 
missioners, and, in part at least, marked out. Measures were also 
adopted, for having the whole of this line, and also that next to 
Exeter, run out, so that each of them might be exactly determined and 
known throughout. 

The next fall, the question in dispute was again brought before the 
General Court, by a petition, dated October 18, from the town of 
Portsmouth — a name recently substituted for Strawberry Bank.^ In 
answer to this petition, the court sent out another committee, with 
authority to examine the matters in difference between the towns of 
Portsmouth and Hampton, as touching the line between them, and to 
settle the same in such a way as might be judged by them most meet, 
upon a full hearing of the parties, and to make return of their doings 
to the next Court of Election. The committee consisted of Mr. Josei)h 
Jewett, Mr. Thomas Bradbury and John Saunders, the first of whom 
was authorized to appoint the time and place of the hearing. 

INDIAN ALARM. 

In the spring of 1653, it was rumored that some thousands of In- 
dians were collected near the Piscataqua, in consequence of which, the 
people in all this vicinity were very much affrighted, so that their 
minds were distracted and diverted from their various employments. 
To quiet them, Major General Dennison ordered out from Ipswich, 
Rowley and Newbury, a party of men, to ascertain whether there was 

nVhen this change of name was made, May 18, 1653, the General Court declared "that the 
lyne of theire township should reach from the Sea by Hampton lyne to Wiiiacout liiuer 
leaning the p'prietors to their just rights & interests." 



48 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

an\' just cause for alarm. The men sent out were engaged in this service 
from Frida}' morning till Monda}' evening of the following week. The 
alarm seems soon to have subsided. 

THE OLD BUKYING-GROUND. 

The first notice of a ceraeter}^ found on our Records, is a mem- 
orandum of an order of the selectmen, made January 26, 1654. From 
this it appears that a lot for the purpose of burial had already been 
laid out ten rods square, and consequently containing five-eighths of 
an acre. "The selectmen" — for so the record reads — "taking into 
consideration the commendable decency of enclosing in the place a[)- 
pointed by the town for burial :" and thinking themselves sustained 
in their views by "the word of God and the practice of Christian 
nations," ordered and agreed that this lot should be enclosed with a 
substantial five-rail fence, before the end of the following May. The 
posts were to be of white oak, of sufficient length and thickness, and 
the rails, which were not to exceed twelve feet in length, to be well 
jointed into them. 

This place of burial, afterward enlarged, was in the eastern part of 
the Meeting-house Green — the Old Burying Ground of the i)resent 
da}' — and continued to be used as a place of burial about a century 
and a half. The ground still remains enclosed, but the earliest mon- 
uments which afl^ection erected here at the graves of friends have all 
crumbled to dust, or, having fallen to the ground, lie hid beneath the 
surface. Within a few years, was a rude stone, marking the grave of 
Susanna, the wife of Robert Smith, who was "Slaine by y® thunder," 
Jinie 12, 1680; but that has now disappeared. Here, too, repose 
the remains of five ministers of the gospel, who labored nian^' years 
as pastors or teachers of the first church, all of whom died in office 
before the close of the last century. The graves of Dalton and the 
two Cottons — father and son — though the place of them is not unknown, 
are marked b3Mio monuments; at those of Gookin and Thaj^er, slabs 
of slate were erected b}' the town, which still remain in good condition. 

LIEL'T. ROBERT PIKE. 

Ill the year 1653, the General Court passed an act, to restrain unfit 
persons from preaching the gospel. Tiiis law was occasioned by gross 
irregularities, as they were then regarded, in the conduct of two men, 
living in that part of Salisbury, which is now the town of Amesbury, 
who were accustomed to exhort the peoi)le on the Sabbath, in the ab- 
sence of a minister. Many of the |)eople disliked this law, regarding 
it as arbitrary and far too severe in its provisions. Among these was 



LABORS, CONTROVERSIES AND SUPERSTITIONS. 1647-1662, 49 

Lieut. Robert Pike, of Salisbury, wlio did not coiicoiil liis views, but 
spoke witli some severity of the magistrates and deputies, by wliom it 
had been made. Tlie language used b}^ him was regarded as a slan- 
der upon the court, and Lieutenant Pike was not only heavily fined, 
but also disfranchised, and put under bonds for good behavior. Peti- 
tions, numerousl}^ signed, were sent to the General Court, not only from 
Salisbury, but also from Newbury, Haverhill, Andover and Hampton, 
praying that the fine and punishment might be remitted. 

The court, so far fron; granting the prayer of the i)etitioners, con- 
sidered them highly censurable; and, in the language of the record, 
did "deeply resent, that so many [)ersous, of several towns, conditions 
and relations, should combine together to present such an unjust and 
unreasonable request," since Lieutenant Pike had been fully proved 
guilty of defaming the court, and charging the members with a breach 
of oath. "In this extraordinary case," commissioners were appointed, 
to call together the petitioners in the several towns, and " require a 
reason of their unjust request, and how they came to be induced to 
sign the said petition." 

At the next session of the General Court, in 1654, Capt. Thomas 
Wiggin, the commissioner for Hampton, reported that the petitioners 
from thistown — more than thirty in number — had, with two exceptions, 
acknowledged their offence and huml)ly asked the court to pass it by. 
Christopher Hussey and John Sanborn, having refused to give any 
satisfactory answer, were put under bonds of £10 each, to keep the 
peace. In relation to these proceedings, Joshua Coffin justly remarks : 
"The whole case is a very instructive one. It exhibits, on the one 
hand, the watchful jealousy of the people in consequence of any sup- 
posed, or real, encroachment on their civil or ecclesiastical rights ; 
and, on the other hand, the determination of the magistrates not to 
have their authority lightly called in question." 

At a town meeting in the spring of 1654, Richard Swaine, William 
Marston, Sen., and Thomas Ward were chosen, to consider and deter- 
mine some method of estimating the value of lands for taxation, that 
would make the taxes more equal and satisfactory for the future, than 
they had been in former years. 

HAIL STORM. 

A very remarkable storm of thunder and hail occurred on the 9th 
of June, 1654. So great was its violence, that in some parts of the 
town, "where the strength of the storm went, it sheared the leaves, 
twigs and fruits from the trees, and beat down tlie corn, so l)attering 
and bruising them, as if men had l)eaten them down with threshing 
•i 



50 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

instruments, the hail lying to admiration for the multitude thereof, so 
that in some places, it remained after the storm was over, twelve 
inches in thickness above the ground, and was not all dissolved, two 
days after the storm." In several places in the town, hail stones fell 
of wonderful size, and many were found by actual measurement, "to 
be three or four inches in length." 

January 28, 1655, Samuel Dalton was chosen Clerk of the "Writs. 
The election, in tiiis instance, was made by the town. This officer 
was sometimes, perhaps usually, appointed by the General Court or 
the County Court. 

In the earlier part of our history, when the town made choice of 
selectmen, it had been the uniform practice, as far as is known, to 
elect seven persons, except in a single instance. It was now voted 
that the board should consist of only five, a number sufficiently large, 
it would seem, though in a few instances at a later period, seven were 
again elected. About a century and a quarter after this date, the 
number was reduced to three. 

The town asked the General Court, through Henry Dow, their dep- 
uty, to be allowed to hold a market here one day in every week. The 
court granted their request and appointed Thursday as the market day, 
on account of its being the day of their stated weekly lecture, when 
many of the people were accustomed to assemble at tlie Meeting-house. 
Hence it is probable, that the market was held on the Meeting-house 
Green. 

CULLER OF STAVES. 

In the early part of this year, Thomas Philbrick, Sen., was chosen 
cidler of staves. This was then an office of considerable importance, 
for great quantities of staves were taken by the town in payment of 
taxes assessed upon the inhabitants, and these must all pass through 
the hands of the culler. Persons might, of course, at any time, make 
staves from timber taken from their own land ; but timber for this pur- 
pose might also be taken from the commons, under certain regulations, 
as those adopted in November, 1652, already noticed. In May, 1655, 
all persons were forbidden to fell any trees on the commons, for bolts 
or staves, unless they had been licensed by the selectmen, who were 
authorized to grant license to such persons onlj^, as were able to show 
that there was timber due to them. 

The next year, liberty was given to any inhabitant to make 500 
staves for each share of commonage owned by him ; but the staves 
must all be made before the 29th day of September, following. 



I 



LABORS, CONTROVERSIES AND SUPERSTITIONS. 1647-1(362. 51 
' ' DRY CATTLE." 

Measures were likewise adopted at that time, to enforce a regulation 
made some time before, concerning tiiedry cattle owned in the town. 
Goodman [Godfrey] Dearborn, Anthony Taylor, Morris Hobbs and 
Henry Dow, jr., were appointed, to see that they were placed under the 
care of the keeper provided by the town. If any persons, after due 
notice from the committee, should be found neglecting to drive their 
cattle of this description to the place where the keeper was to re- 
ceive them, they would subject themselves to a fine of 6d. a Iread for 
all the cattle which they sliould thus fail to drive. That this order of 
the town might not be evaded, through any negligence on the part 
of the committee, they, too, were made liable to a fine of 2s. each, for 
any failure in the i)erformance of their duty. 

WITCHCRAFT. 

At the time when our History begins and for a long time afterward, 
a belief in witchcraft was prevalent in England and Scotland, and 
inmost of the countries of Continental Europe. Tlii.s belief was not 
conlined to the unlettered and ignorant ; but it pervaded all ranks and 
all conditions of society from the lowest upward to the highest. Tiie 
people of New England, too. possessing as they did, in an eminent 
degree, some of the noblest traits of character, were still strongly 
tinctured with credulity ; not niore so, indeed — prol)ably far less so — 
than the people of the mother country. The}' had bioken loose from 
some of the shackles with which minds in the old world were still held 
in bondage ; but it would be unreasonable to expect of them an imme- 
diate and a full emancipation from all the superstitions that had been 
instilled into their minds in the nursery, and had been nourished and 
strengthened by thfe influences that surrounded them as they grew up 
to manhood. They had, as might have been expected, imbibed the 
opinions, and they participated in the feelings of the age, in regard 
to witchcraft. But few of them, probably, had ever heard the sound- 
ness of those opinions called in question. 

Eminently good men — ^jurists, statesmen and divines — in this coun- 
tr}', deemed it little short of heres}', to doubt the truth of the mar- 
vellous deeds, ascribed to the power of witchcraft ; and men of the 
same classes in high standing, in England, sympathized with them. 
Dr. Cotton Mather, of Boston, wrote and publisheil an account of a 
person ''arrested by a stupendous witchcraft" who was I'or some time 
an inmate of his own family, and concerning whom, he related many 
wonderful things, said to have been witnessed by himself and others. 



52 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Tlie ininistors of Boston and of Cliarlestown afterward gave their tes- 
timony in support of the truth of t!ie narrative. This worlc was re- 
printeiJ in London, with a Preface, written by Rev. Richard Baxter. 
In this Preface, he says: " This great instance comes with snch con- 
vincing evidence, tliat he must l)e a very obdurate Sadducee, tliat will 
not believe it." 

Tlie fact that an individual in that age was accused of witchcraft, 
is not, of itself, conclnsive evidence of his being a person of immoral 
character; much less, of his being in league with Satan. In some 
instances, this charge was made against persons of the higiiest respect- 
abilit}'. In general, however, it was otherwise ; and there was usu- 
ally in the character or conduct of those suspected, some fault, on 
which the suspicion was based. 

In some cases, the immorality of their lives was notorious ; in others, 
an injudicious act, or even a hasty remark, may have awakened sus- 
picion. Having, it may l)e, received some slight affront, they became 
angry, and in the heat of passion, threatened the offender with some 
calamity to his person, or property. If the individual thus threatened 
soon afterward met with any loss, or other misfortune, the threat was 
called to mind, suspicions of witchcraft excited, and an accusation 
brought against the one who had uttered the threat. The charge 
readily gained credence, and people wondered they had been so slow 
in detecting the witch. Other persons, calling to mind some remarkable 
occui'rences, for which they had been unable to account, traced them 
back in their imaginations to satanic agency, exerted through the same 
individual, now stigmatized as a witch. 

The testimony of persons of respectable standing in society may 
be received as to facts that came under their ow^u observation, al- 
though their opinions in relation to the causes of the events may be 
entirely erroneous, or even absurd, unless there is reason for believ- 
ing that their opinions or their prejudices are such, as to lead them to 
view the occurrences through a false medium. 

In this view of the case, it must be conceded that there were some 
wonderful occurrences in New Knglaud, in the seventeenth century. 
They were then almost univei'sally attributed to witchcraft. That de- 
lusion has passed away, so that only here and there can a person 
be found, who believes in the existence of witches, possessed of 
such power as was formerly ascribed to them. It is, however, by 
no means certain, that an equally erroneous belief has not prevailed, 
and does not still prevail, in regard to some events that are really 
mysterious to us. 

The good people of Hampton were not exempt from the credulity 



LABORS, CONTROVERSIES AND SUPERSTITIONS. 1647-1 6()2. 53 

of the times. They were, in general, unfaltering in. their belief in the 
existence of witchcr;ift, both in the abstract, and as found among 
themselves. To its influence, they were accustomed to ascribe the oc- 
currence of any untoward events, which appeared marvellous to them 
through their ignorance of the causes that produced them. It is a 
dark page in the history of the town, but it is the business of a 
historian to relate events as they occurred and not to suppress im- 
portant facts through fear of marring the otherwise fair character of 
the people, whose history he undertakes to write. Fidelity, then, re- 
quires the statement, that more than one person among this people 
was suspected, and, however innocent, made to bear the odium, of 
being in league with the devil. In several cases, prosecutions were 
commenced, and, in a few instances, punishment was inflicted by 
stripes and imprisonment. The people could tell "of manie marvellous 
and trulie unaccountable things" which, they verily believed, proved 
that there was "an invisible hand at work" among them. 

GOODY COLE. 

The largest share of this odium fell upon Eunice Cole, more gen- 
erally known as Goody Cole. Strange stories were told of wonderful 
feats, said to have been performed by her, some of which have come 
down to us by tradition, and others, in depositions taken at the time 
and still preserved. 

Such was the reputatioir of Goody Cole, that she was both hated 
and feared. That she did not possess such traits of character as 
were suited to gain the affection and good will of her neighbors, may 
readily be believed. She may even have been, as she was said to be, 
ill-natured and ugly, artful and aggravating, malicious and revenge- 
ful. But this does not tell the whole story of what was charged 
upon her. It was confidently believed that she had "made a league 
with the devil," and that by his aid she was able to render persons 
deformed, to toi'ture, and even to drown them with "an invisible hand," 
and that she was actually guilty of performing all these misdeeds. 

In the year 1656, she was arraigned before the County Court of 
Norfolk, charged with the crime of witchcraft. The testimony of a 
considerable number of witnesses was offered in support of the charge, 
and a verdict was rendered against her. The evidence in the case 
goes to establish the fact, that Goody Cole was neither loved nor 
respected by her neighbors, and that she was not, perhaps, entitled 
to their love nor respect; but on a calm review of the case, it seems 
difficult to understand how the court or the jury could, from the 
testimony introduced, pronounce her guilty of the crime alleged. 



54 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

We cannot better portray the absurd infatuation of this widespread 
belief in witchcraft than by bringing forAvard some of the testimony 
in this case of Goody Cole. We are the more inclined to do this at 
some length, since tradition and poetry have made hers a representative 
case. AVhittier's poem, "The Wreck of Kivermonth," has given occa- 
sion for much ciirious questioning on the subject. It is tlie privilege of 
the poet, however, to weave a thread of fact into a web of subtle fancies ; 
while it would be unpardonable in the historian, so to connect the loss 
of the vessel, with its human freight, which occurred in 1657, i with 
Goody Cole, thrown into prison in 1656, and " Father Bachiler," re- 
turned to England in 1654 or 5. 

Goody Marston, and Susanna, the wife of Cliristopher Palmer, de- 
posed, "that goodwife Cole said that she was sure there was a witche 
in the towne, and she knew where hee dwelt & who they are ;" also that 
thirteen years before, she had known one "bewitched as goodwife 
Marston's child was" and that this person "was changed from a 
man to an ape, as goody Marston's child was." 

Thomas Philbrick testified that she [Goody Cole] had said if his 
calves should eat any of her grass "she wished it might poj^sen them 
or choke them ;" and he further testified that he never saw one of his 
calves afterward, "and the other calfe came home and died aboute a 
weeke after." 

Sobriety, the wife of Henry Moultou, and goodwife Sleeper, the 
wife of Thomas, deposed that while "talking about goodwife Cole & 
goodwife Marston's childe," they on a sudden "heard something 
scrape against the boards of the windowe," which "scrapeing," after 
they had been out "and looked aboute and could see nothing," and had 
gone into the house again, and begun "totalke the same talk e againe," 
was repeated, and "was so loude that if a dogg or a catt had done it" 
they "•should have scene the markes in the boards ;" but none were to be 
seen. 

Abraluun Drake deposed in court, on the 4th of September, 1656, 
that "aboute this time twelve month my neighbor Coles lost a Cowe, 
and wen we had found it, I and others brought the cowe home to his 
house & hee & sliee desired mee to flea this cowe, and presantly after 
she cliarged mee with killing her cowe, and said they should know 
hee had killed hir cowe, for the just hand of God was npi)on my cat- 
tell, and forthwith I lost two cattell, and the latter end of somer I 
lost one cowe more." 

Goody Cole was adjudged to be guihy, and was sentenced to re- 

See cl08e of this chjiiitcr. 



LABORS, CONTROVERSIES AND SUPERSTITIONS. 1647-1662. 55 

ceive, as she afterward expressed it, "a double punishment," viz. : to 
be whipped and then imprisoned during iier natural life, or until re- 
leased by the court. 

In this unhappy plight we leave poor Goody Cole for the i)resent, 
but she will cross our path again. 

TREATMENT OF QUAKERS. 

About this time, there was not a little excitement in the colony, 
occasioned by the arrival, from England, of several Quakers. This 
was then a new sect, having sprung up only a few years before. Un- 
favorable accounts of their doctrines and their doings had crossed 
the ocean before them, and the people of Massachusetts, having left 
their native land mainly that they might live where they would be 
unmolested in the enjoyment of their religion, believed that the pres- 
ervation of their own rights imperiously demanded that they should 
exclude the Quakers from their territory. The means used for this 
purpose cannot be approved. They were neither judicious nor just. 
Admitting that some of the principles and practices of the Quakers 
were subversive of good government, as at that time they undoubtedly 
were, the measures adopted to restrain them, were too rigorous, and 
not sufficiently discriminating. Some of the Quakers would, it is 
most likel}', have demeaned themselves as quiet and orderly people. 
Had any shown themselves otherwise, they might have been punished 
as severely as justice required, and the punishment could not have 
been regarded as a persecution. 

The first Quakers that came to New England were two female 
preachers, who arrived at Boston in July, 1656, bringing with them 
a considerable number of their books. At first, they were not per- 
mitted to land, but their l)ooks were taken from them and burned in 
the market place. 

The women were then taken on shore and thrown into prison, and 
not long after, sent back to England. Others, who arrived the next 
month, met with similar treatment. 

Thus far there had been no law authorizing such proceedings. As 
soon, however, as the General Court met, a law was prepared and 
speedily passed, and then published by beat of drum, October 21, seven 
days from the commencement of the session. This law was a very 
stringent one, prohibiting masters of vessels from bringing any of the 
sect within their jurisdiction, under heav^^ penalties ; and subjecting 
every Quaker arriving here from foreign parts, to imprisonment, striiies 
and hard labor, and requiring him to leave the country as soon as 
practicable. The law also prohibited the importation of (Quaker books 



56 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

or writings, and even made tlie person with whom, or in whose liouse, 
any such bool<s or writings should be found, liahle to a fine of £5 for 
each book or writing, so found. 

Tiie preamble to this law is in these words : 

"Whereas there is a cursed sect of haereticks lately risen vp in the 
world, w"^^ are coiITonly called Quakers, who take vppon them to be 
iiiiediately sent of God and infallibly asisted by the spirit to speak & 
write blasphemouth opinions, despising gouernment & the order of 
God in church & coiHon wealth, speaking evill of dignitjes, reproach- 
ing and revjling magistrates and ministers, seeking to turn the people 
from the faith & gaine proseljtes to theire pernicious waies, this Court, 
taking into serious consideration, &c." 

A prosecution was brought against William Marston, Sen., of this 
town, at the Count}' Court held here, and he was fined £15 "for keep- 
ing two Quaker books and a paper of the Quakers." 

He afterward sent a petition to the General Court, praying for the 
remission of his fine, and, as the record states, "leaving himself at y^ 
Court's mercy," acknowledging he hath transgrest y^ law of y^^Coun- 
trie." The court remitted one-third of the fine, on condition that 
the other two-thirds should be paid forthwith. 

Other extreme measures followed successively the order of 1656, 
as cutting off the ears, boring the tongue with a hot iron and banish- 
ment on pain of death. As time went on, and still the supposed 
heresy spread, the maddened government devised new tortures. In 
December, 1662, the following order was issued b}' Capt. Richard Wal- 
duon, of Dover, and was wholl}'^ in -accord with the law of the land : 

"To the Constables of Dover ^ Hamj)ton, Salisbury , Neivbury, lioiu- 
ley, Ipswich, Windham, Linn, Boston, Hoxbiiry, Dedham, and until 
these vagabond Quakers are out of this jurisdiction : 

You and every of you are required in the King's Majesty's name 
to take these vagabond Quakers, Anna Colman, Mary Tompkins and 
Alice Ambrose, and make them fast to the cart's tail, and drawing 
the cart through your several towns, to whip them upon their naked 
backs not exceeding ten stripes apiece on each of them in each town, 
and so convey them from Constable to Constable till they are out of 
this jurisdiction, as you will answer it at your peril, and this shall be 
your warrant. "1 

We bow our heads in shame, while vre read : "In Dover, Hampton 
and Salisbury this disgraceful order was executed." Let us believe 
that hearts cried out against the outrage, though hands, unused to 

U'rov. Pap., 1:243. 



LABORS, CONTROVERSIES AND SUPERSTITIONS. 1647-1662. 57 

resist authority, failed to rescue tlie victims. It is written t.liat, in 
Salisbury, " Walter Barefoot performed almost the only praiseworthy 
act that stands to his credit in history, by taking these persecuted 
females from the Constables, under pretence of delivering them to 
the Constables of Newbury, and securing them from further cruelty 
by sending them out of the Province." 

Scarcely thirty -five years after this, "The Friends' Quarterly 
Meeting" was established in that part of Hampton now Seabrook, 
and in 1701, they built their meeting house. ^ 

"tue wreck of rivermouth." 
In the autumn of 1657, an event occurred, which brought mourning 
and sorrow into several families in the town and cast a gloom over 
the whole community. A vessel sailed from our river, October 20, 
bound to Boston, having on board four men, two women and two 
children — eight persons in all — belonging to Hampton. From some 
cause not now known, the vessel, soon after leaving the harbor, either 
foundered, or was capsized, and all on board perished. The persons 
lost were these : Robert Reed, Serg*^. William Swaine, Emanuel 
Hilliard, John Philbrick, his wife Ann, and their daughter Sarah, 
Alice, the wife of Moses Cox, and John Cox their son, and as is sup- 
posed, their only child. 

The entr}^ is thus quaintl}^ made on the town records : 
"The sad hand of God upon eight psons goeing in a vessell by 
sea from Hampton to boston, who were all swallowed up in the ocean 
soon after they were out of the Harbour." 

iChap. XXI. 



CHAPTER irr. 

TOWN AFFAIRS, 1G58-1680— PUBLIC LANDS— PUBLIC H(3USES-AND 
A TROUBLESOME PUBLIC CHARGE. 

SECOND REVIEW OF OLD GRANTS. 

ABOUT twenty years after the settlement of the town, it was 
thought expedient, to have all the grants made during those 
years carefully examined, and properly recorded. For this puipose, on 
the 2Gth of September, 1658, the town appointed Roger Shaw, Henry 
Dow, Sen., and John Sanborn, together with Samuel Dalton, the town 
clerk, and made it their duty "to examine all grants and appointments 
of lands, liighways, and such like, and to perfect the same in the new 
Town-Book." For making the record, the town clerk was to receive 
sixpence for each grant or parcel, and half as much for transcribing 
for the Recorder, at the request of any grantee or owner. 

In the following winter, the committee attended to the business as- 
signed them. But in the course of their investigations, they met 
with instances of persons claiming land, of which they could find no 
grant on record, and this caused them not a little embarrassment. 
The town therefore voted, that, in such cases, the claimants should pro- 
duce two or more witnesses to prove their grants; and that the com- 
mittee should then cause a record to be made of such grants as, in their 
opinion, were valid. 

At the same meeting on the 9th of February, it was also voted, that 
the committee, with the town clerk, should have further power given 
them by the town, to appoint, lay out, and record convenient high- 
ways to men's lands in the town, and to allow satisfaction to the pro- 
prietors according to their discretion, which satisfaction was to be 
made with portions of the town's land. The committee were also re- 
quired to have all the shares of the common recorded ; and as this 
would occasion considerable labor to the town clerk, the other mem- 
bers were authorized "to adjudge what satisfaction" he should receive, 
his pay to be taken out of the next town rate. 

The committee appear to have performed with great fidelity the 
duties required of them, and as the result of tlieir labors, a large num- 
ber of grants of land, returns of highways, and shares of connnonage 
(58) 



TOAVN AFFAIRS. 1658-1680. 59 

were entered upon the records. Henry Dow, one of tlie committee, 
died before the investigation was completed, and, on the 9th of March, 
IGGO, William Fuller was cliosen to fill the vacancy. 

SNOW STOUM IN MAY. 

Dr. Belknap mentions, in his History of New Hampshire, on the au- 
thority of a letter from Rev. Nathaniel Gookin, of North Hampton, 
to Rev. Thomas Prince, of Boston, a very sudden and remarkable 
change in the weather, which, according to his statement, occurred in 
1658, when the apple trees were in blossom. The change of temper- 
ature was so sucTden, and the cold became so severe, that of the crew 
of a fishing boat, belonging to this town, "one man died before they 
could reach the shore, another was so chilled, that he died in a few 
days, and a third lost his feet." We find no notice of this event on 
the town records; but they do inform us, that, on "the thirtieth of 
Ai)ril, 1G59, there was a great storm of snow, which lay upon the 
ground three or four inches thick upon May-day in the morning, and 
continued, some of it, till it was ten o'clock, or tliereabouts." This 
date is given in Old Style, so that the storm was on the 10th of May, 
according to the present method of reckoning; — a time, when, if it 
was a forward spring, the apple trees might have been in blossom. 
Might not, then, the occurrence related by Dr. Belknap have happened 
one year later than he supposed? That there should be an error of 
one year, in the date, is not improbable, for it should be borne in mind, 
that the letter on which he based his statement was written more 
than a century after the occurrence, and the writer probably had no 
knowledge of it except from tradition. 

The following vote, passed by the town, December 20, 1660, shows 
a willingness that the laws to which they were sul)ject should be known. 
It also shows the care that was taken of the books containing the laws. 

"Liberty is Granted to those y* have the keeping of tlie Law Bookes 
y* they shall lend them to their neighbors for about a fortnight att one 
time, who are to Returne them lo those y* liaue the keeping of them «& 
nott to lend them from man to man whereby they may come to dam- 
age." 

On the 1st of January, 1661, the town established a rule to be ob- 
served in the taxation of ^mmorr^ecZ ?7ie», who had no estates on which 
taxes could be assessed, for defraying the expenses to which the town 
was liable. Each man was to be estimated as an estate of £20 in the 
assessment of taxes — whether town, or ministerial, except in cases 
where the selectmen, for good reasons, should think it expedient to as- 
sess a smaller sum. 



60 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

It has already been shown, tliat tlie re<^ular ami usual method of ad- 
mitting inhabitants was by vote of the town. From the lirst, tliis 
povver was exercised as a [)rotection from imposition and injury. Still, 
there was need of constant and untiring vigilance, to |)revent persons 
acquiring the rights and [)rivileges of inhabitants without permission 
thus granted ; for by a colonial law, of 1G45, any person who had 
lived in any town of the colony for the space of one full year should 
be accounted an inhabitant of that town. It was prol)al)ly on account 
of this or some similar law, that the people of IIam[)ton at this time 
made a regulation, that if any inhabitant of the town should receive 
into, or keep in iiis family, any inmate, without the consent of the 
town, he should forfeit to the town's use ten shillings a week. 

But what occasion there was for the following vote, passed at the 
same meeting, it is not easy to conceive. The record of it is in these 
words : 

"Itt is ordered y* if any p'^son shall discharge a Gunn in the Meet- 
ing House, or in any other House, without the leave of the ovvner, or 
Householder, Hee or they shall forfitt Hve siiillings, unless the p^'son 
so offending doth peaceal»ly make satisfaction ; nor shall any p''son. 
Ride or lead a Horse into the meeting House under the like penalt\-." 

At the town meeting last named, liberty was given to any and all 
inhabitants who chose, to break up planting ground on the commons, 
and to iiave tlie profits for ten 3'ears, on certain conditions. The land 
must lie three miles, at least, from the meeting house, ami those who 
should undertake to cultivate any portion of it must give security to 
the satisfaction of the selectmen for the time being, that at the end 
of the ten years, they would, at a seasonable time in the year, sow it 
down with English hay seed, two bushels, at least, of good merchant- 
able seed upon each acre of ground so cultivated, which was thence- 
forth to lie common forever. 

At a meeting, March 1 1, 1662, the town, as an act of justice to the 
owners of the meadows, or marshes, over which the causeway passed, 
gave them permission to set up gates across it in convenient [)laceson 
both sides of the meadows, to prevent cattle from feeding or tramp- 
ling upon them. The town also voted, that after the ei'ection of such 
gates, no persons should put an}' cattle upon these meadows between 
the first of April and the first of October, under the penalty of being 
accounted as trespassers and dealt with accordingly. Nathaniel Boul- 
ter alone dissented. 

Permission was also granted for gates, to protect the common field 
that had been enclosed in the east part of the town ; one, near John 
Redman's — probably on the sea road, not far from the site of the east 



TOWN AFFAIRS. 1 658-1 G80. 61 

schoollionse — to prevent cattle fVoin entering the field from above; 
and another, at the bridge near the beach, as security against the cat- 
tle pastnred upon the Great Ox-Coninion. These gates were to be kept 
up, and no cattle left within the enclosure from the beginning of April, 
till after the 10th day of October ann.uall_y. 

In the autumn following, the constal)le, Henry Roby, was fined ten 
shillings for neglect of duty, in "warning a meeting and not attending 
to forwai-d the work" — the whole fine to be exacted, uidess he should 
give a satisfactory reason for his absence, in which case one-half of it 
would be remitted. He also lost his office, and William Fifield was 
chosen constable in his place. 

In Decemi)er, the question, Who are to be considered inhabitants of 
tiie town? was answered by the following vote: "Itt is acted & or- 
dered thatt Hence forth no man shall bee Judged an Inhabitant in this 
towne nor haue power or liberty to act in towne affaires or hauepriv- 
iledg of Coinonedg Either sweepedg or feedage butt hee thatt hath 
one share of Comonedg att least according to the first deuission and 
land to build upon." 

At a town meeting, on the 9th of March, 1663, an allowance of 40s. 
was made to Samuel Dalton, the town clerk, for keeping the town 
records and recording the "Towne actes" during the year preceding. 
What his compensation had been in former years is not known. 

RIGHTS IN THE COW-COMMONS. 

At the same meeting, it was voted that the cow commons should 
be cleared of mares and colts, and that no person should put any cat- 
tle ui)on the commons, luiless he owned some right in them. Persons 
liaving a right, might, if they chose, pasture one horse there instead 
of two cows. Thomas Marston and Nathaniel Batchelder were chosen 
to see this order executed. Persons owning no right in the commons, 
who should put any beasts there to be pastured, in violation of this 
order, were made liable to a fine, even for the first offence. If the 
committee just chosen should neglect their duty, they were to forfeit 
10s. apiece. 

At this meeting, too, about seventeen years after what has usually, 
though rather imi)ro[)erly, been termed the divisioyi of the cow com- 
mon, two persons — one of whom was John Sanborn, and the other 
not known, his name being obliterated from the records — were chosen 
to join with Samuel Dalton, the town clerk, to ascertain by whom the 
shares of the common were then claimed, and to whom they really be- 
longed ; and as eleven shares had formerly been reserved l)y the town, 
to be disposed of afterward, they were also to ascertain how many of 



62 



HISTORY OF HAMPTON, 



these had since been disposed of, and to whom. All chiimants of shares 
were required to make Ivnown to the committee witliin two weeks, 
what shares the^^ claimed, and any neglecting to do so, would subject 
themselves to a fine of 20s. each. The committee were also required, 
after having made a thorough investigation, and having found to whom 
the shares legally belonged, to cause a record thereof to be made. 
The constable was empowered and ordered to take by distress all 
forfeitures arising under this order, and to give an account thereof 
to the town, with the assurance that he should "liave satisfaction for 
bis paines." 

Two weeks afterward, the committee presented their report, which 
was accepted and placed upon record, as follows : 



OWNEUS OF THE ShAKKS IN TUE COAV CoMMON, MaRCH 23, 1G63, 

and how their titles were derioed from the original owners. 
Oriff ' rights 



Bo' of W" Howard 

W™ Moulton 
The wid. Bristow 
John Moultou 

W™ Howard 
W" Cole 
Walter Hopper 

W°^ Eastow 

Walter Ropper 
Henry Green 
Henry Ambrose 

Henry Ambrose 
James Davis Sen'' 
Philemon Dalton 

The Almcs Lot 
Isaac Perkins 
Rev. S. Batchclder 
Stephen Sanborn 

Tho" Moulton 

Rev. S. Batchclder 

W'n Eufflish 



Ri^bert Page 3 shares — one of which given to John 
Clittbrd. 

John Brown 1 share, bought of Tho* Sleeper. 

John Brown — 1 share. 

Henry Moulton 1 share — by the last will of his father 
John Moulton. 

W'" Godfrey — 2 shares bought of W™ Howard. 

Tho* Webster one share, bought of W'"^ Cole. 

Thomas Mavston one share (of three which he bought 
of Rob' Knight.) 

Thomas Marstou one share by the last will of W" Eas- 
tow. 

W™ Marston Jun two shares bought of Tho« Marston. 

Abraham Perkins one share, bought of Henry Green. 

W™ Fuller 2 shares (of three which he bought of Hen- 
ry Ambrose.) 

Anthony Stauyan 1 share, bought of W'" Fuller. 

Anthony Stanyan 3 shares, bought of James Davis Sen''. 

Samuel Dalton 3 shares, as sole heir to Philemon Dal- 
ton deceased. 

Sanmel Fogg, 1 share bought of John Redman. 

Samuel Fogg, 1 share bought of Henry Roby. 

Nathaniel Batchclder 1 share bought of John Sanborn. 

Nathaniel Batchclder 1 share bought of Stephen San- 
born. 

Mr. Dalton or his Relict, 3 shares bought of Tho-' 
Moulton Inte of Hampton. 

Tho'* l'liil))rick Sen"" one share bought of W" Sanl)orn 
— belore that John Sanborn's. 

John Casse two shares bought of W" English. 



TOWN AFFAIRS. 1 658-1 G80. 



63 



Sam' Getchell Tho^ Dearborn one sliare bought of Mr. Risliworth & 

Thomas Leader. 
Tho» Sleeper Henry Dow one share bought of Tlionias Sleeper. 

Henry Dow Sen' Henry Dow one share, by the last Avill of his father 

^ Henry Dow Sen'^. 

W"^ Eastow Morris Hobbs two shares, by the last will of W" Eas- 

tow. 
Henry Green John Marion one share bought of Henry Green. 

Edw. Colcord by right ^jj^j^j^^g ^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^,^ bought of Edward Colcord. 

from Tho. Jones 
Aquila Chase _ Thomas Chase, one share bought of Aquila Chase. 
Francis Pcabody Robert Drake 3 shares bought of Francis Peabody. 

Ed. Colcord right of \ Robert Drake 1 share bought of Edward Colcord, as 
T. Jones 



W" Howard 

Henry Say ward 

Francis Swaine 

Francis Swaine 

Tho» Chase 
[Francis Swaine] 



Richard Swaine 
Richard Swaine 

W" English 
Mr. [T.] Dalton 

Henry Doav 
2 of the 3 shares to 
"The Almes Lott" 
W™ Marston Sen'' 
W" Marston Sen"" 

W™ Marston Sen"- 



J appears folio 41. 
John Cliftbrd, one share given him by Rob' Page (one 

of those that Page bo' of Howard). 
John Philbrick, late of Hampton, one share bought of 

Henry Sayward. 
Thomas Philbrick Jun"' — one share bought of Henry 

Green. 
Nath' Weare, one share given him by Francis Swaine 

& confirmed by Martha Leveredge, his executrix. 
Robert Smith, one share bought of John Garland. 
Natli' Weare one share more given him by Francis 

Swaine and confirmed by the wife of Caleb Lever- 
edge as above, 
Benjamin Swett — 2 shares, bought of Richard Swaine. 
Nathaniel Weare — one share, bought of Richard 

Swaine. 
Jasper Blake — one share, bought of Thomas Ward. 
John Knowles — 2 shares bought of Emanuel Hilliard 

— by Giles Fuller. 
Thomas Nudd — one share bought of Henry Dow Sen^ 
John Redman — 2 shares granted to the lot given to him 

by the Town. 
John Marston— 3 shares bought of W'" Marston Scn^. 
Henry Dearborn — one of the above shares— bought of 

John Marston. 
Abraham Cole— one share bought of Tho^ Philbrick, 

who bought it of John Marston. 
Francis Page— one share. 
Daniel Dow— one share bought of Nath' Boulter. 



CAPT. THOMAS WIGGIN. 

Squamscott Patent included tlie territory which now forms the town 
of Stratham. On tliis territory lived Cupt. Thomas VViggin, one of 
the magistrates of Massachusetts and, for many years a judge of the 
courts at Salisbury and Hampton, at Dover and York. Living upon 



64 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

his farm, whicli lay not within the limits of any town, he was not li- 
able to taxation till his case was made a subject of special legislation. 
It was then ordered l)y the General Court, that the dwelling-house of 
Capt. Wiggin, together with tiie lands and other property pertaining 
thereto, should belong to tlie town of Hampton, and be assessed by 
the selectmen thereof, in all rates, according to law, any custom or 
usage to the contrary notwithstanding ; and that for tiie time past in 
which he had paid no taxes, he should now allow the sum of five 
pounds only, and pay the same into the public treasury. This con- 
nection with Hampton continued about thirty-five years, from May, 
1657, to November 28, 1692, when it was transferred to Exeter. 

Capt. Wiggin appears, b}^ this act, to have been subjected to the 
same liabilities in regard to taxation, as if his property and his own 
residence had been within the limits of the town. Several years after- 
ward, some changes were made, in practice at least, if not by law. 
Tlie town voted to free him from paying for his farm such rates as 
were made for particular town charges, and for the house bought for 
the use of the minister ; but he was still to pay for his farm and stock 
all rates made for the minister's maintenance, and all country and 
county rates, as formerl}'. Hence it may be inferred, that his connec- 
tion with the town was regarded as temporary rather than permanent, 
and on this account he was not required to pay any taxes, whose 
benefits would be in the future only. 

In the spring of 1663, the town, in accordance with the reserved 
right to order both the sweepage and feedageof the several commons, 
voted that, for the present j^ear, three cows, or one horse and one 
cow, might be pastured on the cow common, for each share. 

The selectmen having appointed William Fuller, John Sanborn and 
Jtjhn Redman to take notice of any breaches of the regulation about 
the making of staves, the town confirmed the appointment, gave the 
men a[)pointed discretionary power to remit fines and to determine 
how many staves any man might make; also imposed a fine of ten 
shillings for each tree felled for staves without permission of the com- 
mittee. 

At the same meeting, Thomas Parker, shoemaker, was granted 
lil)erty to come into the town to follow his trade, though, for some 
unknown reason, nine prominent citizens entered their dissent. 

THE NKW" PLANTATION. 

About this time, a new enterprise of considerable magnitude was 
undertaken. The western portion of the towtiship being still unsettled, 
on the 9th of June, 1663, it was ordered and agreed, that a tract of 



TOWN AFFAIRS. 1658-1 670. 65 

land in that part should be surveyed and laid out, to contain several 
thousand acres, i if the persons sent to examine it should consiiler it 
expedient. The men appointed for this purpose were John Sanborn, 
Thomas Marston, Christopher Palmer, John Redman, Abraham Drake, 
"William Sanborn, and Morris Hobbs. If these men, after viewing 
the land, should decide to lay it out, they were instructed to begin 
at the western boundary, and extend their survey eastward, taking 
the full breadth of the town, till the number of acres designated should 
be included. This tract was to be laid out to the lawful inhabitants, 
according to the town's will and pleasure. Anthony Stanyau alone 
voted in the negative. 

The committee ai)pear to have attended to the duty assigned them 
immediately, so far as related to viewing the tract, and to have re- 
ported favorably. At another town meeting a week later, Capt. 
Christopher Hussey, Dea. Robert Page, John Sanborn, John Redman, 
and the town clerk [Samuel Daltoti], instead of the former committee, 
were appointed to lay out the land. They were directed "to consider 
of a way of division, and make return to the town, in the evening 
after training, to which time" the meeting was then adjourned. At 
that time, date not given, the report, read, ap[)roved and adopted, 
v.'as as follows : 

"Concerning the matter committed to us, we judge it meet that the 
laud be divided into two divisions ; the first division to be one hundred 
acres to every inhabitant that hath two shares of commonage, or up- 
wards, and those that have but one share, to have each eighty acres ; 
and what meadows should be found, to be [divided] according to each 
man's right, in pioportion with the [rest]." 

The survey and division of this land appear to have occupied about 
three mouths, for a little more than that length of time had elapsed 
when, on the 23d of September, the result was laid before the town. 
The lots were tlieu drawn for by tliose inhabitants entitled to them 
— Dea. Robert Page having been chosen to draw for persons absent 
and not represented. This tract was usually styled The new Plan- 
tation, though sometimes designated as "the laud laid out by the 
pond in our township." The pond here mentioned is Kingston pond, 
and a considerable portion of this tract of land fell within the limits 
of Kingston, when, thirty years later, that town was incorporated. 
This gave rise to several lawsuits, which will be noticed in another 
chapter. 

'The leaf of the Records on which this order was entered, is somewhat mntilated, but the 
quantity of land named appears to be four thousand acres, yet the quantity actually laid out 
must have been much larger. 



66 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



SUIT AGAINST NATHANIEL BOULTER. 

At this time, the town determined to commence suits at law ngainst 
persons who had trespassed upon the commons, either in mowing 
the meadows, or felling timber, or in any other way, in all cases 
where legal proof could l)e obtained. Thomas Marston and William 
Fifield were chosen to act as attorneys for the town, iu such suits. 
They were particularly instructed to bring a suit or suits against 
Nathaniel Boulter, at the next court to be holden at Hampton. 

In what manner he had trespassed does not appear. The case 
seems to have gone in his favor, for a few months afterward, Februaiy 
4, 1664, the town voted to have it reviewed at the next court to be 
holden at Salisbury ; and AVilliam Fifiold and John Redman were then 
appointed to act as agents for the town in the prosecution. Subse- 
quently, the entire management of the case was committed to the 
hitter. Before the trial came on, however, the town agreed, that 
Boulter should have, in addition to the house lot formerly granted to 
him, one of the eleven reserved shares of the cow-common. 

From a statement made to the county court at Salisbury in 1675, 
by Henry Dow, the town's attorney in another suit with Boulter, then 
pending, it appears that this suit was settled in 1666. In the other 
case, the town denied that Boulter had any just claims, yet for the 
sake of peace, and to end all diftei-ences then existing, or that ever 
had existed between the parties, consented to an agreement by which 
a considerable tract of land was conveyed to Boulter. 

An unusually large amount of business was transacted at the town 
meeting on the 23d of September, 1663. Several important votes 
have already been mentioned. An order was also made that the 
Great Ox-Common should be fenced with a sufficient four-rail fence, 
from tlie bridge near the beach to the pond near Great Boar's Head. 
The other portions of this common, bordering on the river and ocean, 
were sufficiently protected without being fenced. 

Permission was given to William Fifield "to run his fence right over 
the island by his meadow at the Little River, provided he did not en- 
close above half an acre of upland to his own use." The island here 
mentioned is now known as Fifield's island, an elevated tract contain- 
ing about sixteen acres and lying in the midst of the salt-marsh, on 
the southerly side of Little river. 

This marsh was formerly a fresh meadoio,^ as is evident from the 
large number of stumps and roots of trees still — or till recently — 

iThe land between Little River and the lieacli •' to'"'' the little Bonres-head," in an entry 
on the Town Records, iiuder date ol' 20 : 5 mo ; 1040, is called "IVeshin*'." 



TOWN AFFAIRS. 1658-1676. 67 

found there. The river ran along southerl^^, inside of the l)eneh, and, 
as some snppose, at an early period nnited with Nilus brook, a tribu- 
tary of Winuacunnet or Hampton river. At the time of the settle- 
ment of the town it flowed into the ocean at Plaice Cove. Afterward 
a more dii'ect passage having been opened through the sand, the tide 
flowed ill, and the fresh-meadow was gradually converted into salt- 
marsh. 

After the drawing of lots for the land laid out at the New Planta- 
tion, the town ordered that the dry-cattle should be kept there the 
next summer, in charge of herdsmen to be hired by the selectmen 
then in oflice. As that section of the township was then unsettled, 
the selectmen were instructed to build a house for the heixlsmen, and 
a pen for their cattle, and to make such further provision as they 
might consider needful for their comfort and convenience. Near the 
close of the year, the town somewhat modified this arrangement. It 
was then voted that all the dry-cattle, except oxen and young calves^ 
should be pastured there. The order was made for the whole town, 
and the inhabitants were strictly prohibited from allowing any cattle 
of this description to go upon the cow-common, under penalty of 2s. 
a head for all such cattle found there. For the rigid enforcement of 
this order, Thomas Marston, Thomas Philbrick, jr., and Henry Dow 
were chosen and instructed to clear the cow-common of dry cattle and 
to collect all Hues arising from a violation of the foregoing order. 

The milch-cows were, the next summer, to be pastured, as formerly, 
upon the cow-common towards Exeter. 

The selectmen were directed to lay out for the use of the herds- 
men for the next year, twenty acres of land, which, in the drawing of 
lots already mentioned, had fallen to John Knowles, but which he 
had now relinquished to tlie town in exchange for an equal quantity 
which he was allowed to choose out of the commons, in any place 
within three miles of the aforenamed pond. To the lot thus relin- 
quished, the selectmen were allowed to add a "nooke" extending into 
the pond. 

EUNICE COLK AGAIN. 

William Salter, the keeper of the prison at Boston, brought a de- 
mand against the town for boarding Eunice Cole at the prison to 
which she had been sentenced by the court ; and, to secure payment 
of the debt, he arrested Thomas Marston, one of the selectmen, July 
14, 1664. Marston having laid the case before the town, the following 
votes were passed : "The towne doth order and agree thatt whatt re- 
maines of old Cole's estate in the hands of the selectmen, according to 



68 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

y^ order of the County Courtt, shall bee payd to Salter with as much 
speed as may bee." "Thatt the Rest y^ is due to him, y® s'^ Salter, 
shall by the selectmen be payd out of the lines y^ are due to the 
Towne from those that are delinquents in making staues upon the 
Coinons contrary to the Town order, to make up the full some [sum] 
due to the s*^ Salter." 

In order that these proceedings may be the better understood, it is 
necessary to give a brief account of some previous transactions. 

While F^unice Cole was lying in prison after her trial for witchcraft 
in 1656, her husband, William Cole, on the third of November, 1659, 
sent a petition to the General Court, in which he represented that he 
had, on some former occasion, made over his estate to his wife, "to 
keep her from going moay from him;" that he was not able himself to 
perform the labor that was needful to gain a subsistence from this 
estate, and that, as he could not make payment from it to any persons 
whoui he might wish to employ to assist him, he had sometimes come 
near perishing, and had been obliged to call upon the town for aid, 
which had been furnished ; but that the town could recover nothing 
for the assistance rendered, without having recourse to a lawsuit. He 
therefore prayed the court to provide some relief in the case. 

The petition having been considered, the court ordered : '-That the 
town of Hampton should take into their possession all the estate be- 
longing to the said Cole, or his wife — as was pretended — and out of 
said estate, or otherwise, as they sliould see cause, supply the said 
Cole's and his wife's necessities during their lives, and afterward ac- 
count for what should remain unspent — if anything — after being paid 
for their trouble." 

The town, in compliance with this order of the General Court, had 
taken possession of Cole's estate, and in consequence had become lia- 
ble for his own and his wife's maintenance, though she w:is still a 
prisoner in Boston. In 1662, Goody Cole herself prayed the court 
for release, pleading pathetically her own age and weakness, and 
the infirmities of her husband, ''being 88 yeeres of Age," and need- 
ing the care which none but his wife could render. Petitions were 
also presented by the inhabitants of Hampton and the keeper of the 
prison, and the court ordered that she pay "what is due on arrears" 
to the keeper, and "depart w*''in one month after her release, out of 
this jurisdiction, «& not to returne againe on poenalty of hir former 
sentenc being executed against hir." At the time of Marston's ar- 
rest by Salter, William Cole was dead. The town continued to main- 
tain his widow at the prison several years afterward at an expense of 
eight pounds a year. 



TOWN AFFAIRS. 1658-1676. 69 

In the latter part of the spring of 1665, another petition from Goody 
Cole was presented to the General Court, praying that she might be 
released from i)rison. The court ordered that she might have her 
liberty upon her security to depart from, and abide out of, their ju- 
risdiction, according to the former order of the court. She, however, 
still remained in prison, unwilling, perhaps, to leave the colony, and 
probably unable to give the security required. 

BOUNTIES FOR NEW SETTLEMENTS. 

After the lapse of a quarter of a century from the first settlement 
of the town, the population was still confined to the part of the terri- 
tory lying near the seacoast ; but now there was on the part of many 
of the inhabitants a desire that other portions should be occupied. 
When the New Plantation had been In id out a little more than a year, 
the town, for the purpose of procuring its immediate settlement, 
agreed upon a measure that seemed likely, to some extent at least, to 
effect an object so desirable. As an inducement for persons to settle 
there, it was voted, November 24, 1664, that any who would give in 
their names to the selectmen should be allowed to take up twenty acres 
of land to a man, for house lots, on condition that they would make use 
of their lots for this purpose, within twelve months. Soon after- 
wards (December 9), permission was given to such of the inhabitants 
as had laud granted to them in the township near Great pond, to take 
up ten acres each in Ashing swamp, between Ass brook and the 
township, which should be laid out at the discretion of the lot-layers, 
and should be accounted as so much of the land granted to them. 

The plan, however, did not prove successful, and a few years after- 
ward it was thought expedient to offer other and greater induce- 
meuts. It was then voted, that those inhabitants of the town, who would 
give in their names at a meeting to be holden for that purpose, and 
agree to improve land at the New Plantation, by building upon it and 
fencing it, should be allowed to take up forty acres apiece, to begin 
at the northern part of the western boundary, next to Exeter, and 
have their lots laid thence homeward towards the town, provided that 
none of them should extend more than three-quarters of a mile east- 
ward of Ass brook. This was April 14, 1669. 

Twelve men accepted the terms, and the town voted that lots should 
be laid out for them in two divisions. These twelve men were : 

William Sanborn, Abraham Perkins, Sen. 

Samuel Fogg, Nathaniel Batchelder, 

John Moulton, Morris Hobbs, 

William Marston, John Smith (the cooper), 

Henry Moulton, Robert Smith, 

Anthony Taylor, Thomas Marston. 



70 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

More than three years earlier the town had vot(Hl to give William 
Marstou, Sen., one hundred acres of land, to be laid out as near the 
Great pond in the western part of the township as might conveniently 
be done, provided he should build upon it and settle some person there 
during the next year. As Goodman Maiston was at that time far 
advanced in life, being about seventy-five years of age, it was not 
probably expected that he would settle there himself. 

At the same meeting, Ens. John Sanborn, Samuel Dalton and 
Abraham Drake were appointed as measurers of land, to lay out, or, 
it may be, to complete the laying out of the land granted as a Second 
Division in 1663, or later. They were ordered to lay it out by the 
end of May following, so arranging the lots as to allow each person 
to have his full proportion in one body so far as practicable. 

COMMISSIONERS KOK SMALL CAUSES. 

The General Court, in the spring session of 1665, in consideration 
of the trouble and expense to which the people of the county of Nor- 
folk were subjected, by reason of their remoteness from any magis- 
trates, oidered that Capt. Robert Pike, of Salisbury, and Mr. Samuel 
Dalton, of Hampton — or either of them — should be ''empowered as 
commissioners to take the acknowledgment of deeds ; to administer 
oaths in all civil cases ; to issue warrants to search (or stolen goods; 
to take notice of and punisli defects in watching; to punish for drunk- 
enness, excessive drinking, and such like crimes of an inferior nature, 
according to law ; to bind over offenders to the county court ; to sol- 
emnize marriages to persons duly published ; and all this during the 
court's pleasure." 

Before that year closed, Moses Coxe and Alexander Denham were 
engaged for the next year as keepers of the dry cattle in the pastur- 
age "about the Great Pond." 

It was ordered that no cattle but milch cows and working oxen 
should be put upon any part of the cow common on the north !>ide of 
Taylor's river, and that no inhabitant on the north side should keep 
any cattle on the commons on the south side, on any pretext whatso- 
ever. 

The town had previously ordered, as already rehited, that the Great 
Ox-Common should be enclosed with a sufficient fence. The question 
was now raised (May 12, 1666), What should be considered a suffi- 
cient fence? and it was determined that the main river and the branch 
called John Brown's river should be accounted a sufficient fence 
about the common from the mouth of the river, and so westward up 
to the branch just named ; thence up this branch on the north and 
northeast side of the common to the fence that soes over the beach 



I 



TOWN AFFAIRS. 1G58-1G76. 71 

near the Great pond — now called Beach pond — on the north side of 
the Great Boar's Head. 

Locke's neck. 

In the last chapter it was stated that the town sent a committee to 
the northeast part of its territory between Little river and the town 
of Portsmouth, to ascertain what encroachments had been made upon 
the town's land, and to prevent, if possible, any further encroachment. 
Twelve years had now passed, and these border didlculties still con- 
tinued ; for, in 16G6, John Locke ^ who afterward fell a victim to 
Indian barbarity, had settled without permission upon the town's 
land at Jocelyn's Neck — afterward called Locke's Neck — very near 
the boundary line between Hampton and Portsmouth ; and he may 
have supposed himself within the limits of the latter town. Here he 
had built his house and enclosed a piece of ground, and hither he 
had brought his family, with intent to stay. The town, therefore, 
at the meeting on the 12th of May, directed Thomas Marston and 
Morris Hobbs to go to Jocelyn's Neck and demolish the fence Locke 
had built, and to order him to meddle no further with the town's 
property in that vicinity. 

What reception Goodman Locke gave this committee is not stated. 
Nothing further concerning him or his possessions is found on 
record till nearly two years afterward, when, on the 9th of March, 
1668, he made known to the toAvn his desire to be received as an in- 
habitant. The town acceded to his request and the Lockes came to 
be among the leading citizens. 



DANIEL TILTON, BLACKSMITH. 

In the summer of 1667, Daniel Tilton asked liberty of the town "to 
sit down" here as a smith, engaging to do the town's work "upon as 
good terms as any other man that doth use that trade in these parts, 
and that for the term of four years." The town voted to receive him, 
and granted him four acres of land adjoining the farm of Joseph Shaw. 
The conditions of the grant were that the said Daniel Tilton should 
have liberty to improve it, or dispose of it to any other smith "that 
the town could have no just exception against." And if any other 
smith shotdd come and settle in the town within the term of four 
years, and succeed in drawing away the custom from Tilton, then the 
latter should be at liberty to dispose of his land to the town, or, on 
the town's refusal, to any purchaser that he could find. 

Tilton accepted these conditions, and the four acres of land were 
laid out, having Joseph Shaw's farm on the northwest and the country 



72 HISTOET OF HAMPTON. 

way on the southeast, the lot being ten rods wide at the northeast 
end, and twenty-two rods at the southwest end, and forty rods in 
length (the Akerman place on Hampton Falls hill). 

COMMITTEE OP SUKVKY. 

February 12, 1669, Thomas Marston, Abraham Drake and Joseph 
Dow were instructed b}'^ the town, to run the line from the north tree 
[live miles uortli of the meeting-house in Hampton,] westward through 
the woods to the line of Exeter — two miles distant from the Meeting- 
house in that town, — and thence along the Exeter line to the bound tree 
standing where the road crosses Ass brook. This survey was to be 
made in accordance with an order of the court. The work was to be 
done sometime in the month of March ; but it seems not to have been 
completed at that time, for late in the following autumn, a part of the 
same survey was entrusted to INIarston and Drake of the former commit- 
tee, together with Peter Johnson. They were required to run the line 
from the north tree to Exeter, and also to measure from the causeway 
bridge according to the court's order and grant in 1652. By the cause- 
way bl'idge is probably meant a bridge near the beach not far from the 
easterly end of the road now called the causeway, though no reference 
to it in any court order of so early a date has been found. At a later 
period, the boundary line at Jocelyn's Neck was declared to be five 
miles from this bridge, to be measured along the road, or path, near 
the beach. 

There had been a controversy between this town and Portsmouth 
concerning the boundary line at Jocelyn's Neck. The case was brouglit 
before the county court at Salisbury, April 12, 1669, for adjudication. 
Ens. John Sanborn was chosen to manage it as agent in behalf of this 
town, and was instructed to procure such assistance as he might judge 
necessary. 

An action brought by the selectmen against Henry Green, was pend- 
ing in the county court, but at this time the town declared the case 
"nott yett Ripe for a Tryall." 

ORDINARIES, OR PUBLIC HOUSES. 

An ordinary was an Inn, or Public House for the accommodation 
of travelers, with lodgings and refreshments at established prices. The 
first ordinary in Hampton was opened at a very early period, by Rob- 
ert Tuck, in accordance with the expressed wish of the town. His 
house was on the corner at the junction of the two roads, near Rand's 
hill, about forty rods northwest from the site of the first Meeting-liouses. 
He continued to keep an ordinary there till he had occasion to visit 



TOWN AFFAIRS. 1058-1676. 73 

Eugland about the year 1654. It tlien became necessary for some 
other person to engage in the business. The town having made choice 
of, or at least, authorized Anthony Taylor to open an ordinary, though 
he lived on the border of the settlement, about two miles from the 
Meetnig-liouse, the county court approved the choice and allowed him 
"to sell wine and strong water." 

Goodman Tuck remained abroad about one year. After his return, 
he was invited by the town to reopen his ordinary for the accommo- 
dation of travelers. He consented, and soon after resumed business, 
having received, as he said, "greatt Incoridgement to sett it upagaine." 
Indeed, he reopened his house immediately, without waiting for the 
sitting of the county court to procure a renewal of his former license, 
not doubting that the existing ordinary would soon be closed. But 
at the next term of the court, he found himself in trouble. His license 
was indeed renewed, but he w^as fined £5, for violating the law by en- 
gaging in the business before its renewal, and was allowed a year in 
which to pay the fine. At the next session of the General Court, in 
May, 1658, he petitioned to have his fine remitted, as he had offended 
ignorantly, supposing that his former license had not become void. 
The Court remitted £3 of the fine, leaving enough of it to be paid to 
teach him the danger of violating the law, even through ignorance. 

Goodman Tuck continued to keep the ordinary till his death, which 
occurred in the autumn of 1664 ; when it was found difficult for his fam- 
ily to go on with the business, as his son who had come to America 
with him, had died several years before, aud the grandson who was heir 
to the estate, was still in his minority. The house and laud were soon 
after leased to Mr. Henry Deering, of Salisbury. On motion of Mr. 
John Sanborn, made in town meeting about a year after Tuck's death, 
the town admitted Mr. Deering as an inhabitant, and voted their ap- 
proval of him as a suitable person to keep the ordinary. 

By request of the town, the court had, several mouths before, li- 
censed Mr. Deering "to sell wine ^ strong waters by retaile." His 
license was renewed for each of the two following years, but about six 
months after the second renewal, he was invited by the selectmen of 
Portsmouth to keep the ordinary for that town. The court approved, 
and granted him license. This seems to indicate that he was held in 
good repute. 

At a town meeting held early in the fall of 1667, Mr. Anthony 
Stanyan was chosen to keep an ordinary, and to "make conuenientt 
p-'uision [provision] for the Courtt& Juries att y*' next County Courtt 
to be held att Hampton, & to p'uid [provide] for corters & strangers 
as the law directs." At this term of the court, Mr. Stauyau was ap- 



74 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

proved, and licensed. His license was renewed the next year, bnt dur- 
ing his second year he failed to give entire satisfaction ; and at tlie term 
of the court held at Salisbury in the spring of 16G9, complaint was 
made, with the following result : "Anthony Stanian being p'^sented by 
y*^ gr:\nd Jurie for not haueing accoinodation for horses, & other 
conveniences according to law : The p'"sentm' being p^'oud [proved] 
y^ Court judges y* hee shall pay fine shillings as a fine, & costs ; & in 
case of non paym*^ of y^ fine & costs ; then to appear at Hampton Court 
next to answer for his nonappearance at this p'"sent Court." 

At the next term of the court, October 12, Henry Roby was allowed 
to keep an ordinary in the town ; and the court licensed him "to sell 
beere & wine & strong waters by retaile & y"^ s"* Roby doth binde him- 
self in y*^ sum of 40 lb, on condition not to suffer any townsmen, men's 
childeren & servants to lie tipling in his house. This bond is owned 
by Hen : Rol)y in open court." 

Mr. Roby kept the ordinary about ten years, his license being re- 
newed from year to year. Still there was some dissatisfaction, for 
after about five years, he was presented at a court held in Hampton 
"for not keeping things convenient for enterteiujng strangers either 
for horse or man w^"'' causetli strangers to complajnie." "Upon y*^ s'-^ 
Robie's p'"iniseng amendm* y^ Court thinks good to discharge the 
p'"sentm^ he paijng [paying] fees of y*^ Court." 

At the court held at Salisbury in the spring of 1674, permission 
was given for opening another ordinary in the town, as is shown by 
the record : "John Souter of Hampton haueing had y*' consent of y'' 
selectmen to keep an ordinary, this court doth allow of him to keepe 
an house of entertajnm' for y*^ yeare ensuing ; p^'vided y* hee sell no 
wine or strong waters to bee drunke in his house or yards or out houses, 
to any of y*^ Inhabitants of y'' s'' towne, either dkectly or indirectly." 
One year later, John Souter was allowed to continue his house of en- 
tertainment another year, ' ' according to y*^ condicons mentioned in 
his 'first license." * 

At a court held at Hampton, October 8, 1678, the selectmen of 
Hampton having asked that Samuel Sherburne, "who hath bought y'' 
living at Hampton, wher old goodman Tuck lived & kept ordinary, 
for a house of entertainm* may have a license to keep a publique house 
of entertaium* for horse & man or travellers, [the court] Doe grant 
the same w'"^ tliis p'viso, that he attend all y'^' laws relating to Inn- 
keepers, & w^'' speed may bee provided of an house there that may 
be sutable to entertaine y*^ Court & strangers." 

Though ordinaries, or public houses, were required by law to be kept 
in every town, and though they were essential to the convenience and 



TOAVN AFFAIRS, 1658-167(). 75 

comfort of travelers, yet they were liable to abuse. "We have no 
means of knowing what reputation the ordinaries kept in tliis town 
before the close of the seventeenth century, sustained. But in some 
of the ordin;iries in the colony, certain practices were allowed, which 
by many persons wei'e esteemed disreputable and disorderly. These 
practices attracted the attention of the magistrates and deputies, and 
were made a subject of legislation. The following act, passed in 165 1 , 
may serve as a specimen : 

"Whereas it is observed that there are many Abuses and disorders 
by dancing in ordynaryes, whether mixt or unmixt, uppon marriage 
of some persons ; This Court doth order, that henceforward there 
shall be no dancing uppon such occasion, or at other times, in or- 
dinaries, uppon the paiue or penaltie of five shillings for every person 
that shall so dance in ordinaries." 

THE FIHST NORTH DIVISION. 

Near the beginning of the year 1670, preliminary measures were 
adopted for laj'ing out a considerable portion of land, afterward known 
as The First North Division, embracuig all that part of the township 
lying beyond a line four miles north of the Meeting house and parallel 
with the northern boundary of the town. This tract was consequently 
one mile in breadth, and extended from Exeter to the sea. The town 
voted, February 22, that it should be laid out and divided according 
to the shares of the common. The lots were to be numbered, begin- 
ning on the west at the line of Exeter — two miles from the Meeting- 
house in that town — and proceeding downward to the sea. 

As the number of shares in the cow common was one hundred 
forty-seven, it might be supposed that this tract would be laid out in- 
to an equal number of lots ; but that was not the case. In many in- 
stances, two or more shares of the common belonged to the same 
person, so that, in fact, the number of oioners was only sevent^^-seven ; 
and as it appeared desirable, that the whole of each man's share of 
this laud should be in one lot, it was agreed that the tract should be 
divided into just as many lots as there were owners of the common ; 
and that the lots — all being of the same length — should vary in width 
in proportion to the owner's rights in the common severally. It was 
therefore necessary, that the lots should be drawn for bi/ number^ be- 
fore they were actually laid out; and then it would not be diflicult to 
determine the width of the successive lots, as they were numbei'ed. 
Some portions of this land were, undoubtedly, far more valuable than 
others, but in this instance no regard was had to its quality. Before 
drawing for the lots, it was agreed that they should be taken by the 
proprietors just as their respective lots should happen to fall. 



76 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Ens. John Sauborn, Nathaniel Weare and Peter Johnson were chosen 
to survey and lay out this Division. 

But it is far easier io resolve than to do. The land, here ordered to 
be laid out, remained unsurveyed during nearly a whole generation. 
Twenty four years after this vote, another was passed explanatory of 
the former, and it was then ordered that the division should be laid 
out under the direction of those originally chosen for the purpose, ex- 
cept that Peter Johnson being dead, another was chosen in his place. 
But six years more passed away before the work was completed, and 
the result placed upon record. 

THE NEW PLANTATION LAID OUT ANEW. 

It has been shown, i that in 1663, the town adopted such measures, 
and made such arrangements for laying out, and disposing of, the land 
at the New Plantation, in the western part of the township, no fur- 
ther action on the subject seemed to be needed. But from offers 
afterward made by the town to those who would settle there, and from 
the repetition of those offers, or rather from still more favorable offers 
of a later date, it seems to have been difficult to induce people to set- 
tle so far back in the woods. From Avhatever cause this ma}' have 
happened, the result appears to have been, that the whole tract re- 
mained unsettled, and the shares drawn by individuals, probably re- 
verted to the town ; for now, after an interval of about six years, the 
town undertook to lay out this land anew. 

It was determined that it should be laid out in four Divisions, the 
Jirst abutting upon Salisbury, and the last upon Exeter, the number- 
ing of the lots to begin at the former town. It was further ordered, 
that the lots should be 160 rods — ^^that is half a mile — in length, and 
proportioned to the several grants, in width — regard being had in lay- 
ing them out, both to the quantity and the quality of the land. As 
there would be the length of two lots — one mile, — in each Division, 
and the number of Divisions was limited to Jour, the extent of all 
of them would be only four miles — a distance considerably less than 
the breadth of the town between Salisbury and Exeter. It was there- 
fore agreed that all the land not included in the four Divisions, should 
be left in ranges of common between them. The extent of the tract 
from the western boundary towards the town was not limited to a cer- 
tain number of rods, or miles; but it was not to come "neai'er the 
towne than y^ little pond y* is att y** Head of y'^ falls on y'^ southwest of 
o"" Pastor's farme" — that is, the pond from which the Falls river flows. 
This action was taken by the same town-meeting that created the 
First North Division. 

1 1). 64. 



TOWN AFFAIRS. 1658-1070. 77 

In May, 1670, the town again petitioned the General Court, in re- 
lation to the causeway between the Town and the Falls, representing 
that for twenty-six years they had been at great expense in making 
and maintaining this road, passing for more than a luindred rods across 
a washy marsh ; that it had proved to be a constant as well as heavy 
burden, and withal exceedingly discouraging, since the fruits of much 
labor and expense had in some instances been suddenly destroyed — 
once, soon after they had laid out £20 upon it. They stated that they 
had never received "any support from the Country, but only £5 the 
first year that the said causeway was made." They now asked for re- 
lief from the public treasury, which, however, was not granted ; but 
it was left to the court of the county of Norfolk, to determine whether 
"to lay it on the county, or leave it to the town," as might be judged 
most equitable. 

EXCLUSION OF PAUPERS. 

By a vote of the town passed January 12, 1671, no person was al- 
lowed to receive into his family, as an inmate, any single person more 
than sixteen years of age, without the consent of the town. Every 
breach of this order would subject the offender to a fine of 10s. a week 
for the whole time any such person should be in his family, the fine 
to be collected by the constable, by distress. No person was permit- 
ted even to hire a servant from out of town, without giving security, 
that the town should not receive any damage thereby. 

This regulation was made to avoid the support of paupers ; for by 
a law 9f the colony, then in force, if a person not having a family, 
should be resident in any town in the colony, more than three mouths, 
without being formally notified of the town's unwillingness that he 
should remain, he should, if needy, be provided for and relieved by 
such town. 

No particular reason is assigned for passing such a vote at this time, 
but one may be inferred, from another vote passed at the same meet- 
ing, in relation to one Christopher Gould, subjecting any person who 
should receive him into his family, to the fine specified in the former 
vote. 

THE CITIZEN ON SQUAMSCOTT PATENT. 

The same da}^ the town granted to Mr. Andrew VViggiu, at his own 
request, liberty to take forty pines from the common on the north- 
west side of Ass brook, at a place where one James Kidd had, on 
some former occasion, hauled out logs'. This Mr. Wiggin was a son 

iJanies Kidd appears to have t)een regarded as a trespasser, and Mr. Anthony Stauian 
and William Sanborn were appointed by the town to compel liim to i)ay for the timber he 
had taken from tlie town's land. 



78 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

of Capt. Thomas "Wiggin, heretofore ineiitioued as a magistrate re- 
sidiug ou Squamscott Patent. The sou lived there also, and i)aid taxes 
to Hampton as his father had done. He, therefore, might perhaps 
justly be considered as entitled to some favor from the town. 

The part of the common whence these logs had been taken is now 
included within the limits of Exeter. It had hitherto been considered 
as, a part of Hampton, and it evidently belonged to this town accord- 
ing to several acts of the General Court, in which the boundaries of 
the two towns were described. But not long after this a controversy 
arose concerning a considerable tract of laud near the borders of these 
towns, in which this portion was probably included. Of this contro- 
versy and its result, some account will be given farther on. 

HORSES WINTERED ON THE MARSHES. 

Another vote, of tlie same date as the last, was substantially as fol- 
lows : 

Tlie town being sensible of the great damage that is done in the 
marshes and meadows, by persons letting their horses and other cat- 
tle run at large in the winter time, going over fences, creeks and riv- 
ers, to the haystacks, do therefore order, that from the first of No- 
vember till the last of March, from 3'ear to 3'ear, every person shall 
take care of his cattle to prevent damage of this kind, as far as may 
be; and that, if any cattle be found at the haystacks standing in the 
meadows or marshes, within the time mentioned, their owners sliall 
forfeit 12d. a head for every beast so found, and it sliall be lawful to 
impound such cattle, and to take the penalty named, and all just 
damage to the person damnified. 

The object aimed at, by this vote, was not full}' attained, for about 
five years afterward, the vote was in substance renewed, showing that 
occasion for the regulation still existed. Indeed, the practice al- 
luded to, of letting cattle — and particuUirly, horses — run at laige 
dui'ing the winter season, was continued for a long series of years. 
In the summer, the horses were usually pastured, where they could 
be found and taken at any time, when wanted — generally for carry- 
ing their owners, or others, to mill or to market, and, on the Sabbath, 
to meeting. In the winter, they were suffered to roam upon the beach, 
and the marshes and meadows, and other grounds in the vicinity, get- 
ting their living as best they could, by cropping the tall beach grass, 
or grazing upon the rovven on the marshes and meadows, where the 
tides kept the ground free from snow, — oftentimes, no doubt, when tlie 
creeks were frozen over, venturing far out into tlie marsht'S, and 
making depredations upon the haystac^ks. 



TOWN AFFAIRS. 1658-1670. 79 

Possibly a few nged persons now living can renieniher when this 
cnstom still lingered here, for it had not wholly ceased at tiie com- 
mencement of the present centnry. Some, who have died within the 
last twenty or thirty years, used to give humorous descriptions of the 
api)earance of the horses thus wintered. The poor beasts, exposed 
to stoiins and the cold, were enabled to endure the inclemency of the 
weather, by a kind provision of nature, causing their hair to grow thick 
and long, which, though unused to the curry-comb or brush, seldom, 
when dry, became tangled or matted, but stood out, as if under the 
influence of the electric fluid, giving them the appearance of beino- 
plump. They were so in appearance only, however, and when the 
hair was wet with rain or snow, or from their own {)erspiration, 
their real condition was readily seen. Most of them were, in fact, 
of an inferior breed, and, being thus kept, or rather left to take care of 
themselves, before the return of spring they almost invariably be- 
came lean and lank, and withal exceeding shy, so that feeding- 
together in droves, when any person went near them, they would throw 
up their heads with a snort, and start off with all the speed of which 
the^- were capable, appearing like so man}'' moving skeletons, 

"The first of April, 1671, a great storm of driving snow csime out 
of the northwest and drove up into drifts about 6 feet deep as ap- 
peared by those that measured the banks of snow, and for the space 
of 14 days [after] it was a sad time of rain, not one whole fair day 
in fourteen, and much damage done to mills and in other ways by the 
floods that followed." 

The above date is in Old Style, so that the storm was on the 11'^ 
of April, as we now reckon time. 

LAST DAYS OF GOODY COLE. 

Sometime previous to the year 1671, Eunice Cole had been re- 
leased from the prison at Boston, where she had been detained a 
prisoner ever since the residt of her trial for witchcraft, which was 
commenced in 1656, had been finally settled by the Court of Assist- 
ants. She had now returned to Hampton and was probably living 
in a small house near the foot of Rand's hill, on the northeasterly 
side of the road. As the town had a few years before, by order of 
the Genei-al Court, taken possession of her husband's estate, it is 
most likely Ihat the house occupied by her had been provided by the 
town, as that was the source whence she derived her support. 

Now, in 1671, the town ordered that tlie inhabitants should take 
their turns, in the order in which they dwelt, in providing for her by 



80 HISTORr OF HAMPTON. 

the week, and that any person whose proportion in the rate [that had 
been made for her support] amounted to less tlian four shillings, 
should join with his next neighbor, for this purpose. They were to 
provide her with suitable food and fuel, and each one having the care 
of her, was required to notify his next neighbor to make provision for 
her the following week. This course was adopted by the town, in or- 
der to lighten the burden of the selectmen and constable. 

But the poor creature's life seemed destined to turbulence to the 
end ; for in October, 1672, she was again arraigned on the old charge 
of witchcraft — in appearing under various forms, as a woman, a dog, 
an eagle and a cat, to entice a young girl, named Ann Smith, to live 
with her. Tiie grand jury found a bill against her, and in April, 1673, 
the Salisbury Court ordered her once more to Boston jail to await fur- 
ther trial. After a few months, the following remarkable decision 
finally disposed of the case, and Goo<ly Cole passed the remnant of 
her unhappy days in Hampton. 

"In y*^ case of Unis Cole now prisoner att y'' Bar not Legally guilty 
acording to Inditement butt just gi-ound of vehement suspissyon of 
her haueing had famillyarryty with the deuill 

Jonas Clarke in the name 
of the rest." 



LINE BETWEEN HAMPTON AND EXETER. 

Abraham Drake, Peter Johnson, James Philbrick and Joseph Dow 
were appointed, February 9, 1671, to run the line between this town and 
Exeter, from Ass brook to the extent of ten miles westerly according 
to the court's order, and to mark it out with bound marks accord- 
ing to law ; and they were instructed to enter upon this work four 
days from that date, or as soon afterward as the weather would i)er- 
mit. 

The ten miles here mentioned, should not be reckoned from the 
starting point named, but from a bound about one mile and three- 
fourths from it, in a direction two or three points south of west, 
which bound is referred to in the following extract from the report of 
a committee appointed by the General Court to survey and determine 
the bounds of P^xeter. The report was signed by Samuel Daltou and 
Richard Waldron, and approved by the court at the session which 
commenced April 29, 1668 : "From the foot of Exeter falls by the 
present Grist Mill, a mile and a half due south to Hampton Bound, 
& from that south point to run upon a west and by north liue Ten 
miles into the woods adjoining to Hampton Bounds." 



TOWN AFFAIRS. 1658-1676. 81 



DKBATABLE GROUND. 

At this time, or a little earlier, there was a lawsuit between Mr. 
Samuel Dudley, of Exeter, and John Garland, of Hampton, concern- 
ing a tract of meadow, which the latter claimed, by virtue of a grant 
from the town of Hampton, but which the former claimed, as belono-- 
ing to Exeter. The case was tried in the county court, and an ap- 
peal was taken to the Court of Assistants. Before the time for trial, 
John Garland died, and the town took up the case, appointing Na- 
thaniel Weare as its agent, to defend the grant to the heirs of the 
grantee. It was virtually a controversy between the two towns. 

On the 25th of April, 1672, the freemen of Hampton, desiring to 
compromise, chose Capt. Christopher Hussey, Ens. John Sanborn, 
and Mr. Samuel Daltou, not only to treat with Mr, Dudley and Mr. 
Gilmau in regard to this suit, but, provided the town of Exeter would 
give these two men like powers, to settle the whole question of bor- 
der disputes. 

No satisfactory settlement having been reached on the 10th of May, 
Henry Roby was appointed attorney for Hampton, to manage the case 
at law, which was to be transferred to the General Court at the next 
session. Mr, Seaborn Cotton and Samuel Dalton were appointed, to 
give him all the assistance possible, either at Hampton or Boston, as 
the case might require. 

The very next da}^, however, an agreement was effected, tlie com- 
mittee for Hampton covenanting with Mr. Dudley and Mr, Gilman, 
that they should have sixty acres of land in Hampton, adjoining to 
Exeter, lying eastward of the foot-path — an old Indian path — leading 
to Salisbury, to be laid out by Lieut. Ralph Hall, of Exeter and Mr. 
Samuel Dalton, of Hampton ; provided, however, that if they should 
alienate it, Hampton men should have the refusal of it, "paying as 
any other chapman would do." Minor difficulties were satisfactorily 
adjusted, and the land was laid out on the 24tli of June following. 

HAMPTON AND PORTSMOUTH BOUNDS. 

In the Records of the General Court of Massachusetts, is found the 
following entry, dated May 15, 1672 : "In answer to the motion of 
the Deputy of Portsmouth, the Court judgeth it meet to order that 
the Bounds between Portsmouth and Hampton as to their Townships 
be determined & settled ; & that Mr. Elias Stileman [of Portsmouth], 
John Gilman, of Exeter, & Mr. Samuel Dalton, of Hampton, attend 
this service, & make Return of what they shall determine, to this 
Court." 

6 



82 HISTOEY OF HAMPTOX. 



THE FIRST INDIAN TTAR. 

The first general war with the Indians, in New England, — usually 
styled "King Philip's War," — began in 1G75, and continued about 
three years — an account of which may be found in Cliapter XIII. 

A new Meeting-house was built this year — the third in order, about 
which more will be stated in its appropriate place. 

June 30, John Smith, the cooper, was chosen to fill a vacancy in 
tlie board of selectmen, occasioned by the sudden death of John Cass, 
a few weeks before. At the same time, Lieut. Benjamin Swett was 
chosen as a commissioner, to add to the selectmen for making the coun- 
try rate. 

iJOHN HUGO ins' SUIT. 

A little previous to this time, the town had prosecuted John Huggins 
for felling timber, and fencing in land belonging to the town, and ap- 
propriating said land to his own use, without any authority from the 
town, by gift, grantor sale ; and had recovered damages. Afterward, 
Nathaniel Boulter, as attorney for John Huggins, had brought an ac- 
tion against the town for recovering the land in question. The case 
was tried at the Sali>>bury Court, April, 1675, and decided in favor of 
the plaintiff, giving him the land in controversy, with costs of court. 
From this decision, the town appeailed to the Court of Assistants to 
be held at Boston, the next September. 

Henry Dow, attorney for the town, assigned reasons for the appeal : 
— That the town conceived their title to the land to be good, as it had 
been confirmed to the town by the General Court in 1653, and had been 
set apart as a common forever : That it had been proved by the testi- 
mony of J ohii^ Sanborn, Henry Green and Morris Hobbs, that Huggins 
had felled timber there, and had fenced in, and builded upon the land, 
which was about a mile within the common : That it had been shown 
by the testimony of Anthony Stanyan and John Cass, that he had 
not onl}' fenced in the land, but had also broken up some of it, thus 
appropi'iating it to his own use : That Huggins had been cautioned 
against meddling with the land. — As Huggins claimed the land by vir- 
tue of a conveyance from one Barret, of Wells, to Nathaniel Boulter, 
and from Boulter to himself, about the year 1660, the town's attorney 
contended that such a conveyance could not be valid ; and asked how 
Barret, "though he were ensign of Wells," could sell this land to Boul- 
ter, seven years after the General Court had confirmed it to Hampton, 
as that town had not alienated it in the meantime. 

The jurj' had stated that they founded their verdict on possession. 



TOWN AFFAIRS. 1658-1G76. 83 

aud that the town had owned that this hind l)elonged to Huggins, as ap- 
peared from the return of Abraham Drake, the marshal. But the at- 
torney for the town contended that Drake, "went aside his woi-k in 
deputing the town's hvud to Huggins;" that he liad been ordered to 
put Huggins in possession of a tract of hind tvithin his fence, but not 
the laud in controversy, and that he might as well depute all the com- 
mons to him as this land ; that, in fact, the land of which it had been 
proved before the jury, that he was in possession, was not the land 
in question, but another tract, known as the "Wall farm." 

This appeal, however, was not prosecuted before the Court of As- 
sistants, but was settled in the course of the summer. 

The town appointed Henry Roby, Robert Smith aud Morris Hobl)s 
to treat with Nathaniel Boulter, attorney for Huggins, aud agree with 
him about the payment of the execution ; and ako authorized Henry 
Dow, who was then marshal, to put John Huggins in possession of 
the land. 

CULTURE AND USE OF TOBACCO. 

About this time occurs the first intimation on the records of the 
town, of the use of tobacco, in any of its forms. From a vote passed 
by the town, Februar}' 14, 1676, it is evident that it was tlien nsed 
here in smoking — to what extent, is uncertain. It is eqnall}' uncer- 
tain whether the use of it was confined to smoking. The vote is thus 
recorded : "To p'vent Danger by fire itt is ordered thatt if any p'son 
shall take any tobaco, or Carrie any fire or make use of any fire in 
the new meeting House or the fortt yard they shall forfitt ten shillings 
for Every such offence the one Halfe to the Informer & the other Halfe 
to the Towne." 

At the next term of the county court at Hampton, beginning May 
30, several persons were fined for taking tobacco near the Meeting 
house where the court was sitting. The record of the court is as 
follows: "Richard Seaman, Humphrey Wilson, Jn". Redman Jun., 
John Clark, John Hobbs, Philip Towle for takeing tobacko ueare y^ 
meeting house in y*^ face of y*^ Court are find each of them ten shil- 
lings acording to law." 

At a somewhat early period — no record shows how earl}' — the cul- 
tivation of the tobacco plant was commenced in this town, and for 
many years, probably during the whole of the eighteenth century, 
it was a common arlicle of culture among the fanners, though none 
of them raised a large quantity. The processes of sowing and trans- 
p'anting, and of keeping the ground free from weeds, were nearly the 
same in the raising of tobacco, as in raising the cabbage. Before the 



84 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

first autumnal frosts, the tobacco plants were pulled anrl thrown to- 
gether in heaps "to sweat." After sweating sufticientl}', tlie plants 
— stalks and leaves together — were hung up in sonieo[)en building to 
dry ; or, sometimes, after the sweating, the leaves were picked off" and 
tlien dried for use. In some cases, tlie leaves after becoming suf- 
ficiently dry, were "spun," or worked up into "twists," and tlie twists 
wound into rolls, when the aiticle wus read}' for sale, or for use. 

This was the kind of tobacco used here till a somewhat recent date; 
and the use of it, for a longtime, was almost wholly confined to elder- 
ly people, tlie place of using it being by their own firesides, or at the 
houses of their neighbors, when on social visits ; and the manner of 
using it, by smoking the pipe. This custom was more common 
among the women than among the men. But that tobacco was some- 
times used in other places than the fireside, is evidently implied in 
the vote already stated. 

At a town meeting the next summer, Abraham Perkins, Sen., Fran- 
cis Page, Thomas Sleeper and Joseph Dow, were chosen to serve up- 
on the Grand Jury, for the following year. This may at first view' 
appear to be a large proportion of that body to be furnished by one 
town ; but, in reality, it was not unduly large, as there were but six 
towns in the county of Norfolk, for which they were to act, and Hamp- 
ton contained more than one-sixth part of the population. 

At the same meeting, a police regulation was made, for the purpose 
of preventing damage by "violent and indiscreet riding in the town." 
It was ordered that if, after the publication of the regulation, any 
person shouhl gallop through the town, or any street thereof, he should 
forfeit for every such offence, 2s. 6d., one-half to the town, and the 
other half to Anthony Taylor, Avho was appointed to carry the order 
into effect. 

WORE WITCHES. 

In July, 1680, a little child of John Godfrey died, and the old cry 
of loitchcraft was raised again. An inquest was held, with twelve 
solid men of Hampton for jurors, and a verdict rendered : "We find 
grounds of suspicion that the said child was murdered by witchcraft." 

Godfrey's wife and daughter, Sarah, deposed that Rachel Fuller 
came in with her face daubed with molasses, and sat down by Goody 
Godfrey, who had the sick child in her lap, and took his hand ; when 
the mother, in fear, drew the hand away and wrapped it in her apron. 
Then Rachel Fuller "turned her about and smote the back of her hands 
together sundry times and spat in the fire." Then she strewed herbs 
.on .the hearth and sat down again and said : "Woman, the child will 



i 



TOWN AFFAIUS. 1058-1676. 85 

be well ;" and then went out, beat herself thrice with her arms, as men 
do in winter, to heat their hands, picked something off the ground, 
and went home. The next day, the children told their mother that 
Goody fuller had said if they did lay siveet bays under the threshold, 
it would keep a witch from coming in. So they laid bays under the 
threshold of the back door all the w^ay, and half way of the breadth 
of the fore door ; and soon after, Rachel Fuller came about to the fore 
door, though she had always formerly come in at the back door, which 
is next her house ; and she crowded in on that side where the bays lay 
not, and rubbed her back against the post so that she rubbed off her 
hat, and sat down and made ugly faces and nestled about and would 
have looked on the child, but not being allowed to do so, went out as 
she had come in, after having looked under the door where the bays 
lay ; and she had not been in the house since. 

John Godfrey, Nathaniel Smith and Hezron Leavitt "made deposi- 
tions, equally damaging. 

Elizabeth Denham (wife of Alexander), deposed that Rachel Fuller 
told her "Witches did so go abroad at night, they did lay their husbands 
and children asleep;" and she said there were eight women and two 
men in the town, who were witches and wizards. 

The men's names were not given, but the women Goody Fuller reck- 
oned as witches were : Eunice Cole, Benjamin Evans' wife and two ( ?) 
daughters, Grace (Swaine) Boulter, Mary (Boulter) Prescott, Isabella 
(Austin) Towle, "and one that is now dead." Goody Towle was, in 
fact, arraigned about the same time, on a different charge, and both 
she and Rachel Fuller were committed to prison till the sitting of the 
Hampton Court, September 7. Then, "The Court having heard y^ case 
of Rachel ffuller and Isabel Towle being apprehended and committed 
upon suspition of witchcraft doe ord"" y* they still continue in prisson 
till bond be given for their good behaviour of £100 a piece during the 
Courts pleasure." 

John Fuller became bondsman for his wife; and Isaac Marston and 
John Redman, for Goody Towle. They were discharged at the Dover 
Court the next year. 



I 



CHAPTER IV. 

HAMPTON UNDER THE MASON AND MASSACHUSETTS CONTRO- 
VERSY. 1651-1677. 

STATUS OF THE FOUR NEW HAMPSHIRE TOWNS. 

HAMPTON, having been original!}' settled by a grant from the 
General Court of Massachusetts, was from the first under that 
government, and hence less liable to the fluctuating policy incident to 
independent and isolated settlements. Nearly all the first settlers, 
before coming here, had been living in Massachusetts — some, several 
years ; others, only a few mouths — subject to, and protected by, her 
laws. Their removal to this place was merely a change of locality, 
not of government, nor of laws. The result was what might have been 
expected. In all their proceedings the people evinced a deference to 
the authority under which they acted, and to which they felt themselves 
amenable. If at any time an individual in the little community was 
aggrieved by acts either of other individuals, or of the town ; if any 
persons had trespassed upon the town's property, or were charged 
with criminal acts ; there were regularly constituted courts of judica- 
ture, to which recourse might be had for trial by disinterested persons, 
and where it might be hoped, strict justice would be awarded. 

These advantages were not at first enjoyed by the other early 
settled towns in New Hampshire. The settlements at Dover and 
Little Harbor — the latter of which, being extended further up the Pis- 
cataqua river, subsequently received the name of Strawberry Bank, and 
at a still later day, of Portsmouth — were formed b}' persons sent from 
England for the purpose of fishing and trading. They were, in fact, 
independent communities, subject to no government, but such as origi- 
nated among themselves, except so far as they were disposed to ob- 
serve regulations made for them by the Company of Laconia, by whom 
they had been sent, but from wliom they were separated^by the broad 
Atlantic. They were, indeed, subject to the crown of England, but, 
situated as they were, they could experience but few of the benefits 
or the restraints of English laws. 

The settlement at Exeter, like the one at Hampton, was largely 
formed by people who had been living in Massachusetts, and who 
(86) 



UNDER MASON AND MASS. CONTROVERSY. 1651-1677. 87 

were influenced by religious, rather than by mercenary, motives. But 
here the resembhmce ended, for while the people of Hampton were of 
the same religious sentimeats as those of Massachusetts generally, 
and were connteuauced and cared for by that government, some of 
the leading men of Exeter had been banished from Massachusetts, on 
the charge of heresy and sedition, or were in full sympathy with those 
who had been thus treated, and had settled at Exeter, because there 
they thought themselves out of the jurisdiction of that colony. Con- 
vinced of the necessity of civil government and wholesome laws, of 
which they declared themselves altogether destitute, they combined 
together on the fourth day of July, 1639, to erect among themselves 
such a form of government as their necessities required, solemnly 
binding themselves ''by the grace and help of Christ, and in his name 
and fear," to submit to such godly and Christian laws as were estab- 
lished in the realm of England, to their best knowledge, and to all 
other such laws, as should, upon good grounds, be made and enacted 
among themselves, to the end that they might ' 'live quietly and peace- 
ably together in all godliness and honesty." Several men, who subse- 
quently removed to Hampton, signed this "Combination." 

After more than fifteen years' experience, the inhabitants of Dover 
and of Strawberry Bank were so fully convinced of the necessit}^ of a 
more efficient government, that they entered into negotiations for a 
union with Massachusetts. The terms having at length been agreed 
upon, the union was consummated April 14, 1641. 

The people of Exeter managed their affairs according to their 
original compact, till the autumn of 1642 ; but on the 8th of Sep- 
tember of that year they also, at their own request, were received under 
the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. 

Hampton and Exeter were both "joined to the jurisdiction of Ips- 
wich," in the County of Essex — the latter at the time of its reception 
by Massachusetts, and the former on the second of June, 1641, when 
it was also authorized "to send a grand juryman once a year to Ips- 
wich." 

NORFOLK COUNTY AND COURTS. 

In 1643, a new county was formed, called the county of Norfolk, 
comprehending all the towns between the rivers Merrimac and Pis- 
cataqua. These towns were then six in number, viz. : Salisbury, Hav- 
erhill, Hampton, Strawberry Bank, Dover and Exeter. Strawberry 
Bank and Dover, often called the Piscataqua settlements, were in many 
respects separate from, and independent of, this new county. They 
still continued to have to some extent, as before, a jurisdiction of 



88 HISTORY OF HAMPTOX. 

thoir own and courts for the trial of their own causes, when not ex- 
ceeding £20 in value. From these courts there was tlie right of appeal 
at first to the Board of Assistants at Boston ; but, at a later period, to 
the county courts of Norfolk, 

The county courts Avere holden alternately at Salisbury and Hamp- 
ton, and these two towns might, with propriety, be called half shire 
towns, as there does not appear to have been any legislative act des- 
ignating either of them as the shire town, in distinction from the other, 
till more than six years after the foimatiou of the county, when 
Salisbury was declared to be the shire-town ; but even after that 
time, the same arrangement was observed in holding the courts as 
before, and this continued till the county was broken up by four 
of the towns being severed from Massachusetts by royal authority, 
when the remaining towns were annexed to the county of Essex. 

In each town in the county, an inferior court was lield, competent 
to try all causes of twenty shillings value, or under. This was a court 
of record, and its clerk was styled Clerk of the Writs. This court 
appears not to have been different from the board of commissioners, 
previously existing in Hampton, and first appointed when the town 
was incorporated. Indeed, so nearly identical were the two, that 
there was no necessity for a reorganization of the existing board, or 
a reappointment of its members. Only a single change was made, 
William Eastow being appointed in place of John Cross, who had been 
in office two years. 

The court, or board of commissioners, in 1643, after the appoint- 
ment just mentioned, consisted of William Howard, James Davis and 
William Eastow. Whether a clerk of the writs was then appointed, 
or whether the duties of clerk were performed b}^ one of the commis- 
sioners, as was the case at Exeter in 1645, is not known. Such a 
court or board was continued here till the separation of the New 
Hampshire towns from Massachusetts, The members, usually styled 
"Commissioners for small causes," were sometimes appointed b}' tlie 
General Court, and sometimes chosen by the town. 

THE MASON CLAIM. 

It has already been mentioned that the Council of Plymouth made 
certain grants to Sir Ferdinand© Gorges and Capt, Jolni Mason 
jointl}-, in 1622; and to Mason alone, in 1629, Both tiiese grants 
included the territory embraced in Dover, Strawberr}' Bank, Exet,er 
and Hampton. The two former places were settled under the aus- 
pices of Gorges, Mason, and their associates. Captain Mason ap- 
pears to have acquired all the rights and interests of his associates 



UNDER MASON AND MASS. CONTROVERSY. 1G51-1677. 89 

in this territory, and by virtue of the grant to hiniin 1629, he claimed 
the vvliole territory as his own. The two settlements made in 1623, 
and more especial!}' that near the month of the Piscataqua, may have 
been under obligation to him, for the pecuniary and other .sul).stantial 
aid which he furnished ; but it admits of doubt wlietlier either Exeter 
or Hampton derived the least advantage from his interest in New 
Hampshire. Their settlement was not earlier nor their grovvlli more 
rapid than if Captain Mason had never lived. On the contrary, these 
and the other towns were, for a long course of years, perplexed and 
embarrassed, and subjected to heavy expenses, in coasequence of ex- 
orbitant claims set up by his heirs and their assigns. 

Ca[)tain Mason died November 26, 1635 ; and by his will, after mak- 
ing several legacies, he gave to his giandson, John Tuflon, the re- 
mainder of his estate in New Hampshire, requiring him to take the 
surname of Masou. He died in infancy ; and hisbrotlier Robert, like- 
wise called Mason, then became heir to the whole estate, subject, 
however, to such rights as belonged to Mrs. Anne Mason, the widow 
of Captain Mason, and executrix of his will. Robert Mason became of 
age in 1 650. 

Hampton was settled about three years after the death of Captain 
Mason ; but neither from the executrix of his will nor from her agent 
was heard any note of remonstrance, although Massachusetts, by the 
very act of granting the place for settlement, virtually claimed the 
territory as her own, regardless of the claims of Mason's heirs. But 
when the towns on the Piscataqua came under the jurisdiction of 
Massachusetts, the heirs of Mason, or their agent, demurred a little ; 
but, at that time, as has been well remarked, "the distractions caused 
by the civil wars in England, were invincible bars to any legal in- 
quiry."^ 

In 1651, Joseph Mason coming over as agent of the executrix and 
finding some of the lands claimed by her, occupied, brought actions 
against the occupants in the county court of Norfolk, whence they 
were referred to the General Court, 

THK MASSACHUSETTS CLAIM. 

There was certainly no want of inclination on the part of the au- 
thorities of Massachusetts, to find some pretext, at least, for retaining 
j urisdiction over the New Hampshire towns and territory. The charter 
was therefore "examined anew," — as appears from record — concern- 
ing the north line of their jurisdiction ; and on the last day of May, 
1652, the General Court voted, "that the extent of this line was to 

1 Belknap, 1 : 86. 



90 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

be from the nortliernmost part of the River Merrimac, and three miles 
north of that place, wherever it might be found, be it one hun(b-ed 
niiles, more or less, from the sea; and thence upon a straight line 
east and west to tiie sea."^ 

Having given this construction to the charter, the General Court 
the next year ordeied a survey to be made, that this line might be 
accurately determined. Accordingly, a committee was dispatched 
from that body, accompanied by two surveyors, and several Indian 
guides, in search of the most northern part of the Merrimac, which 
they were told by the Indians, was Aquedochtan, the outlet of Win- 
nipiseogee lake. Having reached that point, they found by observa- 
tion, its latitude to be 43° 40' 12" north; and three miles added 
to this gave 43° 43' 12", as their true limit. The next step was to find 
the same latitude on the coast, which was ascertained to be on the ex- 
treme north part of Upper Clapboard Island, in Casco bay. A line 
passing through these points and extended to the Pacific Ocean — in 
other words, the parallel of 43° 43' 12", extended across the continent 
— they determined to be their northern boundary. We shall see, fur- 
ther on, the troubles to which Hampton in particular was subjected 
by this decision. 

This proceeding of Massachusetts, and several subsequent acts, 
were exceedingly discouraging to Mrs. Mason's agent; and, as it ap- 
peared to him that it would be futile to make an}' further attempt at 
that time, to recover Mason's estate, he went back to England. There, 
the heirs of Mason had but little to hope for while Oliver Cromwell 
held the reins of government. 



ROBERT MASON S COMPLAINT. 

At the restoraton of Charles II to the throne of England, in 1G60, 
Robert Mason preferred a petition to the king, in which he complained 
of "the encroachment of the Massachusetts Colony upon his lauds, 
their making grants and giving titles to the inhabitants, thereby dis- 
possessing him and keeping him out of his right ;" and he prayed that 
his grievances might be redressed. The king referred the petition 
to the attorney-general for his opinion, who reported that "Robert 
Mason, grandson and heir to Captain John Mason, had a good and 
legal title to the Province of New Hampshire." It does not appear, 
however, that any measures were then taken to put JMason in posses- 
sion of the lauds which he claimed. 

iMaes. Rec, IV: 93. 



UNDER MASON AND MASS. CONTROVERSY. 1651-1677. 91 
COMillSSIONERS APPOINTED. 

But other complaints than those of Mason had reached the royal 
ear — disputes among some of the New England colonies about their 
boundaries and jurisdiction, and petitions and addresses, entreatiiio- 
him to interpose the royal authority to settle them. The kino- at 
length appointed commissioners to visit the several colonies, "exam- 
ine and determine all complaints and appeals, in matters civil, mili- 
tary, and criminal ; provide for the peace and security of the country, 
according to their good and sound discretion, and to such instructions 
as they should receive from the king, and to certify him of their pro- 
ceedings." This was in April, 1G64. 

In the southern colonies of New England the commissioners were 
treated with much respect ; but in Massachusetts they were received 
with great coolness, since the good and sound discretion of the com- 
missioners was placed above the laws, and in their proceedings they 
were to be governed by this alone, except so far as they might re- 
ceive instructions from the king. 

HAMPTON DISQUIETED. 

About the time when the commissioners were expected in New Hamp- 
shire, a town meeting was held in Hampton, June 20, 1665, to con- 
sider what course should be taken in relation to them. The town 
chose Mr. Seaborn Cotton — pastor of the church — Ens. John San- 
born and Samuel Dalton, to express to the commissioners, in writing, 
the views and feelings of the people, and to assert their rights in the 
lands, which they had so long and so peaceably possessed, by the 
grant of the Honorable General Court of Massachusetts. The 
committee were instructed concerning their remonstrance, "to grace 
the same with what reasons they might see meet, and to make an- 
swers to any claims or objections" that should be made against the 
town's right, or privilege of the township, "according to their good 
discretion, and to present the same to the king's Hon. Commissioners, 
if they should think it expedient."^ 

Though no evidence has been found to show that such a remon- 
strance was presented, yet the well known character of the committee 
forbids the supposition, that they shrank from the performance of 
duty. As a matter of expediency they may have omitted to remon- 
strate. Possibly, there was then no occasion for a formal assertion 
of their right to a quiet and peaceable possession of their lands. The 
time for disturbing them in their possession had not come, though 

•Towu Recorrls. 



92 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

the commissioners were preparing the way for it. The first step 
towards this result was to sever the New Hampshire towns from the 
jurisdiction of Massachusetts. This the commissioners assumed the 
right to do, but they failed to accomplish their purpose immediately. 

Tliey made some inquiries, and took the testimony of several per- 
sons, concerning the bounds of Mason's patent and the northern line 
of Massachusetts, according to the construction formerly given to the 
charter. They called together the inhabitants of Portsmouth on the 10th 
of October, and told them that "they would release them from the 
government of Massachusetts, whose jurisdiction should come no far- 
ther than the bound-house." 

This determination, if carried out, would take away all power from 
the officers who had derived their authority from Massachusetts, and 
leave the people almost, or quite, in a state of anarchy. To provide 
against this, the commissioners, in the plenitude of their power, ap- 
pointed justices of the peace and other officers, with authority "to 
act according to the laws of England and such laws of their own as 
were not repugnant thereto, until the King's pleasure should be farther 
known." 

These proceedings were not regarded with favor, by the better por- 
tion of the people, Avho, in general, were stronglj' attached to the 
government of Massachusetts ; but there were not a few, in some of 
the towns, who were highly gratified. Some were disaffected towards 
Massachusetts, on account of the ill-concealed design of those in au- 
thority, to extend her jurisdiction beyond the limits evidently' intended 
in the charter ; and a few restless spirits were eager for some change 
of government, which might bring them into notice and confer upon 
them offices and honors. 

ABRAHAM CORBETt's SEDITION. 

Among the persons appointed to office was one Al)raham Corbett, 
of Portsmouth, who gained considerable notoriety by his course. He 
undertook to act by virtue of this appointment. As he had never 
been commissioned by the government, the General Court declared 
him guilty of a high misdemeanor, fined him £5, and ordered that 
he stand committed till the fine was paid. Irritated I)}' this act of the 
court, he souglit to be revenged on the government. Accordingly, he 
drew ui) a i)etition to tiie king, in the name of the four New Hampshire 
towns, complaining of tlie usui'pation of Massachusetts, and pra3'ing 
to be separated therefrom. Through his influence, several of the in- 
habitants of Dover and of Portsmouth signed tlie petition. 

This proceeding aroused to action the friends of the government, 



UNDER MASON AND MASS. CONTROVERSY. 1G51-1G77. 93 

and thc3^ petitioned the General Court tliat "iu some orderly way 
they might have an opportunity to clear themselves of so great and 
unjust aspersions," lest by their silence they should seem to be of 
the same mind with those vviio framed the petition. Tlie Court ap- 
pointed a committee to come to New Hampshire and iufjuire into tlie 
matter and I'eport the result. 

The committee repaired to Portsmoutli, where the peoi)le repudiated 
the petition and professed to be fully satisfied with the government. 
A similar course was taken at Dover, with a like result. JVEi-. Dudley, 
the minister of Exeter, assured the committee that the people of that 
town had not done anytliing directly or indirectly, in aid of Corbett's 
design. From Hampton also the committee received full satisfaction 
in relation to the subject. 

But the troubles and perplexities of the people were not yet ended. 
The committee from the General Court issued a warrant to arrest Cor- 
bett and bring him before them for seditious behavior, but he could 
not immediately be found. The commissioners, on the other hand, 
endeavored to thwart the purposes of the committee. They had in- 
deed left the province and gone eastward ; but one of them, in the 
name of the whole, sent back a severe reprimand to the committee, 
and forbade their proceeding against the signers of Corbett's petition. 
Each of these parties claimed obedience from the people. 

The commissioners had received from the king certain instructions 
about fortifying the harbors, and they issued warrants to the four towns 
to meet at a time and place appointed to receive the king's orders. 
The Governor and Council of Massachusetts dispatched two men to 
forbid the towns on their peril, to meet or to obey the orders of the 
commissioners; but, on their own authority, the}^ directed a fortifica- 
tion to be built near the mouth of the Piscataqna river, and made 
provision for the maintenance and manning of the fort. In a word, 
though the commissioners had declared that the four towns should be 
severed from Massachusetts, yet that government continued to ex- 
ercise authority here as before. 

The commissioners, on their return to England, made a report very 
unfavorable to Massachusetts, and this undoubtedly contributed much 
to prepare the way for the separation of the four New Hampshire 
towns from that government, which separation took place a few years 
afterward. 

MASON AND RANDOLPH. 

Robert Mason was far from being unmindful of his interest in New 
Hampshire, but for several years after the return of the commission 



94 HISTORT OF HAMPTON. 

ers, little attention was paid him by the English government. Mason, 
however, was not idle; and at a favorable opportunity, he again pe- 
titioned the king to put him in possession of liis rigiits. This peti- 
tion was referred to the attorney-general and the solicitor-general, 
for their opinion. In due time they reported, that "John INIason, Esq., 
grandfatlier to the petitioner, by virtue of several grants from the 
Council of New England, under their common seal, was instated in 
fee in sundry great tracts of land in New England, by the name of 
New Hampshire ; and that tiie petitioner being heir-at-law to the said 
John had a good and legal title to said lands." 

In March, 1676, the Massachusetts government was ordered to send 
agents to England within six months, to answer to the complaints of 
Mason and Gorges. This order, with copies of the complaints, was 
sent over by Edward Randolph, a relative of Mason. He was also 
directed by the Lords of Trade and Plantations, to inquire into the 
state of the country. 

Having delivered to the governor of Massachusetts the documents 
entrusted to him, he came into New Hampshire, in July, where he 
0|)enly proclaimed the object of his visit, and publicly read a letter 
addressed by Mason to the inhabitants, and endeavored to excite a 
feeling of disaffection towards the government. He found individu- 
als i-eady to complain of Massachusetts, and to seek to be released 
from her jurisdiction ; but the great body of the people preferred to 
remain as they were, and were indignant at Randolph's proceedings. 

The people of Dover, in town meeting assembled, September 1, 
denounced Mason's claims, professed satisfaction with the govern- 
ment of INIassachusetts and appointed Major Waldron to petition the 
king to let them remain as they were. 

The same day, at a town meeting in Portsmouth, it was voted that 
a similar petition signed by the inhabitants of that town be sent to 
the king, and four leading citizens were appointed to draft and for- 
w^ard it. 

The next day, at a town meeting in Hampton, Mr. Seaborn Cotton, 
pastor of the church, and Samuel Dalton were appointed ''to draw up 
a declaration or testimony, concerning their desires to continue under 
the Massachusetts government, and to clear themselves from having 
any hand in damnifying Mr. Mason, either in his lands or government ; 
and for the full vindication of their rights, to request the G-eneral 
Court to prosecute the same to full effect." 

By these instructions to their committee, the town probably intended 
to declare that they did not consider Mason's claims as having any 
validity ; and, consequently, neither in refusing to pay him rents. 



UNDER MASON AND MASS. CONTROVERSY. 1G51-1G77. 95 

uor in their allegiance to Massacbwsetts, did they at all interfere with 
his rights either of property or jurisdiction, or in anyway do him an 
injury. On the contrary, tJieir oivn rights rather than his had been in- 
vaded : and these, they called upon the government to vindicate and 
protect. 

rahdolph's lying reports. 

Edward Randolph soon returned to Boston, and not long after 
sailed for England. In his report to the king, he stated that "he had 
found the whole country complaining of the usurpation of the magis- 
trates of Boston ; earnestly hoping and expecting that his majesty 
would not permit them any longer to be oppressed, but would give 
them relief according to the promise of the commissioners of 1665." 

This report, however much it might favor Randolph's design to in- 
cense the mind of the king against Massachusetts, in order to induce 
him to sever from that government the four towns whose territory 
Mason claimed, is sadly deficient in one very important element, 
namely, truthfulness, as is abundantly shown by the results of the 
town meetings already mentioned. Not less at variance with facts, 
is his report to the Lords of Trade and Plantations. Yet these re- 
ports appear to have produced the effect intended. 

THE FOUR TOWNS SEVERED. 

After Randolph's departure, the Massachusetts government called 
a "special council," and asked whether it were best to send agents to 
England, or trust to letters only. The council advised to send trustj^ 
agents ; and two prominent men were at once dispatched. Arrived 
in England, they disclaimed, before the lords chief justices of the 
king's bench and common pleas, all title to the lands claimed by Ma- 
son, beyond their limit of three miles north of the Merrimac. ''The 
judges reported to the king, that they could give no opinion as to the 
right of soil, in the provinces of New Hampshire and Maine, not hav- 
ing the proper parties before them " since the apparent proprietors, the 
people in possession, had not been summoned to defend their titles. 
"As to Mason's right of government within the soil he claimed, their 
lordships, and indeed his own counsel, agreed he had none ; the great 
council of Plymouth, under whom he claimed, having no power to 
transfer government to any. It was determined that the four towns 
of Portsmouth, Dover, Exeter and Hampton were out of the bounds 
of Massachusetts." This report was accepted and confirmed by the 
king in council, ^ in 1677. 

'Farmer's Belknap, 87. 



CHAPTER V. 
TOWN AND PROVINCE UNDER THE ROYAL GOVERNMENT. 1G77-1GS9. 

A NEW JURISDICTION JOHN CUTT, PRESIDENT. 

THE decision having been made in England, that neither Massa- 
clmsetts nor Robert Mason had a right to rule New Hampshire, 
and that the validit}' of Mason's claims could be determined only by 
trial on the place, there being no court in England that had cogni- 
zance of it, it became necessary to provide some other government for 
the four towns, which still constituted the whole inhabited {)art of 
that territoiy; and for the trial of Mason's title, "a new jurisdiction 
should be erected, in which the king might direct the mode of trial and 
appeal at bis pleasure." The Massachusetts government was otticially 
informed of the king's intentions, and required to revoke all coinmi:5- 
sions in New Hampshire. A restraint was put upon Mason also, for- 
bidding the imposing of back rents, and limiting his future charges lo 
''sixpence in the pound," ad valorem. 

The commission for the new government was [)assed, Soptember 
18,1679; — in an act, "which inhibits and restrains the jurisdiction 
exercised by the colony of Massachusetts over the towns of Ports- 
mouth, Dover, Exeter and Hampton, and all other lands extending 
from three miles to the northward of the Merrimack River or any 
part thereof unto the province of Maine. "^ New Hampshire was 
created a Royal Province, to be governed by a president and council. 
John Cutt, Esq., of Portsmouth, was appointed the first president, 
and six men, of whom was Christopher Hussey, of Hampton, were 
named as councillors, with instructions to choose three more. Any 
five of these, with the president or his deputy-, were to constitute a 
quorum. They were, with the concurrence of an assembly, authorized 
to assess taxes. The assembly, to consist of deputies of the towns, 
was to constitute a part of the government so long as the king should 
not see fit to order othei'wise. Enactments were to be transmitted to 
the Privy Council by the first ships, and to remain in force until dis- 
allowed by that authority. All the other powers of this new govern- 

J Farmer's Bi-lknap, 88. 
(96) 



UNDER ROYAL GOVERNMENT. 1677-1G89. 07 

ment were definitely set forth in the commission, which was received 
on the first day of January, 1680, 

The messenger by whom the commission was brought over from 
England was Edward Randolph, known to be so devoted to Mason's 
interests, as to render the people suspicious that their liberties were 
to be abridged or their rights otherwise prejudiced. On his arrival 
in Portsmouth, the men named in the commission as magistrates, 
perceiving that their appointment had not been made out of respect 
for themselves, but as a stroke of policy, designed to render the new 
form of government less odious to the people, were reluctant to accept 
the offices. But the commission required — "all excuses whatsoever 
set aside, y* they fail not to assemble and meet together at y^ s'* town 
of Portsmouth in y*^ province of New Hampshire afors^ within y« 
space of twenty days next after y*' arrival of this commission at 
Portsm. aforesaid." 

Accustomed to yield obedience to the king, and fearing tliat, if 
they should decline the offices tendered, other persons less favorable to 
the interests of the people, would be appointed, they consented, after 
a delay of nearly three weeks, but within the time named in the com- 
mission, to qualify themselves by taking the oaths of allegiance and of 
office. 

As one of their first duties, they proceeded to the election of three 
councillors, to fill the board. They chose Julias Stileman, of Great 
Island, then belonging to Portsmouth; Samuel Daltonof Hampton; 
and Job Clements of Dover. 

Having completed the organization, a proclamation was made, for 
all officers to keep their respective places till further ordered. Shortly 
after (February 4, 1680), a warrant was sent to the selectmen of each 
of the towns, requiring that a list of the names of their inhabitants 
and inventory of their estates be sent to the president and council at 
their sitting on the 16th of the same mouth. 

Being required by their commission, to call a General Assembly, and 
being empowered to determine who should have the privilege of choos- 
ing deputies, the president and council ordered : "that the persons 
hereafter named in the several towns shall meet together on the first 
day of March next, by 9 of the clock in the morning, and having first 
each of them taken the oath of allegiance (if they have not taken it 
already) , which oath is to be administered by the member or members 
of the said Council there residing, choose from among themselves, by 
the major vote given in in writing, not exceeding the number of three 
persons, which persons so chosen are to appear at Portsmouth on the 
16th day of March following, by 9 o'clock, there to attend his Majesty's 
. 7 



98 



HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



senMce for the concerns of the said Province of New Hampshire, pro* 
vicled that we do not intend that wliat is now done be precedential 
for the future, and that it shall extend no farther than to the calling 
this first Assembly." None were to be permitted to vote except those 
mentioned in the list appended to the order, on penalty of paying a 
fine of five pounds. 

The list of names for Hampton follows : 



Mr. Seaborn Cotton. 
Nath'l Batchelcler. 
John Brown, Sen. 
Nath'l Boulter, Sen. 
Moses Cox. 
John Clifford, Sen. 
John Clifford, Jun. 
Henry Dow. 
Godfrey Dearborn. 
Thomas Dearborn. 
Henry Dearborn. 
Abraham Drake, Sen. 
Gershom Elkins. 
William Fuller. 
William Fifleld, Sen. 
Benjamin Fifleld. 
Henry Greene. 
Isaac Godfrey. 
Edward Gove. 
Morrice Hobbs. 
Timothy Hilliard. 
John Knowles, Sen. 
' Thomas Leavitt. 
Thomas Marston. 
Ens. Moore. 
William Marston. 
Josiah Moulton. 
John Moulton. 
John Marrian. 



Thomas Nudd. 

Abraham Perkins. 

Isaac Perkins, Not app'd 

Francis Page. 

Thomas Philbrick. 

Heni'y Robie. 

John Redman, Sen. 

John Sanborn. 

Isaac Marston. 

Henry Moulton. 

William Sanborn, Sen. 

Samuel Sherburne. 

Anthony Stanyan. 

Robert Smith. 

John Smith, Coop'r. 

John Smith, Tal'r. 

Thomas Sleeper. 

Joseph Shaw. 

Benjamin Shaw. 

Anthony Taylor. 

Daniel Tilton. 

Andrew Wiggins. 

Thomas Wiggins, Not app'd. 

Nathaniel Weare. 

Thomas Ward. Not app'd. 

Thomas Webster. 

Joseph Smith. 

Samuel Dalton, Esq. 



"John Roberts, of Dover, is chosen head Marshal of this Province, 
and Henry Dow of Hampton, under him." 

"At a General Assembly held in Portsmouth, in the Province of New 
Hampshire, the 16th day of March, 16^f : present of the Council : — 
'Richard Wsdi\von,Y>sq.,DepictyP7-esiclent," and eight others, of whom, 
Christopher Hnsse}' and vSamnel Dalton Esqrs. from Hampton. Of the 
eleven deputies present, Mr. Anthon}^ Stanyan, Mr. Thomas Marston 
and Mr. Edward Gove were from Hampton. 



UNDER ROYAL OOVF^RNMENT. 1677-1(589. 99 

makshal's oath. 
"Yon, J. R., being chosen Head Marshal for the Province of New- 
Hampshire, do swear by the ever living God that you shall perform, 
do and execute all such lawful commands as shall be directed to you 
from lawful authority constituted by his Majesty in this Province, 
■without favor, fear, or partiality, according to your best ability and 
the laws here established ; so help you God." 

"John Roberts and Henry Dow took the oath for Marshals of this 
Province." 

"The council finding a necessity of prisons, and keepers for them, 
for the securing of offenders and other persons for debt, do order that 
the prisons already at Hampton, Dover, and Portsmouth, shall be 
for the same use still ; and Jno, Souter of Hampton, and Jno. Tuttle 
of Dover, and Richard Abbot of Portsmouth, be and are empowered 
prison-keepers to the several prisons in the respective towns where 
they dwell ; and to receive all such prisoners as shall be committed to 
them by authority, and this to continue during the pleasure of the 
Council." 

probable population, in 1680. 

It has been estimated that the white population of New Hampshire, 
in 1675, was not far from four thousand. If this estimate is correct, 
and the number remained the same in 1680, the ratio of the legal vot- 
ers to the whole population was very much less than it is at the pres- 
ent time. But this estimate is probably much too high. It may be 
difficult to ascertain the relative i)opulation of the several towns ; but 
there are good reasons for thinking that Hampton contained at least 
one-quarter of the whole population of the province. Though it is 
uncertain what number of inhabitants was here iu 1680, j^et fortunate- 
ly the number at the beginning of 16S6,is known, and it is hardly 
probable that during the six intervening years, the number had di- 
minished. From an entry in the diary of Capt. Henry Dow, under 
date of Jan. 17, 1685-6, it appears that tiie whole number of inhabi- 
tants in the town, was 707 ; and that, of this number, 495 lived on 
the north side of Taylor's River, and 212 on the south side. The whole 
number in the province did not probably exceed three thousand. 

Preparatory to the meeting of the general assembly, a public fast 
was observed, February 26, to ask for the Divine blessing and "the 
continuance of their precious and pleasant things." The assembly 
met at Portsmouth, on the 16th day of March, and was opened with 
prayer, and a sermon by Rev. Joshua Moody, the pastor of the church 
in that town. 



100 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

One of the first acts of the government after the assembl}' had 
met, was to prepare and dispatch a letter to the governor and coun- 
cil of Massachusetts, expressing their regret at the separation that 
had taken place, in which they had acquiesced only in submission to 
Divine Providence and the commands of the king ; and their desire to 
maintain friendly relations, and to show themselves serviceable to the 
sister province, should opportunity offer. 

The assembly held four sessions, and, with the consent of the pres- 
ident and council, enacted such laws as were required. Inferior 
courts were established in all the towns except Exeter. By whom 
the court at Hampton was held, is not now known. 

"lord proprietor." 

Near the close of the year 1680, Robert Mason came over from 
England, with a writ of mandaimis from the king, and took his seat 
at the council board. The principal object of his visit, at this time, 
was to obtain possession of the estate, to which he firmly believed he 
had a just and legal title. He hoped also that the inhabitants of the 
province would be induced to take leases under him, of their houses 
and lauds, according to the terms required by the king. But he found 
the undertaking more difficult than he had anticipated. He could not 
convince the people of the justice of his claim; they still thought 
their own rights, derived from the purchase, occupation and improve- 
ment of the lands on which they lived, and which they had defended 
against a savage foe, at great expense of men and money, paramount 
to his. Under the influence of disappointment, Mason appears some- 
times to have lost his self-control, and to have forgotten his engage- 
ment to the king. Finding himself unable to -persuade the people, he 
undertook to intimidate them to a compliance with his demands. In 
some cases he forbade persons cutting timber or fuel, and even threat- 
ened to sell their estates, claiming the whole province as his own, and 
assuming the title of lord proprietor. 

80 far from advancing his own intei'est by this course, Mason greatly 
iri'itated the people and united them more firmly in opposing his claims. 
A few persons, indeed, consented to take leases under him, but a 
much larger number might probably have been gained by conciliatory 
measures, though even then a large majority would have contended 
for what they regarded as their just rights. 

Each of the towns in its corporate capacity, and many of the people, 
individually, applied to the president and council for protection. 

At a town meeting held in Hampton, March 21, 1681, the subject 
was discussed and measures were taken to secure to the people their 
rights. Sergt. Joseph Dow and Edward Gove were appointed, in be- 



UNDER ROYAL GOVERNMENT. 1677-1689. 101 

lialf of the town, to draw up and prepare a statement of the case, 
and to assert the rights of the inhabitants to their hinds, and present 
the same to the council at their next sitting. That all the legal voters 
might have an opportunity to sign this paper, designed as a petition, 
Lieut. John Sanborn and Sergt. Thomas Philbrick were chosen to 
present it to all who were not present at this meeting, for their signa- 
tures. 

The council soon afterward published an order prohibitory of Ma- 
son's proceedings. Irritated by this order, he refused to sit at the 
council-board, when requested. After some further altercation, dis- 
appointed aud chagrined, he left the province on the 27th of March 
and, about three months from the time of his arrival, set sail for Eng- 
land. 

RICHARD WALDRON, PRESIDENT. 

A few days afterward. President Cutt, who had for a considerable 
time been in feeble health, died at an advanced age, aud was succeed- 
ed in office by his deputy, Richard Waldron. In the course of the 
following summer, another breach was made in the council, by the 
death, August 22, of Mr. Dalton, at the age of about 52 years. The va- 
cancies thus made were filled by the election of Richard Waldron, Juii., 
son of the president, and Anthony Nutter, both of Dover. John 
Roberts resigned the office of marshal of the province, and Henry 
Dow, of this town, was appointed his successor. 

Of Waldron's administration, Belknap remarks : "The common busi- 
ness went on in the usual manner." 

ANOTHER OVERTURNING MASON AND CRANFIELD. 

Robert Mason went away a thoroughly disheartened man. He had 
evidently thought, when the new government for New Hampshire 
was about to go into operation, that the object for which he had so 
long and so assiduously labored was about to be accomplished, and 
that under this government he might render available his claim to the 
province. Buoyant with hope, he had come hither to assert his claim, 
not doubting that it would be admitted, and the people become his 
tenants, by taking leases of the houses which they had themselves 
built and the lands which they had so long occupied. From the 
rents accruing, he had anticipated a golden harvest. But his 
sanguine expectations had not been realized. A few months' res- 
idence among the people had taught him that they would not will- 
ingly become his vassals, nor tamely surrender the rights, which they 
claimed as proprietors of the soil, and owners in fee of the property 



102 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

in their possession. The experience of a few meetings at the coun- 
cil board had convinced him that the members of the board enter- 
tained the same views and feelings as the people, and that from them 
he could not expect any special favor. In a word, he despaired of 
I'ealizing any substantial benefit from liis claims, unless the govern- 
ment should pass into other hands. Therefore a new task was now 
before him : another change in tlie government must be brought about. 
This he undertook to effect, and by an agreement to divide the spoils 
with tlie king, he succeeded. In short, he was allowed to make his 
own selection for governor, and to have conferred upon him most ar- 
bitrar\f powers. 

Edward Cranfield, a man as unprincipled and as greedy of gain as 
the king himself, for a valuable consideration, consented to become 
Mason's tool ; and, armed with his governor's commission, he arrived 
in Portsmouth on the 4th of October, 1682, and at once entered upon 
that course which has made his name odious to this day. The 
commission authorized him "to call, adjourn, prorogue and dissolve, 
general courts ; to have a negative voice in all acts of government ; 
to suspend any of the council, when he should see just cause; to ap- 
point a deputy-governor, judges, justices, and other officers, by his 
sole authority; and to execute the powers of vice-admiral." Mason 
and seven others of the former council were reappointed, while Mr. 
Hussey and the younger Waldron were dropped, and Walter Bare- 
foote and Richard Chamberlain appointed in their places. Before a 
week had passed, however, two members of the council were sus- 
pended ; and soon after, an assembly was called, which met on the 
14th of November. The members from Hampton were Edward Gove 
and two others, now unknown. On the first day of the assembly, 
Cranfield restored the suspended members ; and thereupon, the as- 
sembly, hoping to detach him from Mason, voted him a gratuity of 
two hundred fifty pounds. This the governor i-eadily accepted, and 
on the 1st of December ordered an adjournment. 

The assembly met again on the second week in the next month, 
when there was found to be an entire want of harmony between them 
and the governor ; and after some altercation — they refusing to pass a 
bill recommended by him, and he to sign some bills passed by them — 
he dissolved the assembly after a session of less than two weeks. 
This act of Cranfield's, though allowed by his commission, was with- 
out precedent in New Hampshire, and repugnant to the feelings, not 
only of the deputies, but of the people generally, who regarded it as 
an arbitrary act, and an unwarrantable abuse of power. 



UNDER ROYAL GOVERNMENT. 1677-1689. 103 

EDWARD GOVE'S INSURRECTION. 

The people of the province, ever jealous of their liberties, were in- 
dignant at Cranfield's conduct, but, in general, demeaned themselves 
as good citizens. A few only, under the leadership of PiDWAUo Gove, 
of Hampton, determined to revolutionize the government, or, at least, 
to effect a reform. Gove was a person of considerable property, and 
somewliat popular, and, as Mr. Randolph affirms, "a leading man 
and a great stickler in the late proceedings of the assembly." Un- 
der the influence of resentment, caused by a free use of ardent spir- 
its, and by a want of rest, — such is his own acknowledgment, — he 
resolved, almost single-handed, to redress his own and others' griev- 
ances. He "made it his business," said Randolph, "to stir the peo- 
ple up to rebellion, by giving out that the governor, as vice-admiral, 
acted under the commission of his royal highness,^ who was a papist, 
and would bring popery in amongst them ; that the governor was a 
pretended governor, and his commission, signed in Scotland. He en- 
deavored, with a great deal of pains, to make a party, and solicited 
many of the considerable persons in each town to join with them to re- 
cover their liberties." 

Gove declared "that his sword was drawn, and he would not lay it 
down, till he knew who should hold the government." The governor, 
having received information of his movements, immediately sent mes- 
sengers to Hampton and Exeter, with warrants for the constables, 
requiring them to arrest him ; but fearing that his party might be- 
come too strong for the civil power, he forthwith ordered the militia 
of the whole province to be in readiness. 

At first, Gove eluded or repulsed the marshal and others who at- 
tempted to arrest him in this town, and hastened "to his party at Ex- 
eter, from whence he suddenly returned with twelve men [principally] 
of that town, mounted and armed with swords, pistols and guns, — 
a trumpet sounding and Gove with his sword drawn riding into 
Hampton at the head of them." Here they were all arrested and taken 
into custody by the militia of the town, except the trumpeter, who, 
"forcing his way, escaped, after whom a hue and cry was sent out to 
all parts." 

AVhen Governor Cranfield was informed of this arrest, he was just 
mounting his horse to lead a part of the troop in pursuit of Gove and 
his party. 

Randolph says: "This rising was, unexpectedly to the party, made 
upon the 27th day of January." He further asserts it as the general 

1 The Duke of York, aftenvaids James II. 



104 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

belief, that "manj' considerable persons, to whose houses Gove either 
went in person, or sent — calling upon them to come out and stand up 
for their liberties, would have joined with him, had he not discovered 
Ills designs, or appeared in arms at that time; for," he adds, "upon 
the 30th da}^ of January, being appointed by the governor, a day of 
public humiliation, they designed to cut otT the governor, Mr. Mason 
and some others, whom they affected not." 

It seems hardly credible that a conspiracy so base, and to be exe- 
cuted on a day of public humiliation, was ever formed by many, or 
even any, of the leading men in New Hampshire. Its existence, so 
far as can now be learned, depends entirely upon Mr. Randolph's 
statement, and the charge appears to be not only untrue, but so im- 
probable, that to one unacquainted with Randolph's character, and 
his malignity towards the people of New England, it would be diffi- 
cult to account for such a statement ; but taking into consideration his 
character and his prejudices, it is even more surprising, that he could 
keep so near the truth, as he does in some parts of tlie narrative from 
which the foregoing extracts have been taken. 

Gove and his associates having been arrested, the governor sent a 
strong party of horse to guard them (then prisoners in irons) from 
Hampton to Portsmouth. This was on Saturday. The next day, al- 
though it was the Sabbath, they were taken separately before the 
governor and council, for examination. Tlie first one examined was 
Edward Gove. He did not deny what he had lately said and done. 
He admitted that ''he did sound, or cause to be sounded, the trumpet 
being his own ; and did draw his sword because his own," and added : 
"Tlie governor is no judge of this court, but a pretended one, and a 
traitor to the king and his authority." Then addressing Governor 
Cranfield directly, he said: "Your Honor is in more danger of your 
life than I." Being asked what he meant, he replied : "God in heaven 
will do me justice." 

The examination of the other persons arrested, elicited but few 
facts tending to criminate them of anything but being in Gove's com- 
pan3^ Yet all of them were cotnmitted to the prison at Great Island, 
where, on account of the dilapidated state of the prison, they were 
still kept in irons, lest they should make their escape. 

No time was lost before bringing the prisoners to trial. On Mon- 
day, the 5th day of February, 1683, — only nine days after their ar- 
i-est — a special court was constituted and holden at Portsmouth, for 
this purpose, before Richard Waldron, Judge, and Thomas Daniels 
and William Vaughan, Assistants, "and others, His Majesty's Justices 
of the Peace for the Province, then present." 



UNDER ROYAL GOVERNJdENT. 1677-1689. 105 

The prisoners, eleven in nnmber, were all cluirged with the crime of 

HIGH TREASON. 

A grand jnry was impanelled and sworn in open conrt, "to make 
inquiry for our Sovereign Lord tlie King," 

The witnesses being sworn and examined, tlie gvimd jnry found a 
true bill against nine of them, viz. : Edward Gove, John Gove, Wil- 
liam Healey, of Hampton, John Wadleigh, Josepli Wadleigli, Robert 
Wadleigh, Thomas Rawlins, Mark Baker, and John Sleeper, of Exeter. 

Upon the presentment of the grand jury, a petit jury of the free- 
holders of the province, was returned and impanelled for the trial of 
the persons indicted, who severally pleaded ^'■Not guilty." 

From the depositions laid before the jury to prove the guilt of the 
prisoners, a few statements only are selected to be introduced here, 
but enough to give some idea of the object and character of Gove's 
movements. 

From the testimony of Richard Mart}^, of Portsmouth, it appears, 
that Edward Gove was at his house on Thursday, the 25th of Jan- 
uary, and that he said, he was "on a design," and added : "We have 
swords by our sides, as well as others, and will see things mended 
before we lay them down." He said he was going to Dover and would 
be heard from in three or four days. 

By the testimony of Reuben Hall, it was proved that Gove was at 
Dover on Friday, the day after Martyn had seen him at Portsmouth, 
"having his sword and boots on." In reply to Hall, who asked what 
was the matter with him, he said : "Matter enough ! we of Hampton 
have had a town meeting, and we are resolved as one man, that these 
things shall not be carried on as they are like to be ; we all have our 
guns ready to stand upon our guard ; and I have been at Exeter, and 
they are resolved to do the same. I have my sword by my side, and 

brought my carbine also with me The Governor has 

stretched his commission." 

Edward Gove alone was adjudged guilty of treason ; the rest were 
pardoned and set at liberty ; but upon this fellow-citizen of ours was 
passed sentence as horrible as the tortures of the Spanish Inquisition 
— "That he should be carried back to the place from whence he came, 
and from thence be drawn to the place of execution, and there be 
hanged by the neck and cut down alive, and that his entrails be taken 
out and burnt before his face, and his head cut off, and his body di- 
vided into four quarters, and his head and quarters disposed of at the 
king's pleasure." This revolting sentence, however, was not executed. 
Gove was reprieved, sent to England, and imprisoned in the Tower 
about three years; when he received a full pardon, and returned to 
his family. 



106 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



LEASES UNDER MASON RESISTED. 

Scarcely two weeks had elapsed after the close of these trials, when 
a proclamation of the governor, requiring the people of the province 
to take leases of their houses and lands from Mason, brought three 
prominent men of Dover into direct collision witii both these digni- 
taries, and stirred anew the strife between oppression and revenge on 
one part, and on the other, resistance to outraged'liberties. 

Mason's first suit was against Major Waldron ; who, seeing that he 
had a packed jury, made no defense, and the case went for the plain- 
tiff. Encouraged by his success, suit followed suit, with like result. 
Several of the inhabitants of Hampton, against whom suits had been 
brought, presented to the court a written statement of the reasons for 
declining to join issue, viz. : "The refusal of Mason to comply with 
the directions in the commission ; the impropriety of a jury's deter- 
mining what the king had expressly reserved to himself; and the in- 
competency of the jury, they being all interested persons;" and some 
of them, it was well known, devoted to Mason's interest. Every ob- 
jection was overruled, and, as to the decisions of the court, Mason 
had no reason to complain ; but here his triumph ended. As "a horse 
may be led to water but cannot be made to drink," so many estates 
were declared for sale, but none could force a purchaser ; and the 
rightful owners remained for the most part in possession. 

It does not comport with the plan of this work to mention all the 
grievances of the people under this corrupt and oppressive adminis- 
tration. In a word it may justly be said, not only that Cranfield was 
governor, but that he was the government ; for with a council of his 
own selection, and wholly dependent on him for continuance in office, 
he assumed to legislate without an assembly ; and the courts were 
but the creatures of his will. He also interfered with the rights and 
privileges of towns, so far as to forbid the constables to collect any 
town or parish taxes, till the province tax had been paid and all ac- 
counts settled with the treasurer. He even restricted the right of the 
people to assemble in town meeting, as appears by the following order 
issued by him. 

"By the Govern^." 
New Hampshire. 

YoY prevention of disturbance by unlawful Assemblies 

L. S. and Meetiugs, such as Ave have too lately cxporienccd. and 

such as may for y*" future arise to ye terror of his Ma't's 

[Majesty's] Subjects within y« s'l Province : Ordered, 

Edw : Cranfield. ''That y<' Trustees or Overseers of the several I'cspective 

Towns therein, or others, presume not to call any Puljlic 

Meeting about any Town business, or on other pretence wliatsoever. Without 



UNDER ROYAL GOVERNMENT. 1677-1689. 107 

leav first obtained from y« Justice or Justices of y" Peace of y<^ s^i respective 
Towns, upon iust [just] representation of y« necessaryness of such Town or 
Public meeting-; on such penalty as y« Law directs, to be inflicted upon un- 
lawful Assemblies. 

I)at. y« 3d day of March, 1G82 [-3]." 
Superscribed: "To the Constable of Portsmouth. — To be published, 1682." 
[1(382-3]. 

NATHANIEL WEARE's MISSION TO ENGLAND. 

The inhabitants of Hampton and of the other towns in tlie prov- 
ince, liad, with few exceptions, refrained from joining Edward Gove in 
his quixotic attempt to reform the government; but they could not 
be insensible to the tyranny of Governor Cranfield. Tiiey ever had 
been, and still were, ready to assist in suppressing acts of rebellion ; 
but they were not prepared to yield to oppression without a struggle. 
They regarded it as their right to pour their complaints into the ears 
of the king, and to ask for redress. But under Cranfield's adminis- 
tration, it was dangerous, even to complain. Still, this appeared the 
only proper course to be pursued, and after some consultation, it was 
adopted. So careful and so cautious had been the movements of the 
leading men, that their agent had been selected, funds had been raised 
to meet his expenses, and he had left the province, and was already at 
Boston, about to embark for England, before the governor was aware 
of their design. 

The agent, selected and sent on this important mission, was Na- 
thaniel Weare, Esq., a leading citizen of Hampton. The confidence 
thus reposed in him indicates that he had the reputation of being a 
man of ability, prudence and integrity ; and the result showed that 
thpir confidence had not been misplaced. 

Fear of being detained by the governor, constrained Mr. "Weare to 
hasten to Boston, without waiting to obtain such evidence as would be 
needed to substantiate the charges to be brought against Governor 
Cranfield, He was accompanied to Boston by Maj. William Vaughan, 
of Portsmouth, and to him was intrusted the important service of pro- 
curing depositions to be forwarded to England ; but, on his return from 
Boston, he was immediately arrested by the governor's order, and com- 
mitted to prison, where he was confined nine months, much to the 
detriment, not only of his own private interests, but to those of an 
oppressed people, as this prevented him from obtaining the evidence 
necessary for the agent. Other individuals, indeed, undertook the 
work that had l)een assigned to Mr. Vaughan, but they were denied 
access to the public records, and when they applied to the governor 
to summon and swear witnesses for them, their request was not granted. 



108 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Hence it was necessary to go out of the province to have the deposi- 
tions properly authenticated. 

Wlien, tlierefore, Mr, Weare arrived in England, he was not pre- 
pared to bring his complaints to tlie king, at once ; but after waiting a 
considerable time for depositions from home, and waiting in vain, he 
ventured to prefer some general charges against Governor Cranfield. 
By this means, a way was opened for procuring, in a few months, tlie 
needful evidence, for, the complaint having been referred to the Board 
of Trade, they transmitted a copy to the accused, that he might pre- 
pare a defense ; and at the same time ordered him to allow the com- 
plainants access to the records, and to afford them every facility for 
obtaining and authenticating evidence. However humiliating this or- 
der might be, it was from such a source, that he dared not disobey. 
As he was charged with not following the instructions of his commis- 
sion, concerning Mason's claims, but allowing those claims to be 
tried in courts not properly constituted, he immediately, upon the re- 
ceipt of this communication from the Board of Trade, suspended the 
suits that had been brought, till a decision, as to the legality of the 
courts, should be made by the proper authorities. 

The agent in England, having received from home, the evidence 
needed, presented his charges in a new and more specific form. A 
hearing was at length had before the Lords of Trade [March 10, 1685], 
who reported to the king "that Cranfield had not pursued his instruc- 
tions with regard to Mason's controversy ; but instead thereof, had 
caused courts to be held and titles to be decided, with exorbitant 
costs; and that he had exceeded his power in regulating the value 
of coins." The agent had brought other charges against the gov- 
ernor, but in relation to them, the Lords of Tiade expressed no opiti- 
ion. The report, as made, was accepted by the king in council. 

GOVERNOR CRANFIELD'S SCHEMES TO OBTAIN MONEY. 

It will now be necessary to go back a little in the order of time, 
and notice some other grievances, which the people of New Hampshire 
suffered, under the administration of Governor Cranfield. When he 
accepted the government of the province, he undoubtedly supposed the 
office would be a lucrative one ; and this, more than any other consid- 
eration, induced him to accept it. But this pleasing anticipation was 
far from being realized. Disappointment in his favorite object prob- 
ably had no inconsiderable influence in shaping the course of his ad- 
ministration. He had undertaken to administer the government with- 
out calling an assembly ; yet his want of money became so pressing, 
that, for relief, he was under the necessity of altering his policy, and 



UNDER ROVAL GOVERNMENT. 1G77-1689. 109 

issuing writs for the election of deputies. The assembly convened 
at Great Island, January 14, 1684. The governor tendered them a bill, 
which had already been })assed by the council, for raising money. 
The bill had been artfully drawn up, under pretext of danger of in- 
vasion by a foreign foe, and the need of raising money for repairing 
the fort and supplying it with ammunition, and "other necessary 
charges of government." 

After some discussion, the assembly adjourned. On flood tide that 
evening, the members went up the river to Portsmouth, and returned 
on the next ebb. Having met after their return, they refused to pass 
the bill. The governor, in his wrath, immediately dissolved the as- 
sembly. But this was not deemed a sufficient punishment for not 
yielding to his wishes. He caused the speaker and several of the 
members to be appointed constables for the ensuing year. If they re- 
fused to serve, a fine of £10 was the penalty in each case. The mem- 
bers from this town were Anthony Stanyan, Joseph Smith, and Lieut. 
John Smith, the last of whom, usually styled John Smith, the coojjer, 
was made constable. 

Having failed to procure money by an act of assembly, the governor 
now ventured on a hazardous experiment, the raising of money with- 
out the intervention of an assembly. In his commission was a pro- 
vision that he and his council might "continue such taxes as had been 
formerly levied, until a general assembly could be called." This was 
evidently intended to meet any exigency that might occur at the be- 
ginning of his administration, when money might be needed sooner 
than it could be raised by the ordinary course of legislation. As such, 
it may have been a wise provision ; but beyond this, it was not designed 
to operate. Yet it served the governor as a pretext for the authority 
which he now assumed, though it was clear to every person, that 
it was only a pretext ; for not only had there been sufficient time 
for calling an assembly, but more than one had been convened and 
dissolved since his administration began. Such were the views of 
the council. When, therefore, the governor applied to them to take 
the responsil)ility of continuing the tax that had last been levied by the 
preceding administration, they hesitated. Soon it was rumored that 
a plot had been discovered among the Eastern Indians to renew the 
war in the following spring. The council were summoned February 
14, in great haste. The governor told them that for the defense and 
security of the province, money was needed, and that it could not be 
raised in season in any other way than by continuing such taxes as had 
formerly been laid. The council now gave their consent, though their 
action was not immediately made public, for the people were not yet 



110 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

prepared for it. By a further order of the governor and council, the 
inhabitants of tlie province were required to fortify the Meetbuj houses 
and establish convenient garrisons in other parts of their several towns, 
and to provide themselves with a stock of ammunition. Other meas- 
ures were also adopted betokening imminent danger. 

At this juncture, Cranfield met with an obstacle he had not antici- 
pated. A letter from the Lords of Trade directed him to levy no 
taxes on the people, except by an act of assembly. What now will 
the governor do? Will he obey this order? Yes — so far as to summon 
an assembl3^, but no farther. Having ascertained that several mem- 
bers of the last assembly had been elected again, he ordered an im- 
mediate dissolution ; and then wrote to the Lords of Trade, that, 
though in obedience to their commands, an assembly had been called, 
yet he did not deem it prudent or safe to let them sit ; and that the 
election of those four constables to the assembly — who had been or- 
dered to serve in that office because they had acted independently in 
the last assembly — looked like a design to disturb the king's peace. 
He then intimated that the rate made in the time of Presidents Cutt 
and Waldron, had been continued, but could not be safely published 
without the presence of a small frigate. 

RESISTANCE TO UNJUST TAXATION. 

The next step — despite the instructions from the Lords of Trade, 
and the fears of the governor about publishing the order of the coun- 
cil to continue a former tax — was to issue warrants to the constables 
of the several towns, to collect the taxes. Will the people quietly 
submit to pay taxes so illegally ordered? We shall see. The con- 
stables called upon the inhabitants agreeably to their warrants ; but 
so few responded to the call, that they soon reported to the governor 
and council, that the people refused to pay. 

Special instructions were then given to the constables in regard to 
their method of procedure, A warrant was issued September 15, to 
Nathaniel Batchelder, the constable of Hampton, setting forth that it 
had been proved by said Batchelder's oath before his majesty's jus- 
tices of the peace for New Hampshire, that several persons had re- 
fused and still continued to refuse "to pay their respective rates, being 
the king's rate, continued by virtue of his majesty's royal commission, 
beai'ing date the 9th of May, 1682," The constable was then empowered 
and required immediately upon receiving the warrant, "to levy all and 
every the respective rates of every person so refusing, by distress and 
sale of the offender's goods and chattels." 

But there was one person here — probably there were others also — 



UNDER ROYAL GOVERNMENT. 1677-1689. Ill 

designated by name, against whom the constable was ordered to pro- 
ceed. This was Henry Dow, who before Cranfteld's administration, 
had been marshal of the province. The warrant, in this case, was 
signed by Walter Barefoote, Richard Chamberlain and James Sherlock, 
justices of the peace and members of the council. After stating said 
Henry Dow's refusal to pay his tax, the warrant to the constable pro- 
ceeds : "These are therefore in his majesty's name to require you 
forthwith to apprehend the body of the said Henry Dow, and convey 
him to the prison at Great Island, if he do not immediately discover 
some part of his estate to satisfy the said rate ; and the prison keeper 
is hereby required him to receive and safely keep, till he shall pay the 
said rate, or give security so to do, according to an act of this prov- 
ince made the 14th of November, 1682 ; and this shall be your suffi- 
cient warrant. Hereof fail not, as you will answer the contrary at 
your peril. Given under our hands and seals at Great Island, the first 
day of September, in the 36th year of the reign of our sovereign Lord 
Charles y*^ second,' king of England, &c, Aiique Dini, 1684." 

Whether Mr. Dow "discovered some part of his estate to satisfy 
this rate," or "gave security," or was imprisoned, cannot now be as- 
certained, but his tax was not paid till more than four months after- 
ward, as appears from the original receipt, dated January 20, 1684 [-5], 
and signed by James Sherlock. 

PROVOST-MARSHAL, THURTON. 

When it became evident to the governor and council, that the con- 
stables, either could not, or would not, collect the odious tax, some of 
them were fined ; and Thomas Thurton, the provost-marshal, was or- 
dered to take charge of the collection, both of the taxes and the fines. 

One of the delinquent constables was John Foulsham, of Exeter, 
who at the Quarter Sessions in November, 1684, was fined 50s. for 
neglecting the duties of his office. A few weeks afterward, Monday, 
December 29, the provost-marshal, attended by John Mason, of Hamp- 
ton, a deputy marshal, went to Exeter for the purpose of demanding 
this fine. The treatment they received will serve to show the feeling 
then existing among the people, although it was, in most cases, kept 
under restraint. Thurton, on his way to Exeter, passed through 
Hampton. From this place, he and his deputy, both wearing swords, 
were followed by ten or twelve Hampton men, all on horseback, and 
armed with clubs, who, according to the marshal's account, pushed, 
and otherwise maltreated both him and his deputy. On their arrival 
at Exeter, other persons — and not a few, including Mr. Cotton, the 
minister — joined with those from Hampton, in harassing the officers. 



112 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

While the latter were at the house of a widow Sewall, to refresh them- 
selves and their horses, they were treated with much contempt, being 
thrust about and repeatedly called rogues. The bridles were taken 
from their horses, and the horses turned loose. When they went in 
search of them, the same company followed, and one of them struck 
the marshal several blows with a club, stunning and bruising him. 

AVhen the marshal and his deputy met Foulsham — whether before 
or after the occurrences just mentioned, does not appear — he bade them 
beware of levying at his house, if tlie^^ would avoid a red-hot spit 
and scalding water, telling them, that he should not regard a warrant 
from the governor and council, nor from any of the justices of tlie 
peace. Foulsham had also spirited coadjutors. Even the Women 
warned the officers against calling for rates, as they had boiling water 
on hand, and, in some instances, had kept it constantly over the fire 
for two days, ready to give him a ivarmer reception than would be 
agreeable to him. 

THURTON AND ROBY's ADVENTURE. 

The following Friday, the provost-marshal went to Hampton, to the 
house of Samuel Sherburne, i to demand the pa^'^ment of £5 imposed 
on him for alleged assault on Dr. Richard Hooper, a citizen of the town 
and near neighbor of Sherburne's. On his refusal to pay, Thurton "took 
the body of the said Sherburne in execution, and carried him to the 
house of Henry Roby, Esq., one of his Majesty's justices of the peace." 
Here a fracas took place between three Exeter men, Gilman, Leavitt 
and Lamprey, on one side, and Thurton and Roby on the other, dur- 
ing which Sherburne made his escape. 

The cause of this fracas was, that Roby had just made out a war- 
rant to commit Leavitt to prison, for seditious language, and, on 
Oilman's interfering, had made another warrant and handed it to the 
marshal, for committing him likewise. Botli men resisted, till a little 
son of Sherburne entered and whispered a few words to them, when 
they said they would go. 

Accordingly, in custody of three men, they went quietly, till, arrived 
at Sherburne's house, they declared that they would go in there, and 
would not go to prison. At the same time, three or four persons, 
Sherburne himself among them, rushed out and rescued the prisoners. 
The same night, Oilman, accompanied by four men armed vvitli clubs, 
returned to Henry Roby's house, and made several violent attempts 
to break down the door; but on Roby's threatening to shoot them, 
they went away. 

'The ordin.ary, on Ruiul's Hill. 



UNDER EOYAL GOVERNMENT. 1677-1G89. 113 

The provost-marshal, after losing his first prisoner, Sherburne, at 
Roby's house, went in search of him ; and finding him at hisown house, 
in coiftpany with twenty or thirty men, armed with clubs, attempted 
to re-arrest him, when he was attacked by Sherburne's companions, 
and roughly treated. According to his deposition afterwards, these 
persons, masked with handkerchiefs, beat and attempted to strangle 
him, tied his hands and legs, took away his sword and dragged him a 
quarter of a mile from the house by the rope that tied his hands. 
There the crowd seem to have left him ; but two men then untied his 
legs and drove him forward another mile and a half, beating him with 
a cudgel. Then being worn out, he sank in the snow and cried "Mur- 
der !" in the hearing of several horsemen, inhabitants of Hampton; 
but none came to his rescue. This was about nine o'clock in the 
evening. Then, a stranger, coming from Hampton on horseback, 
was waylaid by the two ruffians, who seized his horse, flung Thurton, 
bound hand and foot, across him, and so carried him about a quarter 
of a mile further. The poor victim, "being in extreme pain and near 
death," as he testified, prayed that he might ride the horse, and then 
be carried whither they would. This small boon was granted, and 
they carried him out of the province, to Salisbury. 

The foregoing account of the disturbances in Exeter and Hampton, 
is gathered chiefly from the depositions of Thurton and Roby them- 
selves, and is probably altogether exaggerated. 

In 1685, Cranfield, disappointed in his purposes, under censure of 
the home government, distracted by the attitude of the people, was, 
at his own request, relieved, and privately quitted the province ; and 
Walter Barefoote, the deputy governor, assumed his office. 

MR. WEARE'S second MISSION TO ENGLAND. 

Under him, matters went from bad to worse; and Mr. "Weare was 
sent as agent, a second time, to England. The exact date of this 
second mission is not known, but it was probably not far from the 
spring of 1686. This time he was unsuccessful, in combatting Mason's 
claims, but his own papers, relating to the trial, are lost. He returned 
sometime previous to June 19, 1689, when a meeting of the proprie- 
tors of Hampton was held, to raise seventy-five pounds in silver, to 
pay their proportion for the services of Mr. Weare and Mr. Vaughan. 
This was on account of money already expended, and was to be raised 
equally upon the shares, payable in five months. 

SIR EDMUND ANDROS, GOVERNOR OF ALL NEW ENGLAND. 

In the latter part of the reign of Charles II, a scheme was origina- 



114 , HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

ted, for uniting the several provinces and portions of New England, 
and placing them under one government. Through various machina- 
tions, well known in history, this plan was consummated in the reign 
of James II; and, in December, 1686, Sir Edmund Andros became 
governor of all New England. He ruled with an iron hand. Out of 
his large council, any seven constituted a council-board, and no larger 
number need be notified to attend any meeting. The governor and 
council, any^veof whom were a quorum, were empowered, without 
the intervention of an asserabl}', to make laws, impose taxes, appro- 
priate money and grant lands, virtually, as they chose ; and they were 
not slow to avail themselves of their privileges. 

Mason's fortunes seemed in the ascendencj'. The Lords of Trade 
and Plantations reported in his favor ; the king approved, and ordered 
the verdict and judgment to be ratified and affirmed. Then Mason 
returned to New Hampshire, to have his executions levied according 
to law. Here, however, a new disappointment awaited him, in the 
opposition of Andros and his council ; and the courts refused to issue 
executions on the judgments that had been recovered by him. What- 
ever the motives of Andros may have been, the people were gratified, 
and their confidence was strengthened in the belief previously enter- 
tained, that Mason's title was defective. Thus encouraged, they perse- 
vered in resisting his claims. In 1688, Mason suddenly died, leaving 
"two sons, John and Robert, the heirs of his claim and controversy." 

Among the other oi)pressive measures. Governor Andros forbade 
the people to assemble in town meetings, except once a year, for the 
choice of town officers, lest they consult for the redress of their wrongs ; 
and none were permitted to leave the country without his consent, 
lest complaints be carried to the king. The proceedings of Hampton 
and the other New Hampshire towns during this administration, will 
probably never be fully known — the records are silent. 

Tyranny is its own executioner ; — relief came at last in the acces- 
sion of William and Mary to the throne of England, and the seizure 
and imprisonment of Andros, in 1689. 



CHAPTER VI. 

UNDER ROYAL GOVERNMENT (CONTINUED). 10.89-1730. 
A CRITICAL JUNCTURE. 

"A "TEW Hampshire was now witliout a government. No magistrates 
1 \ remained, except justices of the peace, and some inferior offi- 
cers ; and "great questions arose, whether justices retained their power, 
or any captain or otlier officer, deriving his autliority from him, so 
seized," that is, from Andros. In this state of affairs, there were 
various attempts to make sovie government till their majesties should 
take further order ; but all proved ineffectual. At first," persons were 
chosen in the several towns," says Nathaniel Weare, "to manage the 
affairs of government in this juncture of time," but that plan was sooiT 
found futile. No record has been found, to show who were chosen 
for this purpose in Hampton. 

CONVENTIONS OF THE TOWNS. 

It was afterward proposed that deputies from each town should 
meet in couvention, and agree upon some form of government for the 
whole province. With whom this plan originated does not appear. 
A letter, dated July 2, 1689, and signed "b^- several gentleuien of 
Portsmouth and Great Island" — then belonging to Portsmouth — was 
sent to Hampton, inviting the town to choose delegates to attend 
such a convention at Portsmouth, on the 11th of the same month. 
To this the town agreed, and chose Ens. Henry Dow, Sergt. John 
Smith and Mr. Joseph Smith as its representatives. 

The powers conferred on these representatives of the town were 
not adequate to the object intended. They were instructed to confer 
with the members of the convention from the other tov/ns, but were 
not authorized to agree to any plan proposed. They were required 
"to bring a true account of every particulai'," and report to tlie town, 
at an adjourned meeting on Saturday — two days after the meeting of 
tlie Convention. 

There is no record of any town meeting at the time named ; and 
nothing has been found to show even that the proposed convention 
was held. It might have been ascertained before the time appointed. 

(115) 



116 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

that equal powers had not been conferred upon delegates from the 
several towns, in which case, tlie convention would be useless. The 
town of Portsmouth, for instance, hati "engaged tlieinselves certainly 
to cornpl}'^ with" whatever the delegates from that town should promise 
to do ; while those from Hampton could do nothing whatever to bind 
the town. If the convention met, it is certain that nothing effectual 
was accomplished. 

The fault may have been and probably was, on tlie part of the peo- 
ple of Hampton ; for not long after, one with ample means of informa- 
tion, wrote as follows: "The inhabitants of tlie town of Hampton 
began to be very jealous of their friends and neighbors, that they 
would bring them under several inconveniences, in commanding from 
them their men and money as they pleased, and so they were very 
hard to be brought to anything." 

Near the close of the year 1689, there was another proposition for 
a convention. In this case, it seems to have originated in Hampton. 
The town, "considering the unsettled state they were in for want of 
government, and so the more incapacitated to defend themselves 
kgainst the invasion of an enemy," appointed delegates, to meet witli 
such as might be chosen by the other towns, "to consider and debate 
the matters" of common concern. But here again the same jealousy 
appears as in the former case. No greater powers were conferred 
on the delegates now chosen than had been on those chosen in Jul}-. 
The delegates were : Mr. Nathaniel Weare, Capt. Samuel Sherburne 
and Ens. Henry Dow. 

As nothing further is found on record in regard to the proposed 
convention, it may be presumed that the plan failed at that time also ; 
though it was revived not long afterward, the towns of Portsmouth 
and Dover then taking the lead. Since the seizure of Andros, nine 
months had already elapsed, and no orders had yet arrived from tlie 
new sovereigns of England. The Indians were in a state of hostility, 
and the settlements were exposed to imminent danger. This consid- 
eration was urged as a strong reason for immediate action for the 
common defense. Under these circumstances, Portsmouth and Dover 
each chose six commissioners, to meet with commissioners from the 
other towns, "with full power to agree upon a method of government." 

In accordance with the invitation, a town meeting was held in Hamp- 
ton, January 20, 1690, when the town, satisfied that the late justices, 
the only civil officers exercising any functions in the town, were pow- 
erless to raise men and money for the common defense, chose six com- 
missioners, with more authority than had been given to the delegates 
on former occasions. No pledge, however, was given, to abide by the 



UNDER ROYAL GOVERNMENT — CONTINUED. 1G89-1730. 117 

measures of the convention, unless a majority of tlie commissioners 
from tliis town should agree to them. But, on condition of th,eir ap- 
proval, the town voted to hold the measures of the convention as good 
and valid, and to obligate themselves, "to yield all ready obedience 
thereto, until their majesties' orders should arrive for the settlement 
of the government over them." The commissioners chosen were 
Henry Green, Esq., Ens. Henry Dow, Mr. Nathaniel Weare, Capt. 
Samuel Sherburne, Morris Hobbs, Sen. and Mr. E^dward Gove. 

The convention met at Portsmouth, on the 24th, all the towns being 
represented. After free discussion, a method of proceeding was finally 
agreed upon by ever}'^ man present. It then became necessary that 
the several towns should choose officers, to carry into effect the plan 
adopted by the convention. This plan failed, chiefly, perhaps, through 
the opposition to it in Hampton, where, as in the other towns, a meet- 
ing was l»eld, to ratify the doings of the convention and choose officers. 
But a very large majority seemed to be fearful and suspicious that the 
other towns did not intend to act according to their professions, but 
wished to bring the people of this town under them. Tlie minority 
regarded this view as uncharitable and unjust ; but they were referred 
by the majority to some former acts of some of the towns, which ap- 
peared to afford ground for being jealous of them. The town, there- 
fore, voted not to choose officers, according to the direction of the 
commissioners ; and so the plan failed. 

REUNITED TO MASSACHUSETTS, 1690. 

The necessity for a more efficient government still continuing, and 
there being but a faint prospect that any plan which might be devised, 
would be cordially received in all the towns, a petition was drawn up 
at Portsmouth, addressed to the governor and council of Massachu- 
setts, "to take this province into their care and protection and gov- 
ernment, as formerly." • 

This petition was signed by nearly four hundred persons in the sev- 
eral towns, of whom about forty belonged to Hampton. It was brought 
hither for signatures, on AYednesday, the 26th of February, 1690, at 
which time the soldiers had been ordered to meet, but for other pur- 
poses than signing this petition, ''so that," as was afterward said, "sev- 
eral children and servants made up the number of names, when their 
parents and masters knew nothing of the matter." The petition was 
immediately forwarded to Boston, and readily granted by the governor 
and council, who gave orders that the towns should meet at a time 
designated, to choose selectmen, constables, and other town officers, 



118 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

according to former usage and custom. This order was given to 
Henry Green, Esq., for this town, and was dated March 4, 1690. 

The inhabitants of Hampton had always been strongly attached to 
Massachusetts and had never desired to be separated from it. Gladly 
would they now have been reannexed, if it could have been done on 
fair and honorable terms. But the petition to that government, and 
the manner in which it had been managed, caused great <lissatisfac- 
tion among them ; so that, at the town meeting called, agreeably to 
the orders to Justice Green, it was proposed, and by some even urged, 
to have the town determine by vote, whether, or not, to acquiesce in, 
and comply with the petition and return. A vote on the question 
was not indeed taken, for one of the magistrates of Massachusetts 
told the people, that it would be of no avail, or, as it was then ex- 
pressed, "all would be knocked on the head at one blow." 

The grounds of this dissatisfaction may be briefly stated. The 
four tovvns in New Hampshire, since the seizure of Andros, and tlie 
consequent dissolution of the government, were so far independent of 
each other, that no one of them felt bound by any act of the others, 
and the circumstances of the several towns were so different, that, 
though the petition that had been prepared, might be proper for the 
people of Portsmouth, yet it was unsuited to those of Hampton ; that 
while there were in this town about tvvo hundred male inhabitants 
over twenty-one j^ears of age, this petition was signed by less than 
fifty persons, some of them minors, and that it was not even shown 
to some of the principal inhabitants, who would have readily assented 
to a union with Massachusetts on favorable terms ; that formerly the 
people of Hampton had been allowed to choose their own magistrates 
and public officers, and the}' could not understand how the assistants 
or magistrates of Portsmoutii could now exercise any authority in 
Hampton, when the latter town had never authorized them so to do ; 
and lastly, that it was not competent for Massachusetts to exercise 
any power, or appoint any governors over this people, till authority 
should be given by the crown, or a request made by the town, or a 
majority of the legal voters thereof, neither of which had been done. 
From all these considerations, it was inferred, that "to be subjected 
to a government in the province and principally at Portsmouth, which 
had been so much spoken against by many in Hampton, would be 
very tedious." In a word, to have a government so imposed, it was 
feared that there would follow "distractions, heart-burnings, dis- 
obedience to the supposed commanders, public declarations, remon- 
strances set forth, that might reach as far as England, and so make 



I 



UNDER ROYAL GOVERNMENT CONTINUED. 1689-1730. 119 

way foi- n person to be deputed by the crown, that miglit under color 
of a commission, exercise liis own will." So wrote Nathaniel Weare. 
Though such opinions and feelings were prevalent here, yet as a 
matter of prudence, it was thought best to acquiesce in what had been 
done, so that ''all might be healed as quietly and as silently" as pos- 
sible, and that this people might have peace and unity with those of 
Massachusetts. The New Hampshire towns were allowed to be rep- 
resented in the General Court, as they had been during their former 
connection with that government, though if does not appear that the 
people of Hampton availed themselves of this privilege. 

THE NEW CONNECTION SEVERED, 1692. 

Agents had been sent to England from Massachusetts, to solicit 
from the crown a new charter for that colony, which was granted. Tiie 
agents had asked that it might include the New Harapsliire towns, so 
that their connection with Massachusetts might be permanent. Many 
of the people of New Hampshire were in favor of such a union. But 
the interests of a certain London merchant were, with king William, 
paramount to the interests and the wishes of the people of Massachu- 
setts and New Hampshire, and the boon asked for was not granted. 
The newly formed connection was severed. 

Some time previous to this, namely, March 1, 1692, the heirs of 
Mason had sold their interest in New Hampshire to Samuel Allen, the 
London merchant referred to in the last paragraph, for the sura of 
£750 ; and he now obtained from the sovereigns the governorship of 
the province for himself, and the appointment of John Usher, as 
lieutenant-governor. Nine councilors besides Usher, who was allowed 
a seat at the council-board, were named in the governor's instructions, 
and provision was made for three others to be added to the board. 
Three councilors constituted a quorum, though no business, except 
in extraordinary cases, was to be transacted, unless five at least were 
present. One of the councilors named in the instructions was Henry 
Green, and one of the three added to the board, Nathaniel Weare. 
These were the only members belonging to Hampton. 

The popular notion that Usher was at this time son-in-law to Allen 
is incorrect, as proved by records: 

John Usher, son of Hezekiah and Frances, was born in Boston, 
April 17, 1648. He married Elizabeth, daughter of Peter and Eliza- 
beth Lidgett (who was born in the Island of Bbds [Barbadoes] No- 
vember 4, 1651).on the 24th of April, 1668. She died Aug. 17, 1698, 
six years after Usher's appointment to the ofHce of lieut. -governor. 
About seven months after her death. Usher was married to Allen's 



120 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

daughter, in Hampton, by Rev. John Cotton, pastor of the Hampton 
church. The marriage is entered thus on the church record of mar- 
riages : 

March 11 The Honourable 

169f Jn« Ufher Esq 

& 
Madam Elizabeth Allen 

ALLEN AND USHER. 

The new government went into operation in August, under the ad- 
ministration of Usher, the lieutenant-governor, as Allen still remained 
in England. Soon after, a House of Assembly was called, which con- 
vened early in October. An act had been passed in England, altering 
the form and the manner of administering the oaths to be taken by 
the members of Parliament and of subordinate legislative assemblies. 
Hitherto it had been customary in New England, for the person taking 
an oath, to use no other ceremony than that of holding up the rigiit 
hand. In England, the custom was to be sworn upon tlie Bible. It 
was now required that the same form should be observed here. When 
the assembly met, some of the members, and among them the three 
deputies from Hampton, refused to be sworn in this manner. The 
next day, it was ordered that the oath should be administered accord- 
ing to former usage, to those who had refused to be sworn in the new 
form, " considering the present troubles and circumstances of affairs" 
(from hostile Indians). 

Two of the members elect from Hampton, Lieut. John Smith and 
Mr. Joseph Smith, were sworn according to this order; but the other, 
John Hussey, withdrew from the assembly, declining to qualify him- 
self by being sworn. 

A new assembly convened at Great Island, in March of the follow- 
ing year. The members from this town were Capt. Henry Dow, Mr. 
Thomas Phill)rick, and Mr. Joseph Swett, all of whom were sworn. 

The council appointed its two members from Hampton, Green and 
Weare, "to prepare & draw up a Bill for the maintenance of the min- 
istry and school-masters." The bill drawn up by them was passed 
without amendment and approved by the lieutenant-governor, Au- 
gust 5. 

It was unfortunate for Usher, that he had been connected with the 
late unpopular and oppressive government of Sir Edmund Andros ; 
and perhaps equally unfortunate, that he was known to be interested 
in establishing Allen's claim to the province. The people anticipated 
perplexities and troubles from the new claimant, similar to those to 



UNDER EOYAL GOVERNMENT— CONTINUED. 1689-1730. 121 

which they had been subjected by Mason ; and they were as unwill- 
ing to hold their estates under Allen us under INIason. Some of Usher's 
measures were approved, being in harmony with tlieir own views and 
wishes. His etlbrts were united with theirs in defense against the In- 
dians, with whom they had been for a considerable time engaged in a 
distressing and desolating war. He was also earnest in his efforts 
for the settlement of the boundar^^ line between New Hampshire and 
Massachusetts. 

The line was generally understood to begin on the seashore, at the 
distance of three miles north of the mouth of the Merrimac, and run 
parallel with that river. Still, there was much uncertainty about it, 
as it had never, in all its parts, been sufficiently marked out by mon- 
uments, and the river, near its mouth, flowing over a bed of sand, often 
shifted its channel. It was really difficult for the people who lived 
near the line, to know on which side of it they were ; and some of 
them pretended to belong on one side or the other — to Massachusetts 
or to New Hampshire, just as it suited their convenience. Hence it 
was difficult to collect taxes assessed upon these persons. There were 
also disputes about timber cut on the common lands. 

Squamscott Patent, which had been connected with Hampton about 
thirty-five years, was annexed to Exeter, November 29, 1692. 

New Castle was incorporated as a town in 1693, and Kingston, as 
is described more fully elsewhere, in 1694. 

Usher was forward in all these transactions, hoping thus to ingrati- 
ate himself with the people and induce them to furnish him a liberal 
support. Failing in this, he dissolved the assembly ; and, not receiv- 
ing from Allen his promised stipend, he asked to be relieved of his 
official cares. Usher's request, however, had been anticipated, and 
at the desire of the people, William Partridge, Esq., of Portsmouth, 
then in England, had already been appointed to succeed him as lieu- 
tenant-governor, and commander-in-chief, in Allen's absence. 

WILLIAM PARTRIDGE, LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR. 

The appointment of Partridge was made known to the people, im- 
mediately after his return from England, in January, 1697. Mr. Usher, 
then at his home in Boston, very soon heard of the a[)pointment ; but 
as Mr. Partridge for some reasons had not published his commission 
and taken the oaths prescribed, he claimed that his own powers as 
lieutenant-governor had not ceased. 

usher's harangue. 
Soon after this, Usher came to Hampton, and on Sunday, February 
1, taking advantage of the people being assembled at the meeting- 



122 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

house for public worship, he addressed them on political affairs, and 
gave some orders in regard to military matters, expecting his orders 
to he obeyed. 

Tiie proceedings of Usher at Hampton, being made known to the 
government, a meeting of the council was held the next Sunday, to 
devise means to counteract their influence. A proclamation was forth- 
with published, to declare Partridge lieutenant-governor, and to give 
public notice that Usher had no further power or authority in the prov- 
ince and that none were to obey his orders or warrants for the future. 

The council ordered that Maj. William Vaughan take with him as 
many men as he can readily get mounted, to marcli to Hampton and 
Exeter, to suppress any tumult and disturbance that may happen in 
the province. M.ijor Vaughan was also to cause to be published in 
those towns, the i)roclamation given to him for that purpose ; to give 
notice to all captains, and other inferior military officers, to continue 
in their place until further orders ; and to arrest any disturbers of the 
peace. 

The next day, a letter was prepared by the president and council, to 
be sent to Lieut. -Governor Stoughton, of Massachusetts. After 
stating the facts given in their proclamation, they say : "But notvvith- 
standing all this, Mr. Usher is pleased to exert his weak endeavors 
to give us some disturbance ; to y" end [he] appeared at Ham[)ton on 
the last Sabbath day, and we hear, in the forenoon before Sermon, 
made a large comment on the copy of this commission. He also gave 
out orders to sundry officers, civil and militar}', to meet him at Hamp- 
ton the next morning, and the two First Companys of the towne to be 
then in arms ; but miserably failing of his expectations, he withdrew 
and left the Province on Monday afternoon ; assuring some of his 
creatures that Lieut. -Governor Stoughton had promised him if he met 
with any opposition here, to give him assistance." 

Whatever may have been the apprehension of the council, no seri- 
ous disturbance seems to have resulted from Usher's visit and harangue 
at Hampton, or at least, none, which being seasonably met, was not 
easily quelled ; for we have no more notice of it in the records — noth- 
ing to show that there was need of further action on the part of the 
board. 

THE GOOD EARL OF BELLOMONT. 

But Usher sought redress from England, by sending over a special 
agenttolay his complaints before the Lords of Trade ; receiving from 
them directions to continue in office till Partridge should qualify him- 
self, or till Richard, Earl of Bellomont, the newly appointed governor 
of New York, Massachusetts Bay and New Hampshire, should arrive. 



UNDER ROYAL GOVERNMENT — CONTINUED. 1689-1730. 123 

Usher then came immediately to New Hampshire, in full confidence 
of triumphing over liis opponents. But a bitter disappointment 
awaited him, for the next day, tlie 14th of December, 1G97, Partrido-e 
published his commission, took the oaths and assumed the government. 
This transaction must have been very dislieartening to Mr. Usher, 
who, on his way to Portsmouth, had been so elated with his prospects, 
that, as he passed through Hampton, he had forbidden the people to 
observe a day of thanksgiving tiiat had been appointed. This led 
the lieutenant-governor and the council, on the day that he entered 
upon the duties of his office, to order, "that the selectmen of Hamp- 
ton do notify the inhabitants thereof, that tlie Thanks-giving day ap- 
pointed by tiie President and Council, on Tb.urs-day next, be observed 
as has been usual in such cases." They also specially ordered that 
notice should be given to Mr. John Cotton, minister of the town, to 
"observe & keep" the day. 

GOVERNOR Allen's assumption of government. 

After the Earl of Bellomont's arrival in this country, but before he 
had come to New Hampshire, and consequently before he had en- 
tered upon the government of this province. Governor Allen came 
over and placed himself at the head of the administration [August, 
1698]. Usher soon after took a seat at the council-board, claiming it 
as lieutenant-governor. His right to a seat was disputed, but the 
governor decided in his favor. 

The assembly met in January following. At that time, two new 
members were added to the council, one of whom, Joseph Smith, was 
of Hampton. The members of the assembly from this town were 
Capt. Henry Dow, Lieut. John Smith and Lieut. Joseph Swett. 

At the opening of the assembly, Governor Allen, having stated that 
he had assumed the government because the Earl of Bellomonthad not 
arrived, advised them to send a congratulatory message to the Earl. 
Tlie next day the assembly informed him, that they had done this al- 
read}^ and the Earl had answered them kindly and they were waiting 
for his arrival ; intimating also that no important business would be 
done in the assembly before his arrival. This was not very flattering 
to the governor ; but the assembly went farther, and specified several 
grounds of complaint; and especially, his having admitted Usher to 
a seat at the council-board, notwithstanding he had been superseded 
by Partridge's commission. 

The decision of the governor to admit Usher to his seat, was far 
from being satisfactory to some of the councilors. The question was 
raised by two of them, Coffin and Weare, whether Usher was a mem- 



124 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

ber of the council. After some altercation, a vote being taken, a 
majority appeared in his favor. All the old councilors, except one, re- 
fused to sit with him. The governor, indeed, forbade their departure, 
but his order was disregarded. Mr. Weare remarked, as he retired, 
that he would not, by sitting there, put contempt upon the king's 
commission — referring to the commission of Partridge, who had been 
set aside by the governor, in favor of Usher, under vhose influence 
Allen acted. 

Tlie assemhh' had already A'oted to continue the customs and excise 
till the next November. They now voted that the money, tlius arising, 
should be kept in the treasury till the arrival of the Earl of Bellomont. 
This was their last act. The governor dissolved the assembly after a 
session of three days. 

The councilors had been appointed by the king, but the governor 
had authority' to suspend any of them, whenever, in his opinion, there 
should be sufficient reason. If at any time, the number of councilors 
should from any cause be reduced below seven, tlie governor might 
appoint from the principal freeholders in the province, so many as 
would make up that number, and those thus appointed were to be 
councilors till the king's pleasure should be known. At this time, he 
appointed Sampson Slieafe, of New Castle, and Peter Weare, of Hamp- 
ton, son of Nathaniel Weare, who had just refused to sit at the coun- 
cil-board with Usher. Slieafe was appointed secretary, and Joseph 
Smith, of Hampton, treasurer. 

bellojiont's brief administration. 

The Earl of Bellomont came to New Hampshire and published his 
commission, July 31, 1G99. This event spread joy throughout the 
province. The people "now saw at the head of the govern'ment, a 
nobleman of distinguished figure and polite manners, a firm friend of 
the revolution, a favorite of King William, and one who had no inter- 
est in oppressing them." 

Partridge now resumed his seat as lieutenant-governor, and those 
councilors whom Allen had suspended, were readmitted to the board. 

Allen and the people brought before the governor their respective 
claims and complaints, in regard to the proprietorship of the province ; 
whereupon he advised the revival of courts of justice, in which the 
vexatious but important controversy might be legally decided. To 
this end, the necessary acts were passed by an assembly that had been 
called ; but before the judges had been appointed, the Earl retired 
from the province, where he had remained less than three weeks, leav- 
ing the a^jpointment of the judges and the administration of the gov- 



UNDER ROYAL GOVERNMENT CONTINUED. 1689-1730. 125 

eminent in the hands of Partridge, the lieiitenant-gov^ernor. The 
Earl of Bellomont never returned to New Hampshire. He died in 
New York the next spring, much to tlie grief of the people. 

COURTS OF JUSTICE REVIVED. 

The courts were organized, by the appointment of Jolin Hinckes, 
chief justice of tlie Superior Court, with tliree assistants; Richard 
Waldron, cliief justice of the Inferior Court, and Henry Dow, Theo- 
dore Atliinson and John Woodman, assistants. 

Allen's claim and controversy. 

The court, thus organized, afforded but little encouragement for Al- 
len to expect a favorable result, in any attempt to establish his claim 
as proprietor of the province. Gladly, therefore, would he have a- 
vailed himself of the decisions previously given in Mason's suits ; but 
there was a want of legal evidence that judgment had been rendered 
in favor of Mason, or that he had ever been put in possession of the 
property for which he had sued. The portion of the records of the Su- 
perior Court, needed for proof, could not be found. Allen was, there- 
fore, under the necessity of connnencing the work anew. Of course, 
the decisions of the courts were for the defendant. Allen appealed to 
the king, and the litigations went on ; in the midst of which, King Wil- 
liam died and Anne succeeded to the throne. 

Then Allen petitioned the queen to l)e put in possession of the 
imste lands of the province. All lands, unenclosed and unoccupied, 
were adjudged waste lands, and Allen was declared the lawful owner 
of them all. 

While this petition was under consideration, Mr. Vaughan, the peo- 
ple's agent in England, remonstrated against its being granted. 
Much of the land that had been long used by the inhabitants for the 
pasturage of their cattle, was unenclosed, and therefore must, ac- 
cording to the opinion of the attorney-general, be accounted waste 
land. The same was true of nearly all the woodland in all the 
towns, and of the extensive salt-marshes in Hampton, which were in- 
dispensable to the inhabitants. 

But why present these fiicts to the consideration of the queen 
and her advisers? Why show them that the prayer of the petition 
could not be granted, without gross injustice to the inhabitants of the 
province? Why remonstrate against the a[)pointment of John Usher 
to the office of lieutenant-governor of the province— an appointment 
which he was again seeking? It was all in vain. Allen "entered 
upon the common land in each of the towns, and took possession by 
turf and twig ;" and Usher again came into power. Meantime, Jo- 



126 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

seph Dudley had been appointed governor of Massachusetts and New 
Hampshire. And Allen's suits went on. Again the courts decided 
against him, and again he appealed. 

But Allen had really become wear}' of the controvers^s and did not 
wish to prosecute the appeal, if the difficulty between him and the 
people could be settled by mutual agreement. Many of the people, 
too, wished for a compromise. Deputies from the several towns, 
therefore, met in convention at Portsmouth, May 3, 1705, to discuss 
the subject, and, if possible, agree upon terms of accommodation. 
The deputies from Hampton, chosen the day before, were Mr. John 
Stanyan and Samuel Dow, who were "to join with the representatives 
of the province, with full power from the freeholders and the commu- 
nity, to discourse, debate and determine as might be most advanta- 
geous for the peace and benefit of the province, relating to Mr. Allen's 
claim. A few days before, the same persons had been chosen b^^ the 
freeholders, to meet the convention, but had not authority to agree 
to any terms proposed, without first laying them before the town, to 
be voted upon. More ample powers were needed ; and in compliance 
with a precept from the Speaker of the House of Representatives, they 
were granted, in connection with the last choice of delegates. 

The delegates met in convention at the time proposed, and the next 
day passed the following Resolution : "That they had no claim or 
challenge to any part of the Province without the bounds of the four 
towns of Portsmouth, Dover, Hampton and Exeter, with the hamlets of 
New Castle and Kingston, which were all comprehended within lines 
already known and laid out, and which should forthwith be revised ; 
but that Allen and his heirs might peaceably hold and enjoy the said 
great waste, containing forty miles in length and twenty in breadth, 
or thereabouts, at the head of the four towns aforesnid, if it should 
please her majest}' ; and that the inhabitants of the four towns would 
be so far from interrupting the settlement thereof, that they desired 
the said waste to be planted and filled with inhabitants, to whom they 
would give all the encouragement and assistance in their power." 

They further proposed, in substance, to give Allen £2000 current 
mone}^ of New England, and 5000 acres out of the comnion lands in 
the towns and hamlets, — 1500 acres of which, to be laid out in Hamp- 
ton — provided the inhabitants should receive ample security forever 
afterward, against any further disturbance from any person, on ac- 
count of his or Mason's claim. The proposed terms were to be pre- 
sented to Allen for his consideration, and it was supposed that he 
would accept them ; but his sudden death, the very next da}', left the 
controversy still unsettled. 

The following year, Mr. Allen's only son, Thomas Allen, of Lou- 



UNDER ROYAL GOVERNMENT CONTINUED. 1689-1730. 127 

don, renewed the suit, being ol)liged again to go over the whole ground ; 
but no decision was had before tlie deatli of Allen, in 1715, and this 
l)ut an end to the suit, which his heirs, being minors, did not renew. 
The Mason claims Avere, indeed, revived for a l)rief season, more than 
twenty years later ; but all rights were purchased, and quitclaim deeds 
given to the several towns. 

DUDLKY AND USHER SUPERSEDED. 

Governor Dudley and Lieutenant-Governor Usher held their ollices 
tlil the death of queen Anne, in 1714. During a large part of this time, 
a disastrous Indian war was kept up. The course of both of them in 
regard to the war was praiseworthy. The connection of Usher with 
former administrations, and his interest in Alien's claim, prevented 
him from gaining that popularity, which he would otherwise have at- 
tained. It is well known that he expended considerable sums from 
his own private fortune, to promote the interests of the province, while 
the compensation received for his services was very meager. He was 
superseded in office by George Vaughan, of Portsmouth, soon after 
the accession of George I, to the throne of England. 

Governor Dudley resided usually in Massachusetts, coming occa- 
sionally to New Hampshire. The people of this province considered 
bim as a "prudent, careful and faithful governor," and declared them- 
selves "perfectly satisfied with his disposal of the people and their 
arms and public money." He was superseded in 1716. 

SAMUEL SHUTE, GOVERNOR. 

In the golden month of October, of this year 1716, a grand cor- 
tege passed through Hampton, en route for Portsmouth. The occa- 
sion was no less than the visit of Governor Dudley's successor in 
office. Col. Samuel Shute, to publish his commission as governor of 
New Hampshire and Massachusetts. He left Boston on Monday, 
the 15th, with great pomp and ceremony ; was met at Cambridge by 
the faculty and students of Harvard, who escorted him to the college 
and greeted him with an oration ; met escorts of horse and foot, and 
sumptuous entertainment everywhere on the route ; and arrived at Sal- 
isbury, near the province line, on Wednesday. Here he was met by 
Lieutenant-Governor Vaughn of New Hampshire, members of the coun- 
cil, sheriff and men of note, "being guarded with a troop of horse from 
Hampton, and after that, met by a troop of horse from Exeter, and 
at Hampton Town, four companies of foot were drawn up upon the 
common, before Captain Winget's where the Governor dined." About 
5 o'clock the same afternoon, with his numerous and imposing retinue 



128 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

constantly augmented, he made his entry into Portsmouth, greeted by 
the booming of cannon from castle and ships, the Portsmouth regiment 
under arms and two troops of horse. After publishing his commis- 
sion, "the regiment discharged their volleys and the people their huz- 
zas." It was a hearty ovation, for no hand lifted the veil, to disclose 
the inharmony of the future. 

GKORGE VAUGHAN, LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR. 

A controversy, which was carried on with considerable warmth, soon 
arose between the governor and the lieutenant-governor, about the power 
of the latter, when the former was in his other province. Vaughan claimed 
the right, in such a case, of administering the government himself, on 
the ground that, when the governor was in Massachusetts, he was ab- 
sent from New Hampshire, and his authority liere must be suspended 
till his return. But Governor Sliute contended that, his commission 
Laving been published in Massachusetts and New Hampshire, he was 
commander-in-chief over both provinces, while he had his residence in 
either. Each was tenacious of his own opinion and determined to 
maintain his pretensions. After the governor's return to Boston, he 
sent an order to Vaughan, probably to test his obedience, requiring 
him to appoint a fast. This order the latter did not obey. Governor 
Shute also ordered him "to prorogue the assembly ; instead of which 
he dissolved it witliout the advice of council." Mr. Penhallow, one 
of the members of the council, very friendly to the governor, opposed 
the pretensions of the lieutenant-governor, with such vigor, at a meet- 
ing of the council, in September, 1717, the displeasure of the latter 
shovved itself in a very indiscreet and angr}' speech, which was con- 
cluded in these words : "I suspend you, Samuel Penhallow, from sit- 
ting, voting and assisting at the council-board till his Majesty's pleas- 
ure shall be known." 

As soon as Gov. Shute was informed of these proceedings, he hast- 
ened to Portsmouth, summoned the council, re-instated Penhallow, 
and suspended Vaughan. An account of the wliole matter was sent 
to England and laid before the king, who soon after removed the 
lieutenant-governor from office. 

Hampton's attitude. 

These transactions are so undignified and so unbecoming the char- 
acter of men at the head of the government, that no account of them 
would have been admitted to our pages, had not a knowledge of them 
been necessary to a full understanding of some further proceedings 



UNDHR KOYaL government — CONTINUED, 168U-1730. 129 

of the governor and his council, in which Hampton, in the treat- 
ment of its representatives, was particuhirly concerned. 

Let it be borne in mind, that the dispute between the governor and 
the lieutenant-governor resulted from a difference of opinion, relative 
to the powers of the latter, when the former was out of the province. 
It was a nice question, and to many disinterested persons, it was not 
clear how it should be decided. As long as it reuiained an abstract 
question, it excited but little interest ; but the acts of the two men 
primarily concerned, rendered a correct decision of practical impor- 
tance. If the opinion of the lieutenant-governor was correct, tlien 
his act in dissolving the assembly, however unwise, was not illegal, 
and those who had composed that body were no longer vested wiMi 
legislative powers, and in no way, except by a new election, could 
they be entitled again to act as a legislative assembly. Sucii was 
the view^ taken by the three members from Hampton, and they were hon- 
est enough to avow it. "When, therefore, Governor Shute ordered a 
meeting of the assembly, they presented a remonstrance, setting forth 
their views, and declaring that they could not act with the House unless 
the members were reelected. For this honest avowal they were called 
before the governor and council, charged with a lihel, and were put 
under bonds of £400 each, for their good behavior. 

The governor appears not only to have required of these men bonds 
for iheir good behavior, but to have assumed the right of removing 
them from the assembly, to which they belonged, if it was still a legal 
assembly^ and of ordering the town to make a new election. The 
record of the proceedings of the town is as follows : 

"Voted, that whereas wee of y** Town of Hampton did elect Col'' 
Joseph Smith, Major Peter Weare and Mr. John Tuck our Repre- 
sentatives to sitt in Generall Assembly, which Assembly was dissolved 
by his majesties Lieut Governor Vaughan, as appears to us of Rec- 
ord ; and now having Receved a precept from his Excellency Gover^' 
Shute for a new choice to joyne with y*^ said Assembly dismis'd as 
aboves'' ; In Answer to which, wee say, if y*^ Representatives of our 
Town are disraist, the whole are dismissed ; And wee humbly declare 
wee are of opinion not to joyn Assembly men with such as are not Le- 
gally chosen and quallified." 

Such was the action of the town ; and is not the view taken, correct? 
By his commission, the governor had authority to suspend or remove 
any member of the council, and to prorogue or dissolve the assembly ; 
but to deprive anj' particular members of their seats in the popular 
branch of the government, is a very different matter, and is entirely 
inconsistent with the liberties of the people. 
9 



130 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



JOHN WENTWORTH, LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR. 

Vanglian's controversy with his superior was productive of no good 
to liimself. On the contrar}-, as we have seen, it opened the way for 
his own removal from office. John Wentworth was his successor. 
His commission was published near the close of the year 1717. He 
was born in the province, and had been a member of the council. 
For more than five years after he was appointed lieutenant-governor, 
he had but a small share in the administration ; but in 1723, at the 
departure of Governor Shute for England, he was left at the head of 
the government. This was during the war with the Indians, know^n 
as LoveiveU's loar. So prudent was his tnanagement in this war, that 
his course was approved, and he gained the affections of the people. 

In May, 1727, Mr. John Redman, a representative from Hampton, 
having resigned on account of age and feebleness, the House, "Con- 
sidering the great age and Infirmness of the Said M'" John Redman 
Tho he hath been a Serviceable member of this house — Resolved — • 
That according to his Request he be Dismissed." Capt. Joshua Win- 
gate was chosen his successor. 

The date of Mr. Redman's birth is not known, but he was married 
in 1667, and was probably over 80. 

After the death of king George I, in June, 1727, the assembly of 
New Hampshire, chosen about five years before, was in consequence 
dissolved, and writs for a new assembly were issued in the name of 
George II, his successor. The new -assembly met about the middle 
of December. The members from Hampton were Nathaniel Weare, 
Esq. (of the Falls parish), Capt. Joshua Wingate and John Sanborn, 
the first of whom was chosen speaker. An act was passed and ap- 
proved by the lieutenant-governor, by which the existence of that and 
of succeeding assemblies was limited to three years, the magistrate at 
the head of the government having power to dissolve the assenil)ly 
sooner than that, if he should deem it expedient. In consequence of 
a controversy between the two Houses, Lieutenant-Governor Went- 
worth prorogued, and soon after dissolved, the assembly. 

A new assembly being called, it was found that nearly all the former 
members had been reelected. They again made choice of Nathaniel 
Weare for their speaker. The lieutenant-governor negatived the choice 
and ordered a new election. The House adjourned from day to day 
■without transacting an}^ business. At length, on the ninth day of the 
session, the House passed a resolution, that they regarded it as an 
infringement of a privilege that they had always enjoyed, for the lieu- 
tenant-governor to disallow their choice of speaker, considering it 



UNDER ROYAL GOVERNMENT — CONTINUED. 1689-1730. 131 

"their undoubted right to choose their speaker, and that the eon(irnia- 
tion thereof is only of course." They further resolved — most of 
them having been members of the late assembly, of which Mr. Wea're 
had been the speaker — that they must justify him in his proceedino-s 
in that assembly, believing that he acted uprightly, and for the o-ood 
of his country, and they still had confidence in him as a suitable per- 
son for the oflice to which they had elected him. But as Mr. Weare 
was then desirous to be released from serving as speaker, they would 
grant his request and choose another person to fill the office. 

Andrew Wiggin, Esq., was then chosen speaker, and the choice was 
approved by the lieutenant-governor ; but throughout the session there 
was a want of harmony between him and the House. 

WILLIAM BURNET, GOVERNOR. 

In 1728, a bill, providing for the annual payment of £200 sterling, 
or £600 in bills of credit, to William Burnet, the newly appointed 
governor of Massachusetts and New Hampshire, being before the 
House, it was passed by the casting vote of the speaker — the three 
members from Hampton voting in the negative. 

JONATHAN BELCHER, GOVERNOR. 

Governor Burnet came to New Hampshire in September, but soon 
returned to Massachusetts, and not long after, died. 

Mr. Jonathan Belcher, of Massachusetts, was the next governor, his 
authority extending over both provinces. On his first visit to New 
Hampshire, in 1730, he was hospitably entertained by Lieutenant- 
Governor Wentworth, the most friendly feelings seeming to exist be- 
tween them. But circumstances, which it is not necessary here to 
detail, soon wrought an entire change, so that the most bitter opposi- 
tion prevailed between them. Mr. Wentworth himself was, indeed, 
soon removed by death ; but his friends continued active in the un- 
happy controversy. His successor in office was Col. David Dunbar, 
a native of Ireland, — a man most unfriendly to Governor Belcher, 
and ready to unite with the Wentworth party, in measures to embarrass 
his administration. 

One subject, on which the two parties were at variance, was the ques- 
tion, whether New Hampshire should be annexed to Massachusetts, or 
entirely separated from it in the administration of its government. 
The governor and his party favored the former cause, and were con- 
sequently not very desirous to establish the boundary lines between 
the provinces ; while the other party wanted New Hampshire to have 
a separate government ; and they were anxious for a speedy adjust- 



132 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

ment of the lines, and that too, in a manner as favorable as possible 
to this province. The governor, however, urged upon the Legisla- 
tures of both provinces, to adopt measures for establishing the lines. 
This was done, not so much in accordance with his own feelings, as 
in compliance with instructions received from England. 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE BOUNDARY LINES. 1639-1742, 

SOON after the settlement of Hampton, a controversy arose with 
Salisbury about the line between the two towns, which was the 
beginning of a controversy between New Hampshire and Massachu- 
setts, that vexed the colonies continually and has but recently ended. 
These towns were granted about the same time, and it was intended 
that the southerly boundary of the former should be at the distance of 
three miles north of the Merrimac river, while the latter should em- 
brace all the territory between Hampton and the river. At the same 
session of the General Court, in which Mr. Bachiler and his company 
had obtained permission to form a plantation here, measures were 
taken to run out and establish this line. The court appointed for this 
purpose Goodman Woodward and Mr. John Stretton, who were to be 
aided by an Indian, probably as a guide, and two other men to be 
selected by the magistrates of Ipswich. 

Not long after, Mr. Bachiler received from the town of Hampton 
a grant of 300 acres of land for a farm, to be laid out adjoining to 
the Salisbury line. But from some cause — whether through any fault 
of the court committee, or of the lot-layers of Hampton, does not 
appear, — a small portion of this farm lay on the southerly side of 
what Salisbury claimed as the true boundary of the towns. Perhaps, 
however, the difficulty arose without any fault on the part of commit- 
tee or lot-layers. The Merrimac, near its mouth, passes through an 
extensive bed of sand ; and its channel and course are often altered 
more or less, through the influence of storms and tides. From change 
thus produced, this protracted controversy about the boundary lines 
may have arisen. The subject was frequently brought to the notice 
of the General Court by petitions, sometimes from one of the towns 
and sometimes from the other. Committees were appointed in several 
instances, and sent out by the court, to view the line and hear the 
statements of the parties ; but the reports of the different committees 
were almost as discordant as the views of the people of the two towns. 

The first committee, appointed after the settlement of the towns 
had actually begun, was in 1640, as already related. ^ Both towns 

> pp. 22, 23. 

(133) 



134 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

seemed to be satisfied with the report of this committee, as they un- 
derstood it; yet they put upon it so different constructions as to fur- 
nish matter of dispute for many years. Hampton claimed a straight 
line from the river's mouth to the U[)permost, or southwestern corner 
of Mr. Bachiler's farm, and Salisbury contended that it ought to run 
straight to the lower, or southeastern corner, and then the southerly 
side of the farm to be the line between the towns from end to end of 
the farm. Concerning the upper part of the line, there was at that 
time, no controversy. 

On the 16th of May, 1654, the town of Salisbury petitioned the 
court, setting forth that the report of the former committee needed 
explanation, and asking the court to hear their cause, and "so make 
a full and finall determination as itt shall seem best to their goodly 
wisdomes." In October following, the court, in answer to this petition, 
judged it "requisite that the Towne of Hampton, should have legal 
notice to answer and make theire claimes and defense before any fur- 
ther proceedings in the case." 

The next spring, May 15, 1655, acting under a general order of the 
court for all the towns in the colony to lay out the bounds of their re- 
spective towns, committees from Hampton and Salisbury met and ap- 
pointed Mr. Seth Fletcher to act as surveyor, and ascertain the course 
of the Merrimac, and to lay out the line on the same point of the com- 
pass from the most southerly part of Mr. Bachiler's farm westward to 
Haverhill, which was the western limit of both Hampton and Salisbury. 
The course was found to l)e west, half a point northerly, and the line 
was run accordingly, to the mutual satisfaction of the parties. ^ The 
lower part of the line was left undetermined. 

The next autumn, the court appointed and impowered Mr. William 
Payne, Mr. Edward Woodman and Mr. Matthew Boyes to settle the 
difficulty. 

April 15, 1656, the line being still in controversy, the people of 
Hampton resolved to prefer a petition to the next General Court, 
for relief "aboute the lower part of the line and the farmes of Hamp- 
ton w'^'^ Salisbury lay claim to." William Fifield was chosen a mes- 
senger to Mr. Dudley, to request him to prepare the petition. On 
the first of May, Fifield was also chosen agent to the General Court, 
and fully impowered to manage the business in behalf of the town ; 
and to employ such assistance as he and Henry Dow, the town's dep- 
uty, might think proper. ^ 

The petition, presented at the next session of the court, which be- 
gan on the 14th of May, was answered by an order, that Mr. Sam- 

' llnniptou Uecoids. " Ibid. 



THE BOUNDARY LINES. 1639-1742. 135 

uel Dudley, with the former committee, or any two of them, should 
again investigate the subject, make tlieir report to the next Gen- 
eral Court and accompany it with a "Plat draune & signed by some 
Artist." The expense, in this case, was to be borne by Hampton. i 

The committee failed to act, or, at least, to make any return of 
their doings to the court; and in October, I60G, the court "ordered 
that Capt. Bryan Pendleton, Mr. George Gittings, Rob*^ Lord and 
Ensigne Howlet, or any three of them, shall be a committee to setle 
all differences betweeue the two townes in reference to theire bounds 
according to the last order of this Generall Court, making Retourne 
thereof to y^ next Court of Elections." ^ 

Tlieir return, dated April 7, 1657, states, that having been upon 
the place and viewed the ground, and heard the allegations on both 
sides, the committee, acting according to their best skill and under- 
standing, agreed, "that the boundary line should run from the bound 
tree, standing by y*^ Rode way in the corner of Mr. Bachiler's farm, 
from thence upon a strate Lyne to the middle of Hampton Riuer mouth, 
only aloweing forty acres of marsh meddow unto the Towne of Sals- 
bery on y® North syde of the sayd Lyne adioyneing to the sayd Lyne 
and upland." 

May 6, lfi57. The people of Salisbury appear not to have been 
satisfied, and they again petitioned the General Court for further ac- 
tion. "The Court judged that the bounds referred to in the Petition 
were 'not yet perfected & legally settled,' especially as a former or- 
der of the Court, requiring 'a true platt signed by some Artist' had 
not been complied with, so that the work was 'not orderly finished, 
nor the returns fit to be recorded.' " For these reasons, the court ap- 
pointed five commissioners to act in the case, according to former or- 
ders of court, their action "to stand firme & good, Provided that Capt. 
Nicholas Shapleigh of Charles-Towne be procured by the partyes to 
Asist the comissioners in drawing out a platt and ruiiing the lyne 
according to their direction ; the chardge of the CoHIissioners to be 
borne equally by both Townes — And the Artist to be payd by Salis- 
bury only ; and that a true Retourne be made of what is donne herein, 
to y® next session of this Court to be ratified and confirmed. "^ 

The return of these commissioners, omitting the preamble, is as 
follows :4 ' 'That the bounds betweene the two Townes menconed 
towards the sea is [are] to be upon a straight line beginning at the 
middle of Hampton Riuers mouth and Runing upwards unto a marked 



1 Piov. Pap. 1 : 221. 2Ma8s. Rec. ^ Ibid. 111: iSi, 

'Piov. Pap. i: 231. 



136 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

tree being and standing at the uppermost corner of the farm coTnonly 
called Mr. Bachiler's farme — the sayd line to Runne upon a west north 
west point of the compasse nearest, and the said lyne being so Runne 
by both Townes & marked out according as Capt. Shapleigh hath 
now draune the platt, wee Agree upon consideration of all pleas, that 
the Towne of Salisbury shall haue and enjoy thirty acres of marsh 
on the north side of the said line towards Hampton at the lower end of 
the said line to be layd out by both Townes and Adjoyning to the line ; 
Also for the upper line into the woods, wee determine that the line 
shall runne from the marked tree before mentioned upon a west and 
by North line nearest according as Captaine Shapleigh hath given in the 
line of the treading of Meremacke Riuer, the which wee conclude 1o 
be the bounds betweene the said Townes unto theire utmost extent 
towards Hauerill ; wee doe further declare that what marsh the Towne 
of Salisbury hath laid out to any of theire Inhabitants, that shall fall 
within the lyne aboue menconed towards Hampton, they shall enjoy 
and so much more as shall make up the Avhole thirty acres, to be laid 
out belowe the proprieties, if there to be found, or els aboue, Joyning 
to the line, and this wee giue as our determination in the buisnes to 
us comitted conserning the p'"mises. 

Witnes our hands this 3d day of the five mo : 1657. 

John Appleton 
Joseph Medcalf 
Wm. Bartholemew 
Dan. Pearse." 

"It is ordered that the Retourne of the coiiiittee above menconed 
w^'h this Court Allowes & Approves of shall stand, & be a finall de- 
termination of y*^ case in controversie betweene the two tounes." 

This settled the bounds between Hampton and Salisbury, both towns, 
it must be remembered, in the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. In 1667, 
the "upper line into the woods" was perambulated by committees of 
the townes, whose report is as follows : 

\^Salisbury Records, p. 182.] 
Bee it known unto all men by these presents that wee hoes names are under 
written being chosen Commissioners for ye Touu of Salisbury & the Toun 
of Hampton to run the Line between the two Townes afore said Accordingly 
we have Run ye Line and agreed that from the Bound tree att ye corner of 
Mr. Bacliellers farme formerly so called the bounds shall run to a tre marked 
with S : on ye north Side of the way nere the place called the Hawkes nest, 
so to run to ye Tree mrked att ye west end of the new meadows which is 
said to be marked by Capt. Shaply, this is agreed upon, upon condition that 
the Town of hampton, or any of ye Inhabitants of ye Towne shall injoy Eight 



THE BOUNDARY LINES. 1639-1742. 137 

or ten acres at the place called the hawkes nest, if it be allready granted by 
ye town of Hampton aforesaid & from the tre marked at ye westerly end of 
ye new meadows, we have run the Line to a tree marked with S. II. at the 
southerly side of Shelter hill from thence to a tree marked with II. S. on the 
North side of Ledg hill, near Powaus River, from thence to a tree marked with 
H. S. at ye head of powwaus River by ye pond and so it Runs Threw a seder 
swamp to a marked tree by the side of ye pond & so ye Line Runs over part 
of ye Pond to a tree marked with S. H. on ye hill in site of the medow, nere 
the way that goeth from Exetor to haverhill & from thence to a tre marked 
with H. S. by stonny river and from thence to a tree marked with S. H. on 
the south side of hurtellberry meddow : from thence to a tre marked with 
H. S. ; on the top of a stony hill; which lieth aboute two or three miles to 
the westward of yt pond which is ye hed of ye pawwaus River; in witness 
hereof the afore sayd commissioners have Enterchaiigably set too there hands 
this twenty ninth day of Aprill one thousand six hundred sixty and seven. 
Andrew Gkkele Henuy Roby 

William Buswell Nathanell Ware 

Wymond Bradbury John Redmond 

The bound rock may still be found in Hampton river-mouth, marked 
"A. D. 1657, H. B." The Bachiler tree stands near the site of the 
brick school-house, formerly in Scab rook village, on the Newburyport 
road. The letter "B" is plainly visible on it. All the points are clearly 
identified to this day. 

The same year (1667), the "Haverhill Northwest Line," so called, 
between that town and "Salisbury new town" (Amesbury) was es- 
tablished, beginning near Holt's Rocks, whei'e Rocks bridge now spans 
the Merrimac, and running a straight northwest course. 

Mr. Fred. B. French, of South Hampton, to whom we are indebted 
for many official papers concerning these boundaries, says: "For a 
long time, the last point, to 'stony hill' [mentioned in the return of 
the commissioners of 1667], was all I found concerning the extent of 
the Shapley line. But, being in Concord, I examined the charters and 
plans of old towns, and found the long-looked- for information. The 
plan of Hampstead, returned in 1749, shows Shapley's line extending 
westerly to Angle Pond ; also shows the line from Holt's Rocks, that 
is, the 'Haverhill Northwest line,' meeting the Shapley line in Angle 
Pond." 

This gives us the full extent of Shapley's line, and shows that both 
Hampton and Salisbury extended from the Ocean westward, to its in- 
tei'section with the "Haverhill Northwest line." 

We have seen (Chapter V), that when New Hampshire was de- 
clared a royal province, Massachusetts was forbidden to exercise 
authorit}' over "the towns of Portsmouth, Dover, fixeter and Hamp- 
ton, and all other lands extending from three miles to the northward 



138 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

of Merrimac river, or any part thereof, unto the province of Maine." 
That is, the Sliapley line, first established as the boundary between 
the towns of Ilauiplon and Salisbury, became also, with the promul- 
gation of tlie new government, in 1G80, the boundary between the 
provinces of New Hampshire and Massachusetts. Thus arose new 
complications, as during the administration of Lieut. -Gov. Usher. 

TOWN LINES. 

Meanwhile, perplexities had arisen within this province, respecting 
the boundaries of the several towns. 

June 18, 1701, the House of Representatives passed a bill, designed 
to quiet landholders in the possession of their lands, though town 
lines should be altered. 

Two days later, a committee of four, of whom Capt. Henry Dow 
was one, reported on the bounds of Hampton, as defiued by papers 
examined. 

In July, another committee, Vaughn of Portsmouth, Oilman and 
Leavitt of Exeter, and Dow and Tuck of Hampton, appointed to run 
the Exeter and Hampton line, made their report. 

August 5, the selectmen of Hampton sent a petition, which sug- 
gests the probability that alterations had been intended in her bound- 
aries. If so, the petition was respected ; for an act, passed soon after, 
left the boundaries unchanged. The petition stated that, though it 
liad long been the desire of the peojjle of Hampton that the bounds of 
the town might be settled, yet it was that it might be according to 
the former settlement, by the General Court at Boston fifty years be- 
fore ; but that now, a committee, appointed by the court, had run a 
line from Winnicut river mill to the old bound tree by Ass brook, 
which would be very injurious, if confirmed, because, in 1670, several 
men had lots granted, "beginning within two miles of Exeter old 
meeting-house, so all the way to the sea-side ;" and these lots had 
been again laid out and confirmed in 1700, and some of them had 
"been bought and sold and deeds made of the same ;" but this line 
lately run, would take off from Hampton "all the whole lotts of some 
and part of other some to y*^ number of about 40," besides some lots 
of meadow ground. Tlierefore they prayed that the old bounds might 
be confirmed by a law — in other words, that a charter might be 
granted. 

The Act referred to was passed September 12, 1701,^ entitled: 
"An Act to prevent contention & controversie that may arise con- 
cerning the bounds of the respective Towns w^^Hn this Province." 

1 I'rov. Vi\.\>. m: '2'2G. 



THE BOUNDARY LINES. 1639-1742. 139 

Tlion are doscribed the boundaries of the several towns — those of this 
town, as follows, constituting 

THE CHARTER OF HAMPTON :^ 

"Be it Enacted by the Lieutenant Governour, Council and Represen- 
tatives Convened in Generall Assembly and by tlie authoritie of the 
same tiiat the line between the Prouince of the Masiclujsitts Bay and 
New Hampshire ffrom the sea westwardly shall be the southerly 
Bounds of the Towne of Hampton. And the northerly Bounds as 
ffolowith (uiz.) tine mile Due north from Hampton meeting House to 
a marked tree att or neare Winicot Riuer and thence westerly on a 
direct line to a marked tree within two miles of Exeter meeting House 
and thence on a direct line to A marked tree near Ass Brook by tlie 
highway and thence on a direct line to an ould bound tree marked A 
mile and A half south from Exiter ffalls and thence upon A west by 
north line as ffar as the utmost extent of Salsbery Towne Bounds 
westwardly And thence to Run a Headline southwardly till it meet 
with the afforesayed bound line Between the Prouince of Masichusits 
and New Hampshire. The Bounds by the Sea Eastward from Hamp- 
ton meeting House to beginn ffrom y" Causey and thence to Run line 
miles along shore by the High way which is supposed to end about 
Joslings Neck^ and thence on a direct line westwardly to the Bound 
tree flue mile north of Hampton Meeting House." 

On the same day with the passage of the above Act, another Act 
was passed, providing that all grants of lands made by citizens, select- 
men or committees of towns, should be held good and valid to the 
grantees."^ 

Again, December 3, of the same year,"* the Council appointed, to 
run the town lines in the province, a committee of three from each of 
the four original towns, those of Hampton being Nath'l Weare, Esq., 
Capt. Henry Dow, Ephraira Marston. They made return, May 29, 
1702: 

"And we measured ffrom Hampton Casway according to order 
five miles along shore And piched a stake by the Edg of the meadow 

iThese are the bounds of the original town,— the grant of Kingston (incorporated in 1694) 
being considered Ibrfeited, because the few settlers "ditl for some pretences ov otiier with- 
draw and remove in a disorderly way from said Kingstown." Upon a petition for the re- 
settling of the town in 1705, leave was given them to renew their grant, on condition that 
not less than thirty families return, provide a parsonage and settle a minister. [l*rov. Pap. 
IX : 433.] 

2"SVhich line being run ended on the edge of Jocelyn'sNeck, on the north side." [Return 
of Committee of Hampton and Portsmouth, 1655.] 

sProv. Pap. Ill : 228. 

* J bid. 11 riGO. 



140 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

ground and Layd stons about sayd stake. And we run the line from 
Hampton Bound tree fine mile north of there meeting-house upon a 
East South East point one quarter southerly and marked the trees to 
sayd stake by the Beach fine mile ffrom Hampton Casway. And we 
run the line from Sampson's Point according to New Castle Charter 
and marked the trees to the line between Portsmouth and Hampton 

to a Bound tree" which said tree "is the bounds between 

Portsmouth, Hampton & New Castle. Then we run an East line to 
the sea or beach to a stake by the side of a Pond between Raggie Neck 
and Sandy Beach" &c. 

"Ordered in Council : that the persons who run the said lines be 
paid for their care & Deligence out of y*^ Publick Treasury each per- 
son 3* per diem." 

And still the border troubles continued. In .July, 1702, the petition 
of several inhabitants of Hampton was sent to the council board, 
Grovernor Dudley being present, "relating to their paying Rates to 
this Govern* and the Massachusetts, praying relief therein ;" an at- 
tested copy of which was ordered sent to Boston, for the governor's 
consideration on his return. Meanwhile, the constables of Hampton 
were to be instructed "to make no distress upon said inhabitants," 
the governor promising to give the same order at Salisbury. That 
no permanent good resulted, is seen by complaints stretching over 
many years : 

Ephraim Eaton of Salisbury testified "y* on y*' 28*^^ day of April, 
1720, Mr. Nathan Longfellow, Constable of Hampton, demanded a 
Province rate" of him, and on his refusal to pay it, carried him a 
prisoner to Portsmouth. 

John Webster stated that. May 10, Longfellow demanded a rate 
from him, and took his horse, which he redeemed. 

Andrew Greeley, Jr., said that, about June 1, Longfellow took his 
horse, and never gave him an}' account of what he did with him. 

In the midst of these contentions, the border territory on tlie New 
Hampshire side was severed from Hampton and incorporated as Hamp- 
ton Falls ; but, the separation being only partial for a long series of 
years, the old town was not out of the contest ; and the intercon- 
nections of the several towns then and afterwards existing along the 
disputed lines were so intimate, it is essential to trace yet further the 
course of the controversy. 

In September, 1731, a committee from each of the provinces met 
at Newbury, to discuss, and if possible adjust the whole matter ; but 



THE BOUNDARY LINES. 1639-1742. 141 

nothing effectual was done.i Failing, therefore, to make any satis- 
factory arrangement with the other province, the New Hampshire 
assembly determined to lay the wiiole matter before tiie king, and 
petition him to end the controversy .^ Mr. John Kindge, a merchant 
of Portsmouth, was appointed as agent, to carry tliis plan into effect.^ 
His petition, presented agreeably to the vote of the assembly, was 
referred to the Board of Trade, and a copy given to the agent of 
Massachusetts.'^ The question was raised, and the opinions of the 
attorney-general and the solicitor-general requested, from what 
part of the Merrimac river the line should begin. They reported, 
"that according to the charter of William and Mary, the dividing line 
ought to be taken from three miles north of the mouth of the Merri- 
mac River where it runs into the Atlantic Ocean." Having furnished 
each party with a copy of this opinion, the Lords of Trade reported, 
June 5, 1734, that the king should appoint commissioners from the 
neighboring provinces, to mark out the dividing line.^ This report 
being approved, it was decided that the commissioners, twenty in num- 
ber, should be appointed from the councilors of New York, New 
Jersey, Rhode Island and Nova Scotia, and that five should be a 
quorum. 6 They were to meet at Hampton on the first of August, 
1737, and to proceed ex parte if either province failed to present its 
claims.' The course of proceeding was fully marked out and the 
parties notified. 

Eight of the commissioners met at the time and place appointed, 
and, after hearing certain statements from the parties, adjourned for 
one week. 8 They met again according to adjournment, and two days 
afterward, August 10, the Legislatures of the two provinces met, by 
adjournment, in adjoining towns and within five miles of each other ; 
that of Massachusetts, at Salisbury, and that of New Hampshire, at 
Hampton Falls. "A cavalcade was formed from Boston to Salisbury, 
and the governor rode in state, attended by a troop of horse. He 
was met at Newbury ferry by another troop ; who, joined by three 
more, at the supposed divisional line, conducted him to the George 
Tavern,^ at Hampton Falls, where he held a council and made a speech 
to the Assembly of New Hampshire.^" 

As, after all this pageant, the commissioners failed to establish the 

iProv. Pap. IV: 611. «/6irf iv. : 705, 854. 

^IWd. IV: 612. Ubid. iv : 860 ; V : 921-2. 

^Succeeded by John Thomlinson, of Lon- ^Farmer's Belknap, 241-3. 

don. »On the site of the late Cyrus Brown's, at 

«Prov. Pap. rv : 849. the Hill. 

^Ihid. IV : 850. lOFarmer's Belknap, 244. 



142 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

southern boundary of New Hampshire, in which Hampton is more 
immediately interested, their lengtliy report has no place here ; nor is 
it worth while to enquire into the conduct of Governor Belcher, in the 
matter, marked, as his enemies, at least, alleged, by great unfairness 
towards New Hampshire. 

In relation to the boundary, the commissioners mentioned a doubt 
in point of law, that had arisen in their minds, and referred the mat- 
ter to the king in council. ^ The result was, 2 that, when it was thus 
considered, August 5, 1740, it was determined : " That the Northern 
Boundaries of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, are and be a 
similar curve line Pursuing the course of the Merrimack River, at 
three miles distance, on the north side thereof, beginning at the At- 
lantic Ocean and ending at a point due north of a place in the plan 
returned by the said Commissioners, called Pawtucket Falls, and a 
strait line dra,wn from thence due west, cross the said river till it meet 

his Majesty's other Governments It is therefore his 

Majesty's Will and Pleasure, and you are hereby required and en- 
joyned under pain of his Majesty's displeasure, and of being removed 
from your Government" to have the line established in this manner 
as expeditiously as possible, and to communicate this instruction to 
the councils and assemblies of both provinces. 

Addressed to "Jonathan Belcher Esq. Captain General in Chief in 
and over his Majesties Province of the Massachusetts Bay, in New 
England." 

Governor Belcher had ^nofessed a strong desire to have the boun- 
dary question settled. He had openly exonerated New Hampshire 
from blame ; for, moi'e than six years before this date, he had written 
to the Lords of Trade i^ ' 'Although, my Lords, I am a Massachusetts 
man, yet I think this Province alone is culpable on this head. New 
Hampshire has all along been frank and ready to pay exact Duty and 
Obedience to the King's Order, and have manifested a great Inclination 
to Peace and good Neighbourhood, but in return the Massachusetts 
Province have thrown unreasonable Obstacles in the way of any Set- 
tlement, and altho' they have for 2 or 3 years past been making offers 
to settle the Boundaries with New-York & Rhode-Island, in an open, 
easy, amicable way, yet when they come to settle with New-Hampshire, 
they will not do so with them, which seems to me a plain Argument 
that the leading men of the Massachusetts Assembly are conscious to 
themselves of continual Incroachments they are making upon their 
Neighbours of New-Hampshire, and so dare not come to a Settlement." 

iFarmer's Belknap, 246. ^Prov. Pap. vn : 22t-6. 

» Ihid. IV : 649. 



THE BOUNDARY LINES. 1G30-1742. 143 

Whether the governor, with these convictions, was bribed for his 
course at the time of the commission (as was hinted), or why he es- 
poused the Massachusetts cause, is of no present consequence. The 
king's peremptory orders and threat impelled him now to instant ac- 
tion, and he presented the case, in its urgency, to his Massachusetts 
government ; but that body maintaining its old policy of delay, the 
governor applied to New Hampshire. The council and assembly, 
in their reply, deprecated the unfairness of the Massachusetts govern- 
ment, in having obstructed the decision of the matter for thirty years ; 
expressed the opinion that, since the Instructions were directed to His 
P^xcellency, as governor of Massachusetts only, it was not the king's 
intention that New Hampshire should bear any part of the cost ; but 
said that nevertheless, they had unanimously voted £500 for the work.i 

A few days later, the governor asked for the nomination of suitable 
men, from among whom, he might appoint surveyors ; saying that, 
although this affair was under the absolute direction of the king's gov- 
ernor, yet he would like their advice.- 

Thereupon, three surveyors and assistants were appointed, for the 
three divisions of the work. The survey along the course of the Mer- 
rimac river, the only portion which concerns this History, was entrust- 
ed to George Mitchell, Esq.^ 

Mr. French says: Briant and Hazen made reports of their doings ; 
but of Mitchell, for a long time, we had no report — all was lost. Ef- 
forts were made at the Slate Houses in Concord and Boston, to find 
reports or maps, but none could be found. In England we had bet- 
ter results ; for there Mitchell's map has at last been discovered ; so 
that now, we have "Mitchell's Line" as an official document.'* 

The king's determination of the boundaries. Dr. Belknap says, "ex- 
ceeded the utmost expectation of New Hampshire ; as it gave them a 
tract of country, fourteen miles in breadth and above fifty in length 
more than they had ever claimed. It cut oft" from Massachusetts 
twenty-eight new townships, between Merrimac and Connecticut riv- 
ers, besides large tracts of vacant laud, which lay intermixed ; and dis- 
tricts from six of their old towns on the north side of the Merrimac." 

The town of Salisbury, as originally granted, extending, like Hamp- 
ton, westward to Haverhill, had before this date, become the two towns 
of Salisbury and Amesbury, from both of which, districts were cutoff 
by this decree of the king. It would seem that Hampton, under the 
Act of September 12, 1701, defining her southern boundary as "the 
line between the Prouince of the Masichusitts Bay and New Hampshire 

1 Prov. Pap. v: 76. 2 jud. v : 78. ^ Ibid. V : 83. 

* Described iu McClintock's N. U., 181. 



144 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

ffrom the Sea westwardly," might claim these new districts ; but this 
Act, aud the one relating to laud grants, of the same date, though 
held binding by the people, had been disallowed by the king, because 
they did not recognize the claims of Mason's heirs. That Hampton 
did not attempt to possess herself of this territory is evident from the 
action of its inhabitants and of the government. 

On the 3d of February, 1742, the council and the House chose a 
joint committee of six, "to prepare a bill for bringing the Poles and Es- 
tates into a Province Tax W^'* falls within this Province by his Maj"«=» 
late Settlement of the Province Lines, and which have not as yet been 
Taxed within this Province." i 

Eight days later, a petition was presented to the council and as- 
sembly,- "praying for a Township to be incorporated out of those 
partes of Salisbury aud Almsbury which fall within this Province as pr 
bounds mentioned in s'^ Petition." An address, ^ signed by twenty- 
eight men of the east part of this district, that "now by the Settlement 
of the Province Lines fall into New Hampshire," had already been 
sent to the governor and council, humbly showing "that your petition- 
ers are Informed that those which did belong to the westerly Part of 
Salisbury and some of Almsbery which by said Line falls into New 
Hampshire Intends to Petition that all those Persons that did belong 
to Salisbery and Almsbery & are now taken into New Hampshire might 
be made in to a town ship or Parish by themselves & not annexed 
to any other, and have Presumed so far as to set up a frame for A 
Meeting House in the Westerly Part which if it should be granted would 
be very Pregeditial to your Petitioners," because they live more than 
six miles away and could not attend the worship of God. "They there- 
fore pray that they may not be joined to them, but may be annexed 
to Hampton Falls." 

The committee chosen to draft a bill for taxing the new districts 
reported, and the bill was passed, on the 18th of March. It applied 
to persons and their estates within this province, not yet incorporated 
into townships and that have never paid their proportion of the charge 
of supporting this government. It provided that "s'* polls and estates 
shall be divided into certain Districts ; and that part of Salisbury and 
Almsbury, so called, which by the settlem* of the afores'^ Boundaries 
falls within this Province shall be, & hereby is made one District." 
The other districts were defined and regulations made for organizing 
them and for assessing and collecting the taxes. A committee of three 
were appointed to call first meetings."* 

» Prov. Pap., V : Ul. ^ Ihid. v : 601. » Ibid. IX : 358. 

* Ibid. V : 18:J-5. 



THE BOUNDARY LINES. 1639-1742. 145 

In May, this committee made their report, which, for the Salisbury 
district begius as follows : "Ap*" 11*'', Wee of the Comittee opeued 
the meeting att a place call'd Loggia Plain at the meeting house there 
Between Salisbury and Amsbury being by luformation about 28 miles 
distant from Court. "^ 

A few days after the report of the committee, namely, on the 25tli 
of May, 1742, the pending petition for a township was granted, in the 
incorporation of South Hampton ; including all the territory between 
the Shapley and Mitchell lines, from the sea westward, to a south line 
from a "white pine stump" on the Shapley line, "excepting the Lands, 
Estates & Poles" of the twenty-eight petitioners above-mentioned, 
"who are hereby annexed to the Parrish of Hampton Falls & in all 
Respects incorporated into the Parrish of Hampton Falls. "^ 

One cannot fail to remark, in this instance, as in many another place 
and time, how tenaciously this "Parrish" and the parent town clung 
together; for here, in 1742, twenty-four years after what is common- 
ly regarded as the Act of Separation, it is decreed that South Hampton 
shall extend from the sea northerly "to the bounds of that part of the 
town of Hampton called Hampton Falls." 

In September of the same year, eight men of the east part of the 
town, and shortly after, two more, petitioned to be set off to Hampton 
Falls ; and in November, it was decreed that the line between Hamp- 
ton Falls and Kensington be extended to the province line, and that 
all the inhabitants and their estates of South Hampton, east of the ex- 
tension, be annexed to Hampton Falls, to all intents and purposes, ex- 
cept for repairing highways and paying the province tax.^ 

This exception led to complications and difficulties, which contin- 
ued till 1795, when an amicable adjustment was made,"* the southern 
part of Hampton Falls having meanwhile, in 1768, become the town 
of Seabrook, holding all the rights, privileges and burdens of the 
former town in the disputed territory.^ In 1822, an Act was passed, 
cutting off from South Hampton all lands east of the Kensington line 
and joining them to Seabrook, which town then acquired its present 
limits. 6 

Thus have we shown, from official documents, the fallacy of the 
popular opinion, which places South Hampton within the original lim- 
its of our ancient town. 

^Ibid V : 185. * So. Hampton Records . 

2 Original Charter So. Hampton, town clerk's oflace. « Prov Pap., ix: 373. 

3 Prov. Pap. IX : 763-j. " N. H. Pamphlet Laws. 

10 



CHAPTER VIII. 

TOWN AFFAIRS — KINGSTON. 1680-1707. 

MARSHES DIVIDED INTO SHARES. 

WE shall now resume our narrative of toicn affairs, from the close 
of Chapter III, where it had been brought down to the time 
when a royal government was about to be established in New Hamp- 
shire. 

Near the close of the year 1680, a new feature was introduced into 
the management of the common meadows and marshes, which, histor- 
ically considered, is important, as indicating progress. Hitherto, the 
sweepage of these grounds had been controlled by the town, the in- 
come from them being divided among the proprietors, in proportion to 
their several interests. It was now ordered, that they should be di- 
vided into shares, and assigned by lot to individuals, according to their 
respective rights, to be held for six years, and then exchanged, or 
rather anew assignment made for the next six years, and so on, till a 
different arrangement should be agreed upon. The meadows, how- 
ever, were still to lie unfenced, as before. 

Henry Roby and Sergt. Joseph Dow were appointed to lay out 
these common lands into shares, and it was agreed, that those persons 
to whom Alder Meadow and Hassocky Meadow^ should fall, might 
have the privilege of clearing them hy flowing, or in some other way, 
at their option. As both these meadows lay on Nilus brook, it would 
be easy to flow them by building dams across that stream at the lower 
side of each. 

TWO BOARDS OF LOT-LATERS. 

The next year, on the 21st of March, a new arrangement was agreed 
upon and adopted, in the choice of measurers of land, or lot-layers. 
Hitherto, only one board had been chosen, and that for the whole 
town ; now, two sets were chosen, one for that part of the town lying 

' Alder Meadow lies on the upper road to Little river, commonly called the LobVs Hole 
road; and extends thence easterly to the Twelve Shares, so called. 

Hassocky Meadow is that, on the border of which, a sliingle-mill tornierly stood, ou the 
road to Little river, which begins at the school-house in the east part of the town. 

(146) 



TOWN AFFAIRS — KINGSTON. 1680-1707. 147 

north of Taylor's river, and tlie otlier for the part 13'itig south of that 
river. Lieut. John Sanl)orn and John Tuck were chosen for tiie north 
side, and Thomas Philbrick and Edward Gove for the south side. 

SAMUEL DALTON'S DEATH ; A NEW TOWN CLEKK CHOSEN. 

In the hitter i)art of the sununer of 16(S1, tlie ofHce of town clerk 
became vacant by tiie deatii of Samuel Dalton, who had held it from 
his first election in 1653, a period of almost twenty-eight years, with- 
out — as far as it appears from the records — being at any time reelected. 
But now, it becoming necessary to make a new choice, on the 13th of 
October, Henry Dow was elected, who was "carefully to keep the 
Town Books and Records ;" and Lieut. John Sanborn and Mr. Henry 
Roby were appointed to go with him, to see that the books were re- 
ceived from him who had the cnstody of them after the death of the 
recent incumbent. 

"troublous times." 
While Cranfield and Andros were at the head of the government, 
that is, from the fall of 1682 to the spring of 1689, there were "troub- 
lous times." The policy of these governors Avould not allow the peo- 
ple to assemble often in town meeting, nor was it considered safe for 
the clerk to make a record of all the transactions of the town, when 
met. Under such restrictions, bnt few entries were made on our rec- 
ords, during these administrations. It has, indeed, been handed down 
by tradition, that records were kept during this time, but were either 
lost or embezzled. It has also been stated that, near the beginning 
of 1683, there was "a town meeting at Hampton, when a new clerk 
was chosen, and their records secured." This statement appears uo^ 
to be entirely correct. At the meeting referred to, January 24, it 
was voted that the trustees — another name for selectmen — should 
have the keeping of the Town Records for the ensuing year ; and 
Henry Dow, the town clerk, at the same meeting "delivered the rec- 
ords to the town, and the town delivered them to the Trustees." This 
statement is found in the records, in the handwriting of John Tuck, 
one of the trustees. But records of births, marriages and deaths, the 
only records made for several years, were still in the handwriting of 
Henry Dow, who continued to be town clerk till his death, in 1707. 

TOWN RECORDS SECRETED. 

The town meeting above mentioned was held under peculiar circum- 
stances, very unfavorable to cool deliberation. It was only about 
four days after the dissolution of the General Assembly, by Governor 



148 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Cranfield. The representatives had just returned home under great 
excitement, to reheaise to the people the unprecedented act, and one 
of them, to raise the standard of rebellion. It was the pi'oceedings 
of this meeting, that Edward Gove published, as he went from town to 
town, to arouse the people to active opposition to the governor. ^ Just 
what these proceedings were will probably never be known, as it would 
have been perilous to record them. But with regard to securing the 
records, the probability is, that, lest they be seized by the governor, 
Henry Dow "delivered [them] to the town, and the town .... 
to the Trustees ;" and that, by their connivance, they were secreted 
in a manner and by a person at the time unknown to them. Judge 
Bell, of Manchester (dece.ased) , said : 

"The Hampton Records, there is no doubt, Avei-e taken and earned 
by Mr. Weare to Boston, before he went to England,^ for fear of their 
falling into the hands of Mason and Cranfield ; and soon after his re- 
turn from England, if not earlier, warrants were issued for his aiTest, 
to answer the charge of embezzling the Records of Hampton ; and he 
was subjected to a fine of fifty pounds." 

DANGER FROM INDIANS. 

Besides these troubles with the governor, the people were in a state 
of constant anxiety, -on account of Indian hostilities ; and though we 
find no record of acts of violence in Hampton at this time, yet it is 
reasonably certain that great vigilance was required, and probably 
some losses were sustained. 

In March, 1684, the council petitioned Governor Cranfield to con- 
fer with the governor of New York, for the employment of Seneca 
and Mohawk Indians "who are best acquainted with the manner of 
these Indians' skulking fight," because, as they state in a letter to the 
New York governor, on Cranfield's acquiescence, "By several advices 
we have received of a sudden rising intended by the Indians in these 
eastern parts, to fall upon the English, we judged it absolutely nec- 
essary" — etc. 

Another letter, addressed to Captain Barefoote, by Captain Hooke, 
of Kittery, August 13, 1685, says: "This is to inform you that just 
now there came to me a post, wherein I am fully informed that there 
is just ground to fear that the heathen have a sudden design against 
us."3 

On the 8th of September, articles of peace were concluded with the 
Eastern Indians ; but the peace, if observed at all, Avas of short con- 

1 p. 105. 2 p. 107. 

3 N. H. Hist. Soc. Coll., VIII : a^l-a, 255. 



TOWN AFFAIRS — KINGSTON. 1680-1707. 149 

tinuance, for scarcely four years elapsed, before the breaking out of 
"King William's War." 

That danger was apprehended in Hampton is evident from the action 
of the town in April, 1687. After the election of selectmen, it was 
ordered by the town, that they should build a convenient watch-house, 
as required by law, and set it where the old one stood ; and provide 
bullets, match, flints and whatever else the law directed, as a town 
stock for the soldiers. To meet the expenses, a tax not exceeding 
£10 was to be assessed upon the inhabitants. 

In the summer of 1687, a regulation was made, that whenever, after 
that date, a legal town meeting should be called, if any freeholder 
should fail to attend, he should be fined 12d., to be paid to the town 
in every case, unless ''necessarily hindered by God's hand of provi- 
dence." A similar regulation, it may be recollected, had been made 
in 1639 and in 1641. 

WOLF BOUNTIES PAID IN CORN. 

On account of the difficulty of raising money to pay all the taxes 
necessary for the support of government, and for town and ministerial 
purposes, it was allowed that a considerable portion of the various 
taxes should be paid in other articles than money. Some instances have 
already been mentioned. Another is brought to our notice by a vote 
passed at a meeting on the 12th of June, 1689, A bounty had been 
offered for each wolf killed in the town, and it appears that this bounty 
was to be paid, by the inhabitants severally furnisliing their quota of 
corn^ to make up the amount required. The vote was as follows: 
"That the constable, James Johnson, shall pay to those men that have 
killed the wolues the last yeare what thay haue not received already 
out of the corue that is in his hands, which was gathered of the in- 
habitants for that end." 

PAUPER EXCLUSION MEASURES. 

The records furnish abundant evidence of continued vigilance on 
the part of the inhabitants, to prevent the introduction of strangers, 
who might become chargeable to the town for their support. It seems 
that a transient person, named William Penny, had been entertained 
in the family of John Garland, and, perhaps, in some other families. 
Whether he was at the time, in a needy condition, is not known ; but, 
if not, it was feared that the town might at some future time, be called 
upon to support him. Before any such liability had actually been in- 
curred under the existing laws, Francis Page was directed to give 
notice to Penny, that the town forbade his remaining here ; and to 



150 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

John Garland and any other persons that had entertained him, to en- 
tertain him no more, unless they should go to the town clerk forthwith, 
and give him such a bond as he should judge sufficient, to secure the 
town from harm. 

By another vote, in 1693, no householder was allowed to take into 
his family, without the approbation of the selectmen, any journey- 
man, servant or other person, as an inmate, unless he should immedi- 
ately give to the town clerk a bond, sufficient for the town's indemnity. 
Any person disregarding this order was made liable to a fine of 20s. 
a week, for every week that such inmate should be entertained, without 
the approbation, or the security required — the fine to be levied by a 
warrant from some justice of the peace, and the selectmen. 

This regulation did not prove sufficient ; and three or four years 
afterward, it was found necessary to make an additional order. The 
former vote was renewed, and a like penalty was also ordered to be 
taken from any man, who should "let any of his housing" to any per- 
son, without the approbation of the selectmen, or security given to 
the town clerk. Against the persons themselves, who should come 
into the town to dwell, without approbation, or giving security, proc- 
ess should be instituted by two justices of the peace, according to 
the laws of England. 

It was further ordered, that if any man, notwithstanding this pro- 
hibition, should take into his house or family, any person, contrary 
to the order, and if the person, so taken in, should ever in consequence 
become chargeable to the town, the individual, by whom he was first 
taken in, should be compelled to pay the whole expense of his main- 
tenance. 

It was voted, that Henry Dow, the town clerk, should be paid forty 
shillings out of the town rate, for his pains in writing for the town, 
during tlie ten years immediately preceding. 

In February, 1693, Francis Page and Lieut. John Smith were chosen 
overseers of the poor. 

The next month, Christopher Palmer and John Sanborn were chosen 
selectmen, to be joined with the five then in office. For many years 
previous, five persons had constituted the board. 

UNLAWFUL FENCING. 

Complaints were made at this time, that some of the inhabitants 
had fenced in, or Avere about to fence in, some part of the town's com- 
mons and certain watering-places ; which acts, it was said, would prove 
very pi-ejudicial to the freeholders, and tend to disturb the peace of 
their majesties' subjects, tlie inhabitants of the town. It was there- 



TOWN AFFAIRS KINGSTON. 1680-1707. 151 

fore thought necessary to make a stringent order oji the subject. The 
town voted, that whoever had presumed thus to trespass, since the 
first Tuesday in October of the preceding year, or should do so in 
the future, should be forbidden by the selectmen to proceed any farther, 
and ordered to demolish every such fence that had already been built. 
In case of disobedience to these orders, the selectmen, with a justice of 
the peace, were to issue a warrant to a constable, to take a fine of 20s. 
of the offender, and a like sum for each day, until such fence should 
be demolished. In addition to this, the selectmen were impowered 
to prosecute, as a trespasser, any person thus offending, if they should 
think it advisable. 

Six persons only dissented from the vote for such proceedings, 
namely : Joseph Smith, Robert Smith, Thomas Roby, Nathaniel Boul- 
ter, John Redman, Sen., and John Smith, the tailor. 

At the same meeting, it was voted that, if any should desire a por- 
tion of laud for the purpose of improving it, and should make and 
leave with the selectmen written proposals therefor, such proposals 
should be considered at the next meeting of the board. 

A TWELVE MILE FENCE. 

At a commoners' meeting, March 22, 1694, a plan already de- 
vised, was matured, for building a long line of fence, to separate a 
considerable portion of the unimproved land from that which was 
wholly, or partially, under cultivation, for the purpose of forming, 
on each side of Taylor's river, a common pasture, where the proprietors 
might iieep their "cows, year-olds, swine and sheep." At each of 
the pastures, a horse was also to be kept, for the use of the proprie- 
tors. It was agreed that the fence should be made the next winter, 
if the "authoritie" would grant them liberty to hang convenient fall- 
gates where the fence would cross the country highways. Two com- 
mittees were appointed, to determine where the fences should be built. 
The one for the town side consisted of Lieut. John Smith, John 
Marstonand Josiah Sanborn, who were directed "to bound out where 
the fence should be made from about the Little Boar's Head to Tay- 
lor's River." The committee for the Falls side were Mr. John Stan- 
yan, Abraham Green and Sergt. Joseph Swett, who were to mark 
out the place of the fence from the river to Salisbury line. The whole 
extent of the fence, thus planned to be built, could not be less than teu 
or twelve miles. 

NORTH DIVISION LAID OUT. 

The commoners, having several years before, voted, "that all the 



152 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

land four miles northerly of the Meeting-house should be laid out," it 
was now declared to be the true intent of that vote, that the southerly 
boundary of the tract to be laid out, slioiild be four miles north of 
the meeting-house, and should run parallel with the boundary line on 
the northerly side of the tract, that is, the line between this town and 
Portsmouth. It was also ordered that this tract should be laid out 
by the men formerly appointed for that purpose ; and when the work 
should be done, the selectmen, with a justice of the peace, were to 
have power to assess the expenses on the owners of the lots laid out. 
A committee of five men was chosen, to examine any man's riglit to 
shares in the cow-common, "by gift, will, purchase or inheritance, 
and if it appear to them to be a just right," to cause the same to be 
entered in the Town Book, together with the name of the former owner. 
The committee consisted of Mr. Henry Green, Mr. Nathaniel Weare, 
Capt. Henry Dow, Lieut. John Smith and Abraham Drake, Sen. 

KINGSTON. 

James Prescott, Sen*"., Ebenezer Webster and others, inhabitants 
of Hampton, petitioned the governor and council for a grant of a 
township, to be formed principally from the unimproved land in the 
western part of this town. 

The town having been notified, chose as their agent, Capt. Henry 
Dow, to goto New Castle the next day. May 18, 1694, to appear be- 
fore the governor and council, "to manifest the town's earnest desire 
that no township might be granted to any persons," any portion of 
which should "come within seven miles of Hampton Meeting-house 
westward, upon a straight line." This "desire" was a reasonable one, 
for originally the township extended several miles farther west than 
this, and though no settlements had hitherto been made there, yet 
several thousand acres of the land had been laid out and assigned by 
lot to the proprietors of the common lands. Indeed, a considerable 
portion of the New Plantation lay more than seven miles west of the 
Meeting-house. The proposition of the town, indeed, appeared so 
reasonable, that it was assented to at the time by James Prescott, 
Sen'', in behalf of the petitioners. 

The prayer of the petitioners was granted, and on the 6th of Au- 
gust, 1694, the new town was incorporated, by the name of Kingstown, 
the grant including the present towns of Kingston, East Kingston, 
Danville (formerly Hawke), and Sandown. Hampton having laid out 
and disposed of a part of this territory, difficulties afterwards arose, 
and the town was involved in lawsuits, which will be more particularly 
noticed in another place. 



TOWN AFFAIRS — KINGSTON. 1680-1707. 153 



NEW CASTLE S PETITION REJECTED. 

The year before the incorporation of Kingston, the town of New 
Castle had been formed, inchiding within its limits, Great Island, 
Little Harbor, and Sandy Beach (now Rye), all of which had pre- 
viously belonged to Portsmouth. About two years after its incorpo- 
ration, that is, in 1695, the inhabitants petitioned for an enlargement 
of territory, by the annexation of a considerable tract of the northern 
part of Hampton. In obedience to an order from the lieutenant- 
governor and council, the town chose as agents, to appear before them 
and state their objections to the prayer of the petitioners, Capt. Henry 
Dow and Lieut. Christopher Pahiier ; and gave them full power to act 
for the town, according to their discretion. The agents appeared at 
court, and objected, in substance, "that, if the prayer of the petitioners 
is granted, it will take away our principal feeding lands in that part 
of the town, without which, it will be impossible to carry on our 
farms ; for the cattle of the petitioners trespass already, but if this is 
allowed, they will trespass still further, and feed home to our lots' 
ends ; that it is very strange, moreover, that they should not know the 
present bounds, seeing they were determined forty years ago, by four 
men, two of Portsmouth, of which New Castle was then a part, and 
two of Hampton, empowered for that end,^ as appears by their returns, 
and by our peaceable possession ever since.'* 

After the hearing in May, the case "was laid aside for farther con- 
sideration ;" and it does not appear that it was brought up again. 
The assembly was dissolved the 2nd of November following. 

Some of the people of Portsmouth, having expressed a desire for a 
more direct road than the one then travelled between that town and 
Hampton, Capt. Henry Dow and Sergt. John Marston were chosen 
on the part of this town, March 15, 1697, "to see if they could find a 
nearer way." Their report has not been found. 

NAVAL OFFICER. 

April 16, 1696, Nathaniel Weare, Esq , was appointed Naval Officer 
at Hampton, "to enter and clear all vessells for what goods iniported 
or exported, and to receive all duties & imports, as by Law; and to 
give an account of the same to the Treasurer of this province for the 
time being, and to receive to himself the accustomed fees for his 
salary." 

'Bryan Pendleton and John Pickering, of Portsmouth ; and William Fifiekl and Thomas 
Marston, of Hampton. 



154 HISTORY OF HASIPTON. 

LATIN SCHOOL. 

By an act of the Legislature, of 1697, provision was made for es- 
tablishing a Latin School in the province, to be free to all "Misters, 
Keaders, and Latinists," and to the support of which, all the towns 
were required to contribute. The school was to be located in Ports- 
mouth, and the master to be appointed by His Excellency, the Gover- 
nor, the council and the settled minister of the town. The select- 
men of Portsmouth were authorized to determine the amount of tuition 
to be paid by each scholar sent there to learn Latin. In addition to 
this, the towns were to pay severally, as follows : Portsmouth £28 ; 
Hampton, £8; Dover and Exeter, £6 each; and New Castle, £2, 
which sums were to be assessed by the selectmen of the several towns 
— the act to remain in force two years. 

Such was the scheme, and the school was established. Whether 
any of the people of Hampton availed themselves of the opportunities 
thus afforded for educating their children, we do not know. Mr. 
Daniel Rindge was under appointment as master, at the time of his 
death in Hampton, in 1713.^ 

FIRST WEST DIVISION LAID OUT. 

Li November, 1699, the selectmen were instructed to determine upon 
some method for laying out land, so that persons who wished to im- 
prove an^ portions of it, might be permitted to do it ; and to lay their 
plan before the town at some future meeting, so that, if approved, it 
might be ratified ; or, if considered defective, that it might be altered 
and put into such a form as might be thought conducive to the wel- 
fare of the town. 

At a meeting of the freeholders, on the first Monday of December, 
the selectmen presented their Report : 

"Whereas we, whose names are under written, were appointed to 
consider of some method for dividing of lands to the several inhab- 
itants of this town, we have seriously considered and weighed the cir- 
cumstances of the several parts of the town, and we are of tiie mind 
tiiat when the North Division is laid out, and tlie lands that are already 
granted, taken in, there is no more on the town's side, so called, that 
can be spared out of the common. If there be not a convenient quan- 
tity of common reserved and kept for feeding of cattle and tlie like, 
the successors of the ancient inhabitants tliat bore tlie brunt and hard- 
ship in settling tliis plantation, will be ruined and forced to remove. 

1 Chap. XXVII. 



TOWN AFFAIRS — KINGSTON. 1680-1707. 155 

The Falls side is in the like necessity of a suitable common, that may 
extend to tlie west end of the liill, called Horse-hill, and so over Hog- 
pen meadow to Exeter line, and what lands belong to the town above 
that line may be divided according to rules agreed on by the free- 
holders. 

Dated y^ 4^^' of December, 1G99. Nathaniel Weare 

Henry Dow 
John Stanyan 
John Redman 
Josiah Moulton 

Selectmen of Hampton." 

This report was adopted by the freeholders, but not unanimously. 

Nothing further appears to have been done at that time, in relation 
to the land which the selectmen thought might be divided and dis- 
posed of. At another freeholders' meeting, holden November 18, 1700, 
it was voted to lay out a tract nearly corresponding to this, to persons 
afterward to be agreed upon. The tract is described as "•beginning 
towards Exeter line, joining to Abraham Cole's lot — the first lot in the 
North Division — and so from thence to Salisbury line, to come a mile 
from Exeter line and Kingston line towards Hampton." At the same 
time, it was agreed that "all other lands from that to the town, and 
from Salisbury line to the sea, should lie in common for the benefit of 
the town." 

It was ordered, that this tract should be laid out forthwith ; and 
Lieut. Joseph Cass, Ens. John Gove, Samuel Dow, Epiiraim Marston 
and John Moulton — son of Lieutenant Moulton — were chosen a com- 
mittee to lay it out, and give to the town clerk an account of the 
number of acres. 

As this land was a part of the common, each commoner would have 
a just claim to some portion of it, when divided. The plan agreed 
upon, for apportioning it among the proprietors, was this: Persons 
owning two shares or more in the common, were to have two shares 
in the land to be laid out; and those owning but one share in the com- 
mon, were to have one share in this tract. There were also belong- 
ing to the town many men who were not commoners. These were 
remembered in this division. "All male persons who had been born 
and brought up in the town, and had arrived at the age of twenty-one 
years and were still living in Hampton" were allowed to have half a 
share each, except such as claimed a right in Kingston, by virtue of 
any grant from the lieutenant-governor and council. 

At another meeting, June 9, 1701, it was voted that the lots in the 



156 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

portion next to Kingston line should run northerly and southerly and 
be half a mile in length, a space of four rods in width being left be- 
tween the several divisions, for a highway. For convenience in the 
distribution of the land, it was voted tliat after the number of claim- 
ants should be ascertained, the whole tract should be laid out in half- 
shares, and that each person who would be entitled to several half- 
shares should have them together, so as to form but one lot. 

On this occasion, Thomas Crosby, "the present school-master^," was 
not forgotten. It was voted, that he should have two half-shares in 
this tract. 

Tlie committee for laying out this land were Samuel Dow, Joseph 
Swett, Jonathan Moulton, and James Fogg. The tract contained 
nearly four thousand acres, and was called "The West Division," some- 
times "The First West Division." 

The committee, in their Return, Dec. 26, 1702, state that they had laid 
out the land in twelve divisions, containing in all three hundred fifty-one 
half-shares, of about ten acres and a half each. The first seven of the di- 
visions bordered on Kingston, and in each of them were thirty-one half- 
shares. The seventh division also adjoined Exeter, and so did all the 
remaining ones, except the eleventh, which was separated from the Ex- 
eter line by a few lots of the twelfth division. In the ninth division, the 
committee found some old grants, which they left undisturbed ; and 
between the tenth and eleventli were several farms containing in the 
aggregate about four hundred acres. 

The committee's Return was approved by the freeholders. 

THE RIGHT TO VOTE DEFINED. 

At the freeholders' meeting, Nov. 18, 1700, another subject was con- 
sidered and disposed of. The freeholders state that they had met "to 
consider and do that which may be for the good and benefit of the 
town," by preventing "any disorder for the time to come, either at the 
meeting of the freeholders or [of the] commoners." They then or- 
dered, that no person should presume to vote in any meeting of the 
freeholders, unless he were a freeholder in the town ; that no one 
should presume to vote for the disposing of any land, unless he were 
a commoner, according to the first grant of shares in the cow-common ; 
that if at any time the vote on any subject should not be decisive, 
and should be disputed, those persons at the meeting, who were not 
entitled to vote, should withdraw from those who were, so soon as 
they should be requested. For each and every violation of any one 
of these orders, the offender was subjected to a fine of ten shillings in 

> Chap. xxvu. 



TOWN AFFAIES — KINGSTON. 1680-1707. 157 

money, to be levied b}^ the selectmen, for the benefit of tlie poor of the 
town. 

At the election of town officers, in November, of the following year 
it was voted, to ciioose the selectmen by proxy ; and tiiis was accord- 
ingly done, though a considerable numl)er of persons objected, on tlie 
ground that some votes were cast by persons who were not freehold- 
ers. 

Two years later, the town voted to change the time of the annual 
election, and that the selectmen, constable and surveyors chosen at 
this meeting should hold tiieir respective offices, until tlie last week in 
December, 1704, and that then and from year to year afterwards, others 
should be chosen in the last week in December. 

THE FALLS BURYING-GROUND. 

The Falls people having asked the town to appropriate to them land 
for a Burying-Yard, in some couvenient place, the town granted their 
request, June 26, 1704, and ordered that the land siiould be laid out 
near Samuel Shaw's, by Capt. Jacob Green and Lieut. (Joseph) Swett. 
The land thus granted and laid out was the old Burying-ground, ou 
the southwesterly side of the Exeter road, as it leaves "The Hill." 

TRESPASSERS ON THE COMMONS AND HIGHWAYS. 

There have been a few of the inhabitants, in nearly every genera- 
tion since the first settlement of the town, disposed to trespass upon 
the public lands, either by fencing in some portion of the commons, 
or crowding their fences into the iiighways. While large tracts of 
common land remained ungranted, complaints of encroachment were 
very frequent. Some of them we have already noticed, as also the 
methods adopted to prevent such trespasses. 

Other measures are 3'et to be mentioned. A commoners' meeting, 
February 26, 1706, was called, to consider the subject and devise meas- 
ures for putting an end to such encroachments, wiiich had become so 
frequent that tliey were said to be of daily occurrence. The proprietors 
empowered and ordered John Redman, Sen. and Ens. John Gove to 
prosecute in a due course of law, any person or persons who had fenced 
in, or should after that date fence in, any of the commoners' pasture 
land, that they had previously ordered to lie common. They also di- 
rected, that the selectmen should, from time to time, and at all times 
when needful, raise money on the proprietors in common, according 
to their right of shares, to defray the necessary expenses of sucli pros- 
ecutions. It was also voted, that Capt. Henry Dow, the town clerk, 
should, in the name and in the behalf of the freeholders and common- 



158 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

ers, give the agents appointed a letter of attorney, to enable them to 
carry into effect the plan adopted, and tliat they should have full power 
to employ legal counsel, to assist them in conducting the prosecutions. 

THE CASE OF FRANCIS JENNESS. 

What the success of this measure was does not appear. There are 
reasons for believing that some of the trespassers were dealt with mote 
summarily than bj' prosecution. From a complaint of Francis Jen- 
ness, who lived a little north of Little Boar's Head, we learn that John 
Redman and twenty or thirty other men were discovered by him, 
"throwing down fences and laying his pastures open." Thereupon 
Jenness, taking with him three women, as he was the only man at home, 
went to the company thus engaged, and demanded of them whether 
they had any Justice with them, telling them that, unless they had, 
"they were an unlawful assembl}*, and what they acted was a riot." 
But his interference was unheeded. Redman himself went on to de- 
molisii the fence, and ordered his men to assist him, and Jenness says 
they did so in a "royotous manor." The fence, thus pulled down, had 
enclosed a tract of land claimed by Jenness, and had, as he states, 
at first been built by three of his neighbors, "ffor preservation of the 
Garrison and keeping of the cattell belonging thereto, in case they 
should be drove in by the Enemy. "^ 

SHEEP LOST FROM THE FLOCK. EAR-MARKS. 

A new subject of complaint is brought to our notice about this 
time — the loss of several sheep from the flock, in a way that caused 
great dissatisfaction. The sheep could not be found, and no evidence 
appeared of their having been killed by wolves or other wild beasts. 
The suspicions of the people as to the cause of these losses may be 
inferred, from the course taken by the town in relation to them. It 
was ordered, that no man should presume to take a sheep privately 
from any flock in the town, nor oft" any common, to kill or to sell. 
If an owner wished to take a sheep from a flock under the care of a 
shepherd, he should let the shepherd see it, and it should be his duty 
to make a minute of its ear-mark and its color, so that it might be 
publicly known. If any person should take any sheep off the com- 
mons, where there was no shepherd, he should, in every instance, give 
an account thereof to the town clerk, or to a constable ; and these of- 
ficers were required to keep a record of every such sheep and its ear- 
mark. If any person should kill or sell any sheep, and not proceed 

iHeury Dow'a MSS. 



TOWN AFFAIRS — KINGSTON. 1680-1707. 159 

as here required, he wouUl forfeit the sura of sixteen shillings for every 
one killed or sold contrary to this order, the fine to be recovered by 
an action brought by the selectmen, or their attorney, before any jus- 
tice of the peace, and to be for the use of the town. 

It would, however, be unfair to infer that every person who took any 
sheep from the flocks, or from the commons, before this regulation was 
made, was guilty of stealing. Each owner probably had an ear-mark 
for his sheep, but nothing hitherto appears to have been done by the 
town, to prevent several persons from using the same mark. Now, it 
was made the duty of every man to inform the town clerk of the ear- 
mark used by him, for marking his sheep and cattle, and that officer 
was required to make and keep a record thereof. After any man's 
mark had been thus recorded, no other person was allowed to ado|»t 
the same mark. Tlie town clerk's fee for recording was one penny 
for each mark recorded. 

The ear-marks most commonly used were the following, viz. : holes, 
crops, half-crops, half-pennies, notches, slits and swallow-tails. By 
using these separately, or in ditferent combinations, several hundred 
ear-marks were formed and used in the town, as appears from the 
record. 

A few specimens of those recorded at this time are here given : 
'•Ben : Moulton, on laft eare a Half peny on the under side and on 
the Right eare a Half crop on the under side and a noch under the 
same." 

"John Gone, a crop on the left eare and a slit on the Right eare 
nott at the end but a littell slanting downwards." 

'•Nath'^ Bachilder Juner, a Swallows Tayle so cald on each eare." 
"Jabez Dow, a crop on the left eare and two nochis under the Right 
eare." '^Renewed to Jonathan Philbrick, February 20th, 1810." 

"Abram Green, a Swallows Tayle att the end of the left eare and 
A Half penny under the Right ear." 

"Richard Samborne, a Slitt att the end of each eare." 
"Josiah Dow, a littill crop on the left eare and a littell noch a top 
y" same." 

"Ben Shaw senior, a hole punched in the Right eare." 
"Ben Shaw Juner, two Hols punched in the Right eare." 
"Roger Shaw, two Hols punched in the left eare." 

CAPTAIN HENRT DOW. 

On the 6th day of May, 1707, a vacancy occurred in the office of 
town clerk, by the death of Henry Dow, who had held the office a 
quarter of a century. At a special town meeting two weeks after- 



160 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

ward, his son Samuel Dow, was chosen his successor. In all his pub- 
lic life, Captain Dow had been a leader among men — now called to 
inspect accounts; now as Receiver, under the Treasurer, of rates and 
duties; and now, to hear and lay before governor and council, the 
claims of individuals against the i)rovince ;— at one time, as commis- 
sioner, to meet the Massacliusetts commissioners for running the vexed 
province lines ; and again, to establish the bounds between town and 
town ; — now, as special pleader in the courts; and now, as judge on 
the bench. 

In tlie disturbances which rent the province, he was ever found with 
the patriots. In command of his compan}' against the savages, 
or as officer of supplies for the army, lie was quick and skilful. In 
remonstrance against the usurpations of Mason, Allen, Usher and 
their fellows ; in resistance to the unjust taxation by CranQeld (for 
which the latter ordered his imprisonment) ; and in his connection 
with Mr. Weare's mission to the king, he was fearless and firm. 

On the 27th of March, 1707, Captain Henry Dow attended the 
council-board for the last time. Forty days later, he died. [See 
Genealogies — Dow (2).] 

ANOTHER PORTION OF THE COMMONS DIVIDED. 

At a meeting of the commoners, December 29, 1707, Lieut. John 
Smith, Maj. Joseph Smith, Mr. John Stanyan, Sanniel Dow and 
Lieut. Joseph Swett were chosen a committee, to consider what was 
best to be done in relation to the commons, and to make their report 
at the next meeting. 

Their report was presented about five weeks afterward, and in ac- 
cordance with one of their recommendations, the commoners agreed 
to survey, and divide among the proprietors, another portion of the 
commons, lying within, or towards the town from the First North and 
tlie First West Division. The first eighty rods within each of these 
divisions, they reserved as a common for future convenience, and tliey 
voted to lay out within this reserved portion two divisions, each a 
mile in width, one towards the north and the other towards the west 
part of the town ; the former, to end on the east one mile from the 
sea, and the latter, to extend southward no farther than to the old line 
of Salisbury. The mile between the easterly end of the north divi- 
sion and the sea; and the portion between the old line of Salisbury 
and the line theil parting the provinces, the committee reserved for 
future disposal. Tlie quarter of a mile range between the old and 
the new divisions was reserved as a free common, till a different ar- 
rangement should be made by the commoners. 



TOWN AFFAIRS — KINGSTON. 1680-170^. 161 

The commoners appointed Lieut. James Philbrick, Joseph vSwctt, 
Joseph Cass, Ephraim Marston, Samuel IMarston, Samuel Roboy and 
Jonathan Moulton a committee, for laying out these two divisions. 

At another meeting of the commoners, holden three weeks later 
Lieut. John Smith, Lieut. Joseph Swett and Samuel Dow were chosen 
to ascertain who were then the rightful owners of the 147 shares of 
the cow-common, and to cause a record to be made of such owners 
and their rights, in the Town Book. 

At this meeting, Lieut. John Smith offered to be at the whole charge 
of laying out the north and west divisions, and also to relinquish forty 
acres of his right in them, on condition that the commoners would 
allow him forty acres, where his son John Smith was living. This offer 
was accepted by the commoners, and Lieutenant Smith laid out the 
divisions on the terms proposed. 
11 



CHAPTER IX. 

HAMPTON FALLS. 1709-17G0. 

THE separation of Hampton Falls, as a distinct town, was a grad- 
ual process, and the records of the several acts regarding it are 
so complicated, it is difficult to arrive at the exact truth with certainty. 
The year 1718 is generally regarded as the time of its incorporation; 
but that a partial separation, for church and school purposes, was 
made long before, is matter of record, while the act of 1718 did not 
wholly sunder the relations of the two parishes. 

We shall, therefore, quote largely from the proceedings of the Gen- 
eral Court, as recorded in the Provincial Papers : 

At a Council and General Assembly in Portsmouth, Dec. 3, 1709,^ 
"The following of the inhabitants of the South part of Hampton was 
read at this Board, viz. : 

To his Excellency Joseph Dudley, Esq. Governour and Comander 
in Chiefe in and over her Majesty's Province of the Massachusetts 
Bay and New Hampshire, and the Honourable the members of the 
Council and Representatives, convened together in General Assem- 
bly, now sitting : 

The humble address and petition of her Majesty's loyal and duti- 
ful subjects belonging to the South part of Hampton, in said Province 
of New Hampshire, commonly called Hampton falls. Most humbly 
sheweth, — 

That your petitioners being at that distance from the publick place 
of the worship of God at the Town, and soe many difficulties in go- 
ing, and many times no passing over the Causeway by any means, 
that it hath caused your petitioners to be at the charge of building a 
Meeting House upon our side of the Town, and have had a minister 
for some time, and doing all by free contributions ourselves ; and 
the other part of the Town being the Major part of the Town, Rates 
us in the full proportion according to our estates, to the repairing 
the Meeting House and parsonage, and to the minister there, which 
is burdensome to us, and we are not able to settle a minister with us 
for want of some better settlement in the matter. 

1 Vol. Ill: 408-10. 
062) 



HAMPTON FALLS. 1709-1760. 163 

Wee therefore pray that in your wisdom you Avill grant us some re- 
lief in the matter, either that tlie Town and we on our side may main- 
tain two by raising our Rates in general together, or that we may be 
freed from the paying to the Town, and have power given us to malve 
a Rate or tax for the subsistance of one with us." 

[Then follow the names of fifty-six citizens.] 

"Upon a full hearing of both parties in Council upon this petition, 
the 3'' of December, 1709, voted that the contract and agreement of the 
Town of Hampton for the maintenance of Mr. John Cotton, their 
present minister, be and is hereby ratified and confirmed ; And the 
town directed to proceed for the raising and pajmient of the same as 
in all time heretofore ; That the petitioners and such others as are 
joined with them on the westward of Tailor's River, have power at a 
meeting once a year for that end, to choose among themselves three 
persons to be Assessors for raising the sum of for the mainte- 
nance of such learned and orthodox minister to officiate in the New 
Chui'ch at Hampton, as they shall agree to call to the service there, 
with the advice of Mr. Cotton, their present minister; that the affairs 
ma}^ proceed with such peace and friendship as becomes religion and 
good order ; and that the Assessment upon the said petitioners and 
inhabitants on the said Western side of Tailor's River, being signed 
by the said Assessors, shall be Collected by the Constables at all 
times and paid into the minister for his support, as in all other Towns 
and precincts in this Province. 

Past by the Council. 

Cha : Story, Secretary." 

After the passage of this act, the new parish lost no time in pro- 
curing a minister, the one who had hitherto preached to them being 
probably the school-master, residing with them. They now engaged 
the Rev. Theophilus Cotton, a graduate of Harvard College in 1701, 
youngest son of Rev. John Cotton, of Plymouth, who was a brother 
of Rev. Seaborn Cotton, of Hampton. 

The death of the Elampton minister occurring soon after, the peo- 
ple of Hampton Falls preferred the following petition, addressed as 
before : 

"To His Excellency!" etc most humbly sheweth,— 

That your petitioners having formerly laid before y'" Excellency 
and Covuicil the great want of having one settled among us on our 
side of the Town in the work of the ministry, and now by God's good 
Providence have obtained the Reverend Mr. Theophilus Cotton among 

1 Vol. ni : 428. 



164 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

US in that work, and God by his awful stroke of Providence having 
removed, by death, the worthy and Reverend Mr. John Cotton, to 
our great lamentation, we do therefore pray, That we may be set off 
from the town from being at any charge as to procuring and main- 
taining a minister there ; and that we may have power given us to 
make a tax or Rate, from time to time, as shall be for the support of 
our minister with us, and that each part of the Town maintain their 
own minister ; That as we have been at equal charge according to our 
estates as purchasing and holding the parsonage at the Town, that 
now we may have some land appointed and laid out for a parsonage, 
as convenient as it may be had for the Falls side, according to the 
worth of our part of the town ; That the Bounds may be settled be- 
tween each part of the town, Tailor River being so crooked that it 
parts the inhabitants belonging to our meeting-house, we pray that 
the River may be the bounds up to the place called Garland's Mill, 
and from thence to a Bound tree betwixt Exeter and Hampton, at a 
place called Ass Brook, or that a committee of indifferent men may 
be appointed to come upon the place, ',and they to settle the Bounds, 
as in your wisdom shall be directed, and as in duty bound we shall ever 

pray." 

This petition, signed by Nath' Weare, Joseph Swett, Samuel Shaw, 

Daniel Tilton and about sixty others, was read at the council board 
on the 13th of May, 1710. 

A hearing was appointed with the following result : 
May 19, 1710.1 "In the affair of Hampton before the Council by 
petition, Ordered that the whole Town pay forthwith the arrears and 
funeral charges of their late minister ; 

That there be a Committee appointed to report the Division of the 
parishes for the several meetings, and to consider how to settle lands 
for another parsonage ; and a further hearing of the Avhole town be 
referred to the next General Assembly ; and that the new parish in 
the mean time proceed in the maintenance of their minister, accord- 
ing to former order of tliis Board, saving that no person dwelling on 
the North side of Taylor's River shall be taxed for any land in the 
New Parish, until a further hearing be had thereupon ; which is re- 
ferred to the next session of the Assembly. 

In pursuance of the above order, the Committee appointed are : 
Major Vaughan, John Plaisted, Samuel Penhallow, Theadore At- 
kinson, or any three of them, to make report at the. next General 
Assembly." 

"In the affair of the New Parish in Hampton,- there appearing 

iVol. ni: 432. 2 Vol. m : 451. 



HAMPTON FALLS. 1709-17G0. 1G5 

difficulty in making any division of the Lands or inhabitants for the 
support of the ministers in the two several parishes ; 

And whereas, the inhabitants and Auditory of tlie old church have 
agreed with their present minister [Mr. Gookin] to pay him annually 
eighty ])ounds, half in current money and the other half in i)rovisious, 
&c. ; And to allow him the parsonage in the said town of Hampton, 
long since purchased by certain inhabitants there ; and lire wood as 
in the said vote and agreement in the record will appear : 

And whereas, the inhabitants adjoining to the new parish have con- 
sidered to raise sixty pounds, and firewood for their minister, and to 
lay out of the waste and unimproved lands in Hampton, five acres for a 
house lot, and twenty-five acres for pasture, &c., for the parsonage 
there : 

Voted, that it be recommended to the select men of Hampton, to lay 
out the said two parcels of land indifferently, as well for the service 
as may be ; 

And that the Town of Hampton lay a tax annuall}'- for the said two 
sums, Am'' to 140"'*, in species as above, and pay the incumbent of 
the old Church according to the agreement made with him, and the 
remainder to the incumbent of the New Church, from time to time. 

23'' October, 1710. 

Consented to. J. Dudley." 

This was read and agreed to in council and in the House of Rep- 
resentatives. 

On the 6th of May, 1712, Nathaniel Weare presented a petition to 
the General Assembly,' "in behalf e of himselfe and diverse others, 
on y"" desire ;" 

'•That, although wee are comed to a Good measure of settlem* 
through God's good providence among us, both to Church and Min- 
istry, to the Great Satisfaction of all as farr as wee know, and the 
Town in General, to Raise a tax for the support of each minister as 
by the said order may appear ; Yett there are several charges that doth 
arise that are proper, particularly by those that belong to our parish, 
to be paid, as wood for to be provided for our minister, and fencing 
the parsonage Land, and for paying the schoolmaster, and several 
Charges that doth Rise relating to Minister and schooling, which can- 
not be equally discharged, or promises justly performed, without a 
Tax on the inhabitants in this parish : 

Wee therefore pray that wee may have liberty and power to con- 

i Vol. Ill : 514. 



166 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

vene the Inhabitants together that belong to this parish from time to 
time, to Consider and Agree about those tilings that are needful as 
to the ministry and schooling ; And that wee may choose assessors 
among our Selves to be jo^Mied with the Select men that belong to 
our parish, to assess the estates of the Inhabitants belonging to our 
parish, for the Defraying of all such charges as shall from time to 
time Arise Relating to these Affairs, all being concerned in this 
affaire that live westerly of the Line Returned by the Committee, and 
that such taxes shall be collected and Gathered by the Constables 
from time to time, and paid according to Order of said assessors : all 
which as in wisdom shall see meet. 

And your petioners, as in Duty Bound, shall ever pray, &c. 

Natali- Wear." 

This petition, having been read at the council board, and sent to 
the House, was sent back with the following return : 

"Wee are humbly of opinion that the petitioner be Referred to the 
General Town meeting of Hampton." 

"The Council Consents to the Reference above and directs the In- 
habitants of Hampton to proceed thereupon at next Town meeting and 
make a Returne to the next General Assembly of tliis Province." 

The next annual town meeting would not l)e until December — too 
late for the establishment of a winter school — and at the request of 
the Hampton Falls people, a special town meeting was holden on the 
22nd of September, when the petition of the Falls parish was presented. 
The town made answer, that whatever the inhabitants of the new parish 
might "agree to either by vote or otherwise for providing what quan- 
tity of fire wood annually' for Mr. Cotton or for fencing in or clearing 
their Parsonage to mak it more profitable to the possessor or for Re- 
pairing their Meetingliouse from time to time 

shall be accounted as done bjf the whole town to all intents and pur- 
poses and shall be collected as Mr. Gookin his wood Rate is and the 
other Charge in the Old Parish (viz) by a warrant from the Selectmen 
of Hampton with a Justice of the peace directed to the Constable for 
the time being to collect the same and pay it as ordered by the Select- 
men for the uses above said, provided their vote or agreement be 
according to the true Intent and meaning of this vote of the Town 
and entered in the Town liook within fourteen days after this meet- 
ing. Wee mean by the Inhabitants of the Falls Parish those people 
that now inhabit on the South side of Taylors River and so up the 
Bridge over to s"^ River att Tiltons farm and from said Bridge a 
quarter of a mile on the North side the Country Road as far as our 
bounds towards Exeter and so Southerly to Salisbury Line." 



HAMPTON FALLS. 1709-1760. 167 

And the men of the new parish were directed to meet on the 30th 
of the same month to act according to tlie above vote. 

Voted, "Tiiat the Town declares their mind Relating to the School 
matter by the following vote, viz : That whereas there is one scliool 
appointed b}^ Law to be kept in each town, tlie mind of town is that 
the whole town is little a nongh to maintain the Charge of such a school 
as ought to be kept in this town ; and therefore shall not exempt any 
part of this town from paying to the school appointed by Law." 

To clinch the decree, it was then voted, that a new schoolhouse be 
built, " twenty four foot long and twenty foot wide to be done by the 
last day of April next to be built on the Land granted for that Eud by 
Deacon Daltons (on the North side, where the center school-house 
ROW stands), and that the Tax be Raised on the Inhabitants of the 
Town." 

This naturally angered the Falls people, but they were forced to 
bide their time, as the majority of the selectmen, at that time, lived 
on the town side, and would refuse to abate their taxes. 

In 1714, however, a majority of the board were in their favor ; and, 
acting with Justice Peter Weare, the}^ issued their warrant to the 
constable, Robert Moulton, to collect the "school ma*^ Rate from only 
a part of the Town, and wholly left out the other part of said Town ; 
which partial doings hath caused great Divisions in the said Town, 
and will more increase contentions when the Constable comes to take 
such Rate by distress, if not timely prevented." So pleaded Lieut. 
Joseph Smith, one of the minority of the selectmen, "in behalfe of 
the greatest part of the Towne," in a petition to the governor and 
council, to interfere, by a hearing and decisive orders. 

The petition was granted and a hearing appointed ; but how the 
difficulty was settled, we are not informed. 

ACT OP INCOKPORATION. 

Thus far, the separation of the Falls parish was for church and 
school purposes only. All other interests were in common with the 
whole town ; nor were they free to act quite independently even in 
these two, as the foregoing records show. The parish of Hampton 
Falls had been set off, and the line dividing it from the old parish es- 
tablished ; a meeting house had been built, a church formed, a pas- 
tor ordained : but the annual town meeting brought all together. 
With the limited exception already given, one board of assessors made 
out the taxes, which the constables collected. 

This partial separation, however, was leading surely to the forma- 
tion of a new town ; since around their own church and school the 



168 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

sympathies of the people would cluster more and more, as the old ties 
were sundered, and then- attendance at the north side became less fre- 
quent. The isolated position of the new parish also, separated from 
the old by acres of salt marsh, would tend to the same result. It is 
not, therefore, surprising, that after a few j^ears, a petition to this end 
was presented. 

We come now to that petition and the action of the General Assem- 
bly relating to it, which is said to be the only act of incorporation 
that Hampton Fails ever obtained. 

AtaGeneral Assembly at Portsmouth, May 12, 1718 :i "Maj. Peter 
Wear, Esq., & Messrs. Tillton and Wait p'ferred a petition to this 
board directed to his Excellency the Gov'" and Council, w^"^ being read 
& considered, the following vote was past thereupon: 

In Councill, 12«^ May, 1718. 

The Petition of Peter Wear, Esq., of the New Parish of Hampton, 
and several other of the Inhabitants of the said Parish, praying 
they might be separate from y*^ old parish at their general town meet- 
ing, and that they might be empowered to call a meeting amongst 
themselves for chusing town officers, &c.,2 being read and considered: 

It is allowed that the s'' new Parish at Hampton have liberty to call 
a publick Parish meeting annuall}^, to choose selectmen and such of- 
ficers as may be convenient, to manage their parish affairs, and to 
choose one representative to send to the Gen* Assembly as they shall 
have a lawful p'cept for so doing ; but as to their common land, main- 
taining their minister, & [)aying their proportion to the Prov : taxes, 
they remain as they were formerly, 

Richd. AValdron, Cler. Con." 

CHIEF-JUSTICE WEARE's DEATH. 

While the council was passing this act of incorporation, a man who, 
for more than twenty years, had sat at the board, wielding an influence 
rarely attained ; using it always "without fear and without reproach ;" 
wise in counsels, prompt and patriotic in action ; — the man who, 
more than any other, gave prestige to this town just coming into be- 
ing — Hon. Nathaniel Weare, now eighty-seven years of age, lay dy- 
ing within its borders. The next day was his last. 

[See Genealogies- AVeare (1).] 

» Vol. Ill: 732. 

2The petition however expressly says; "& both Parishes to Remain as one Town, as for- 
merly, in (lur rroi)riety of Lands— & as to our Ministry, as it hath bin alredy ordred by 
ihc general Court." 



HAMPTON FALLS. 1709-1760. 1G9 

The following year, this vote was passed by tlie council ;^ 

"Whereas, on the 12 May, 171.S, there was a vote of Council past 
for making the new Parish of Hampton sei)arate from the old to all 
intents and purposes ; & whereas there seems to be some ambiguity 
in s'' vote, and the same hath been misconstrued ; for tlie better explana- 
tion whereof, & in order to the better understanding of the same, it is 
hereby 

In Council, 

Voted, Tliat the intent of s'' vote was & is hereby intended that y*^ 
s*^ new Parish of Hampton have the privileges of a town without ex- 
ception, & that that article in y*^ afores'* vote relating to the Prov : tax, 
is to be understood, each parish to pay their proportion as formerly, 
^rcii proportion is to be made & assessed & gathered by the selectmen, 
assess'* «&; constable chosen at eacli parish severally ; and the minister 
taxes also to be made by the selectmen and assess'"^ and collected by 
the Constable y' shall be chosen at the parish meetings severally, as 
above. 

March 25, 1719. Rich^ Waldron, Cler. Con." 

■ With this explanation, it would seem that, Hampton Falls having 
now become an independent town, its place in this History should 
cease here ; but that it was not wholly independent in the matter of 
the ministerial and province taxes, whatever may have been the adjust- 
ment in regard to the common land, is evident; for as late as 172G 
(April 11), the selectmen of the Falls parish sent a petition to the 
lieutenant-governor, the council and representatives, setting forth that 
there had formerly been an Act passed, that the province rates, and 
the minister's rates for both parishes should be raised together by the 
whole town, but that the parish which they represented, found many 
disadvantages in not having power to raise these rates b^' themselves. 
They therefore asked to be released from that provision of the act, 
and to be empowered to raise such taxes independently of the old 
parish. After the usual preliminaries, of ordering the old parish to 
be served with a copy of the petition and of the order of the Legisla- 
ture thereon, a hearing was had, November 23, and the prayer of the 
petitioners granted, so far as relates to taxes for the support of the 
ministiy, making the two parishes in this respect entirely distinct, 
while the province taxes were apparently to be proportioned between 
them as before.^ 

THE BOUNDS DEFINED. 

Three more years passed, before the bounds were definitely fixed, as 
appears from the Hampton Fulls records : 

1 Vol. II: 722. * Vol. IX; 338 and iv: 434. 



170 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

"Whereas, there lias been divers debates between the old parish and 
the new concerning the bounds between them, so that the selectmen 
of each parish have been at a difficulty to know how to make their 
rates and assessments according to their warrants, and to put an end 
to all differences which may arise, we the selectmen of both parishes 
being met do agree as follovveth : 

That we may make the rates and have no disturbance for this pres- 
ent year and to present this our agreement to the next parish meet- 
ing and endeavor to have it settled by tlie vote of each parish the line 
to be as followetli : that the falls or new parish shall have their bounds 
from the river mouth as the river goes to the falls river's mouth and 
then run to a way that comes into the country road at the end of land 
called Cliffords land between that and that which is in the possession 
of Thomas Dean and then as the road goes to the middle of the bridge 
called the town bridge and then as the river which is called Taylor's 
river to the mouth of the brook called Ass Brook to a way that leads 
to Exeter road or line and all the land that lies on the easterly side of 
said line to be rated to the first or old parish and all on the westerly 
side to pay to the new or falls parish and this we whose names are- 
underwritten have agreed to the line above said always excepting and it 
is to be understood?tliat where this above said line crosses any man's 
land or marsh that there the owners shall pay where the biggest part lies 
and the other party shall not rate the other part and this we the select- 
men of both parties do a^ree to as witness our hands this 16 day of 
July annoque Domini 1729 & in the third year of the reign of King 
George the second &c. ^ . 

It is the true intent & meaning of the paragraph which mentions 
the way from Ass Brook's mouth to Exe\er road or line is to go from 
Ass Brook's mouth to the two rod way which was laid out l)etween 
the divisions to the land called the quarter of mile and there right a- 
cross the quarter of mile to a two rod way between the divisions to 
Exeter line. ^^ 

Jon*^, Nason Joseph Towle 

Nath'. Weare Benjamin Thomas 

James Prescott Josiah Moulton" 

Not even yet were the two settlements entirely distinct, for, in the 
Journal of the House of Representatives, Nathaniel Weare (son of 
the first Nathaniel), Avas still registered as from Hampton,^ and the 
new town itself was called simply a "Parish" till about the time of 
the Revolution. 

» Vol. IV : 467, 484. : 



HAMPTON FALLS. 1709-1760. 171 

DISPUTES ABOUT PARSONAGE LANDS. 

By the Hampton Falls records it is shown that, as late as 1745, a 
meeting of the freeholders and inhabitants was held (September 30), 
the notification for which contains this remarkable preamble and state- 
ment : 

''Whereas, there was a town meeting warned for the freeholders 
and inhabitants of the town of Hampton to meet at the town meeting 
house on Monday the 24^^ day of June last past and although it was 
for tlie town as above said j^et we of this parisli were denied the liberty 
of voting at said meeting :" therefore this meeting was called to con- 
sider what to do "relating to our holding or justifying our right of vot- 
ing at said meeting," and to choose a committee to commence an 
action against those who hindered, and also to defend any freeli-older 
of the Falls parish in any action brought "for appearing at a town 
meeting in Hampton and for their action or behavior thereat." 

The records of the old town for the same time contain the follow^ 
iug, dated September 15, 1745 : "Voted, that the present selectmen 
are hereby Impowered to prosicute or cause to be prosicuted all or 
any of those parsons that came into our town meeting on the 24"* day 
of June last past, and behaved in a Riotus disorderly manner to the 
grate disturbing of the Carying on said meeting." 

That this stormy June meeting had reference to the division of the 
parsonage lauds, and that disputes of long standing culminated at 
this time are apparent from other entries on the records of both towns. 
Five months after Rev. Ward Cotton was ordained, in 1734, Hampton 
Falls chose a committee, "to discourse with the selectmen or committee 
chosen by the old parish to dispose of the parsonage lots in Hampton 
to see whether they will be willing that the new parish shall have any 
part with the old parish of said lots. Voted, that the committee have 
power to search the Record at the old parish and to see from whence 
said <lots derived and then to call a parish meeting in .the new parish 
as soon as may be with conveniency." Three years later, Kensington 
church was organized, taking fourteen members from the old churcli ;' 
and after one more year, North Hill parish was formed, under protest.^ 
The parsonage property was probably a subject of dispute all this time, 
till the meeting of June 24, 1745, when two agents were appointed, to 
"prosecute & Defend any action or actions moved or to be moved for 
or against the said ffreeholders and Inhabitants." Just one week 
elapsed, when Hampton Falls chose a conunittee, "to consult with 
such a committee as may be cliosen by Kensington and North Hanip- 

i Chap. XXI. - Chaps, xi, xxn. 



172 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

ton to consider of what method tlie}' ma}' think best for each parish 
to come to their proper part of tlie hinds purchased of the Rev. Tim- 
othy Dalton by the town of Hampton for the use of the ministry and 
to make report to the parish as soon as may be." So disputes and 
jealousies rankled for some years longer, but at length, bitterness died 
out, and Hampton Falls voted, under date, October 29, 1760, after 
consideration at several previous meetings, "noito proceed in a course 
of law to recover some part of the Parsonage or ministerial land." 

"the third parish in hajipton." 
In 1732, certain men in the west part of Hampton Falls and the 
east part of Kingston petitioned the General Assembly to be set off 
as a "town or parrisli," assigning the usual reason, their great dis- 
tance from church. They said : "There has been almost a famine of 
y^ word and worship of God amongst us thear being near four hun- 
dred souls whereof not one above y*' sixth or seventh part can attend 
said worship." 

Naturally, the two towns objected. Hampton Falls chose Lieut. 
Ichabod Robie and Capt. Nathaniel Healey to present their protest ; 
while Kingston voted : "That we wont not sect of the Est part of oner 
town for a dfstrict or parish to Joyne witli y« West part of hampton 
and that^ there was not one voter appared for y^ sating them of att 
said meeting the Rason is Becase we are sensaball it will Rueine our 
town ;" and chose Capt. Jonathan Sanborn and Mr. Ebenezer Stevens 
to remonstrate for that town. Fifty-eight meii, within the proposed 
new parish itself, also entered a remonstrance. The petition was there- 
fore dismissed ; and Kingston was not divided till 1738. 

The west part of Hampton Falls, however, became the town of 
Kensington, by an act passed, August 19, 1737. Soon after, the 
bounds were established, and the "tliird parish of Hampton" was in 
the exercise of all town privileges, except that of sending a represent- 
ative to the General Assembly. In 1740, this also v/as granted, on 
petition of the inhabitants. 



CHAPTER X. 

TOWN AFFAIRS— NATURAL PHENOMENA— RYE. 1708-1736. 
CLAIMS AT THE NEW PLANTATION CONSIDERED. 

THE Return of the la_ying out of the New Plantation had been 
lost; and as sundry pei'sons claimed land there by virtue of 
grants from the commoners to themselves, or to i)ersons under whom 
they claimed, it was considered important to ascertain the validity of 
these claims. The commoners, therefore, on the 17th of June, 1708, 
appointed for this purpose a committee, consisting of John Stanyan, 
John Gove, John Sanborn, Sen., Dea. Samuel Shaw, Benjamin Batch- 
elder and Jonathan Marston, who, together with the lot-layers, were 
to state the bounds of the Plantation as nearly as they could, by con- 
sidering the terms of the grant formerly made ; and divide the whole 
anew into four ranges, as formerly, and then assign to every person to 
whom grants had been made, his proper proportion. Those who 
claimed land tliere were to be at the charge of surveying the lots, 
and were also to defend the same at their own cost and charge. Any 
individual, upon satisfying the committee of the justice of his claim, 
might have his lot or share bounded out to him, so far as the town had 
a right to do it, he having first paid the committee, the lot layers and 
the surveyor, for their services. 

The committee, lot-layers and surveyor were also required to meas- 
ure such land as had been unlawfully fenced in, or built upon, by any 
person, on any part of the covr common, and report to the selectmen, 
to whom full power vpas given to prosecute such trespassers ; the charge 
to be borne equally by the commoners and those to whom they had 
made grants. The next year, more lenient measures were adopted^ 
allowing compromise or sale, in case of small trespasses. 

THE "back road." 

At this meeting, Joseph Taylor informed the commoners that he 
was about fencing in a vmy passing across his lot, unless they would 
let him have an equal number of rods at the east end of his lot. In 
that case, he would let the way still remain for their use. Ens. Thom- 
as Robey and Josiah Sanborn were chosen, to examine the case, and, 

(173) 



174 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

if they should think it expedient, "to lay him out rod for rod." This 
way was a part of what is now called tlie "Back Road," leading to the 
sawmills, on Little river. 

LAWSUIT ABOUT LAND AT THE NEW PLANTATION. 

About tliis time, a controversy, which excited considerable interest, 
arose between Peter Weare and tlie freeholders and commoners, whom 
he "arrested," for not performing a ^rant to John Marston, late of 
Andover. At a meeting held by them, February 23, 1709, to consider 
the case, they authorized the selectmen to appoint an agent, with 
power of attorney, to defend them; agreeing that all charges incurred 
should be paid by the commoners, in proportion to their rights in the 
commons, and raised by the selectmen for the time being. Nathaniel 
Weare and Abraham Cole dissented. 

This case was tried the next summer and decided in favor of the 
plaintiff, costing the defendants more than £50. The following au- 
tumn, the selectmen, in behalf of the freeholders and commoners, pe- 
titioned Governor Dudley concerning the case. The facts, as set forth 
in the petition, dated November 13, were these : The suit was brought 
in consequence of the town not laying out a tract of land at the New 
Plantation, which a6 the date of the petition was in the town of Kings- 
ton. The grant in question had been made to John Marston, who 
had sold all his rights in Hampton, more than forty years before, to 
Dea. Francis Page, who had been in possession till the summer of 
1708, when Weare produced a paper, purporting to be a deed of con- 
veyance to him from John Marston, written and signed at Andover, 
and tiie same day acknowledged in New Hampshire, before Nathaniel 
Weare, Esq., the father of the grantee. 

The validity of this deed was doubted. It had not been produced 
till after Marston's death, and it was represented as questionable, 
whether he was alive on the day of its date. It was also stated, that 
for several years previous to his death, he had not, by reason of age, 
been of a sound and disposing mind and memory ; that he had not 
been able to attend public worship, and far less able to travel in so 
short a time to New Hampshire, a distance of nearly twenty-five miles, 
to acknowledge a deed ; nor would it have been necessary, for there 
were several Justices nearer, and, indeed, directlj' on his way. The 
petitioners further allege, that some of Marston's near relatives heard 
him say that Peter Weare had been to him, for the purpose of buying 
this land at the New Plantation, but that he had refused to sell it. 
Under these circumstances, it would seem reasonable that the i)lain- 



TOWN AFFAIRS — NATURAL PHENOMENA — RYE. 1708-1736. 175 

tiff should have been required to prove the authenticity of liis deed ; 
but he insisted that, in order for a successful defense, it devolved on 
the town to i>i-ove tluit he liad never received from Jolm Marstou any 
such deed. This iniglit not have been easy to prove. The selectmen, 
therefore, as the agents of the freeholders and commoners, asked that 
Nathaniel Weare, Esq., should be required to state positively, whether 
he had ever seen John Marston in this province, since the date of the 
deed, claimed to have been given to his son, Peter Weare. Being ques- 
tioned on this point, he stated before the governor and council, that 
Marston acknowledged the deed to his son, before him, at Andover, 
tlie 13th of May, 1708 ; and he declared that Marston was "then in 
his right senses." 

This testimony, if not satisfactorj^, was direct and decisive, what- 
ever may be thought of the validity of au acknowledgment made be- 
fore a justice, when he was out of his jurisdiction. 

On the 15th of September, the freeholders and commoners appointed 
Lieut. John Smith, Isaac Green and Ens. Samuel Marstou, a commit- 
tee, to join with the selectmen in selling some of the lots that had not 
been disposed of, in the north and west divisions, to satisfy the judg- 
meut that Peter AVeare had obtained against the commoners, and to 
pay other charges incurred in the case. If the sales of these lots 
should fail to furnish a sufficient sum to pay all demands against them, 
then an assessment should be made ou all to whom shares of the com- 
mons had been granted. 

A PROTECTIVE MEASURE. 

March 8, 1709, the commoners voted, that no man should fell, ou the 
commons, any pine timber to be hewn square, to send out of the town, 
under penalty of 10s. a tree; and if any such timber should be found 
at any of the landing-places, or on any rafts in the rivers, it should 
be forfeited, one-half to the informer and the other half to the use of 
the town. If any person should pretend that the timber thus found 
was intended for his own use, it should still be subject to the penalty 
named, unless he could prove the truth of his assertion, by two wit- 
nesses. Lieut. Peter Weare and Mr. Joseph Chase were choseu, "to 
look after the timber." 

IKON MINES. 

About this time, there was some excitement among the inhabitants, 
on account of a belief in the existence of iron mines, or ores of iron^ 
in some part of the commons, w^hich, it was supposed, might be made 
to yield some revenue. The commoners, fearing that some of these 
cn-es would be carried away without their permission, and to their det- 



176 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

riment, appointed the selectmen a committee, to look after their inter- 
ests ; and passed an order, forbidding any person from digging any of 
these ores, without first agreeing with the committee about the terms, 
under penalty of 40s. The bubble burst, however, for the mines 
proved a failure. 

SHARES IN THE COMMON TO BE ASSESSED. 

No taxes appear to have been hitherto assessed on shares in the 
commons, except to meet expenses incurred in improving or defend- 
ing them. Now, June 20, 1709, the selectmen and assessors were 
empowered to assess on these shares, a part of the province tax, that 
was about to be raised. 

At the same time, it was ordered, that the sweepage of the common 
thatch-ground should be distributed among the poor of the town, at 
the discretion of the selectmen ; but that none of the thatch should be 
mowed till the latter part of August, and no person, without permis- 
sion^ should mow any of the thatch-ground, under penalty of 12d. per 
rod. 

GRANT TO "the FIVE FARMS." 

At a meeting of the freeholders and commoners, in the winter of 1709 , 
two privileges ot- shares in the cow common on the south side of Tay- 
lor's river were granted to each of the jive farms^ thus increasing the 
number of shares on that side to one hundred fifty seven, while the 
number on the north side of the river remained as before. This change 
was made, to meet the claims of the owners of the farms, founded on 
an agreement of the town, when the ownership of the common was 
settled, in 1646. 

The year 1710 is memorable for the death of Rev. John Cotton, pas- 
tor of the church, and the beginning of Mr. Gookin's ministry. 

ANNUAL TOWN MEETING TO BE IN MARCH. 

At the annual election of town officers, December 29, 1712, it was 
voted, that the selectmen and constables, chosen a year before, should 
continue in office, till the first Monday in the following March. From 
that time to the present, the annual town meeting has been held in 
the month of March. 

At the same meeting as above : Voted, "That there shall be twenty 
shillings more aded to the former twenty for him that kills a woulf 
within the Bounds of our Town till the Town null the acte by uote." 

MALT. 

At a commoners' meeting, held December 29, 1712, it was voted 



TOWN AFFAIRS NATURAL PHENOMENA RYE. 1708-173(1. 177 

tluit P^phraim Marston should "have half a quarter of au acre of land 
by the fort in the swamp to set a malt-house on," and to enjoy the 
same as long as he should improve it in making malt for the people 
of the town, bnt the land should revert to the town whenever Marston 
or his heirs should cease to use it for the purpose for wliich it was 
granted. 

This vote suggests a custom long prevnlont here, and in other parts 
of New (I^^ngland, that of malting barley, and brewing beer to be used 
as a common beverage among the people. So aeciistomed were they 
to the use of this drink, that it Avas regarded as indispensable to their 
comfort. We have not uow any means of ascertaining the quantity 
used in the town yearly, but, evidently, it was somewhat large. It 
was considered of so much importance, that the town and Rev. John 
Cotton in agreeing upon the terms of his settlement as the minister 
of the town, in 1696, stipulated at what price per bushel malt should 
be received by him in part payment of his sahuy. 

AGAINST PETITIONS PRIVATELY CIKCULATEI). 

Another vote of the commoners brings to light one of the expedients 
sometimes resorted to for obtaining grants of land, and other privi- 
leges. The usxial course in making grants was to have the subject 
brought before some public town or commoners' meeting, and there 
freely discussed before any vote had been taken. In this way the peo- 
ple were prepared to act uuderstandingly. lu some cases, however, 
individuals who were anxious to obtain a mill-privilege, or a particular 
tract of land, prepared a petition, and carried it from house to house, 
to procure signatures privately. In some instances persons were in- 
duced to sign it through ignorance of the value of the grant sought, 
who, after a public discussion, would have given their votes against 
the grants. 

To prevent abuses of this kind, the commoners made it a penal 
offence for any person to carry about a petition, or endeavor to per- 
suade any man to sign one, in favoj" of granting any common land, 
stream, or other appurtenance belonging to the common land, other- 
wise than in a pubbc meeting— the fine for each offence being 20s. to 
be paid to the selectmen for the use of the poor. They also ordered 
that every person that should sign such a petition, should i)ay a fine 
of 2s. 6d., to be applied to the same use. 

A shepherd's CONTRACT. 

April 2, 1714, "in the twelfth j'eare of her majesties Reigne Queen 
Anne"— Morris Hobbs, Ephraim Marston, Benjamin Lamprey, Sam- 
12 



178 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

uel Marston, Josiab Sanborn, William Sanborn, and Seth Fogg agree 
with the selectmen to keep the flock of sheep this following snmmer, 
from April 12 to November 10, "without the snow shall come to hinder 
them from their feed" — will do it themselves or by those the selectmen 
shall npprove of — to go with the sheep one day to North Hill way, 
and one day to Ship Rock way, and one day to Little River way — no 
man to go two days of his turn to Little River way — each man of them 
to provide a good and convenient pen for the sheep to lie in from the 
dust and from danger of the wild creatures, — the sheep to go at no 
time without a keeper — to be let out every morning by sun half an 
hour high — not to pen them before sunset at night. They give bonds 
of 40 shillings to perform their equal part in every particular — to be 
sued before a justice of the peace by any man who can prove the above 
articles not fulfilled. Two Avitnesses. Benjamin Lamprey's name 
apart from the rest, as if added later, and an additional witness : "Sam- 
uel Dow Jr. See Benja. Lamprey Signe this couenant." 

JOHN TUCK, TOWN CLERK AND COMMONERS' CLEKK. 

On the 20th of June, 1714, Dea. Samuel Dow, the town clerk, died. 
He had been 'chosen to succeed his father in that office, at the death 
of the latter about seven years before. The vacancy now occurring 
was filled by the election (July 5) of John Tuck as town clerk. The 
same day he was also chosen clerk of the commoners, these two offices 
being usually, though not necessarily, held by the same person. 

THE GREAT OX COMMON DIVIDED. 

Six years before this time, namel}', in November, 1708, the Great 
Ox Common began to pass into permanent possession of the proprie- 
tors. The shares had, like the marshes farther north, been drawn foi- 
once in six j^ears "; but now, the drawings for shares in the thatch, ground 
were by vote, to be "forever." In September, 1714, the shares of 
iipJdnd, and a mouth later, those ot marsh, came to a finaldrawing ; and 
this tract, which, in 1G41, iiad been set apart for a common "to the 
world's end," now, after 7o years, ceased to be a common, though a 
portion of it has ever since retained the name. 

HOGPEN FARM. 

Hogpen Farm, so called, was originally granted to Rev. Seaborn 
Cotton, :\nd Avas laid out in 1G68. The farm had since been sold, and 
considerable inconvenience — not to say injury — was experienced by 
those owning land adjoining it, by the present owners refusing to show 
the bounds Of the fanu. The selectmen judging it necessary to have 



TOWN AFFAIRS— NATURAL PHENOMENA RYE. 1708-17o(). 170 

the bouiuls neeurately detenniued, in order to prevent controversy, di- 
rected tliat the farm should be re-surve.ved. They gave seasonable 
notice to the owners, of their intention to meet on the farm for this 
l)urpose, on the first day of November, 1714. They also notified to 
be present ;Ul persons owning land adjoining, and "other persons who 
dwelt on or near y^ s'' farme 40 or 50 years" before, to give the best 
information they could, relating to the bounds. The selectmen, sur- 
veyors and lot-layers accordingly met at the time appointed. The se- 
lectmen then requested the owners of the farm, who were present, viz. : 
Edmund Johnson, John Green and Benjamin Green, to show them 
the bounds thereof. They replied, that they had never known them. 
Information was then sought from aged men, who had been actiuainted 
with the property many years ; and having fully satisfied themselves 
in relation to some of the bounds, the selectmen and lot layers made 
the survey, and marked out the farm by metes and bounds. Their 
Return was entered on the Town Book. "Hogpen meadow," belon<>- 
ing to the farm, was surveyed the following February. 

BOUNDARY DISPUTE WITH EXKTEK. 

A few months before this time, the inhabitants and freeholders had 
chosen Maj. Joseph Smith, John Redman, Sen. and Lieut. Nathaniel 
Weare, a committee, to petition the governor to settle and survey the 
bounds of the town, and to grant a confirmation of them as they had 
been established more than seventy years before. This course was 
adopted for the purpose of terminating a dispute between this town 
and Exeter, concerning their bouiidar}' line. Without waiting for an 
answer to their petition, the freeholders and commoners resolved to 
make another effort for an amicable settlement of the dispute by the 
two towns. They accordingly, on the 28th of January, 1715, voted 
that the town of Exeter should once more be notified through the se- 
lectmen to send a committee of three men to join with a committee of 
the same number from this town, "to renew and re-survey the ancient 
bounds of Hampton towards Exeter," and to meet at "Ass-Brook- 
Tree," on Tuesday, the first day of the following month. The com- 
mittee on the part of this town consisted of Maj. Joseph Smith, Na- 
thaniel W<eare and Lieut. James Phdbrick. In case of a refusal on 
the part of Exeter, the committee that had been chosen to petition the 
governor, were now empowered to petition the council, or the Superior 
Court, to order disinterested persons to establish the line. 

The town of P^xeter seems not to have united with Hampton in the 
proposition "to renew^ and re-survey" the boundary line between the 
towns. A petition was therefore presented to the council, February 4, 



180 IIISTOKY OF HAMPTON. 

agreeably to the vote of the town just mentioned. This petition hav- 
ing been read at the council board, it was ordered that the selectmen 
of the two towns should be notified to appear before the board the next 
Monday, for a further hearing of the petition, a copy of which should 
be furnished to the selectmen of Exeter. 

On the day appointed, the 7th, the petition was again read at the 
council board, the selectmen of both towns being present, and upon 
hearing the parties, it was ordered "That y'^ lines between Hampton 
and Exeter be seen and perambulated w"'iu fourteen days, & y^ each 
town appoint a town meeting forthwith to choose a Committee to run 
the said lines, and that Capt. James Jeffrey be y'' survey'" to do y' ser- 
vice & make his return to this board, y*^ towns paying his charge ."^ 

A little more than a year al'Lerward, the views of the town were ex- 
pressed Ity the Ibllowing vote : "Whereas there is a Committee appoint- 
ed out (^f the respective towns in this province to state the bounds of 
towns and i)arislies within the province, we do declare, that we will 
not consent to the settling any other bounds to Hampton, but the an- 
cient bounds settled and established by a Committee appointed for 
this puri)ose by the Honorable General Court at Boston, in the year 
1642, or 1043. which have ever since been considered as the true 
bounds." 

AURORA BORKALIS. 

The first appearance of the Northern Lights in New P^ngland, on 
the 11th of December, 1719, caused considerable alarm, it being re- 
warded by nuuiy, as a precursor of the last judgment. Such was the 
case in Hampton ; but tradition informs us that one man — Abraham 
Cole — either more skeptical, or more philosophical, than the others, 
havin^ retired to rest before the aurora appeared, on hearing the cry of 
alarm that was raised, calmly inquired whether the stars were falling 
from heaveri. On being answered in the negative, he remarked that 
there was, then, no groiuul for ulai'm ; and he remained quiet in his 
bed. 

MEASURES TO VROTECT THE BEACH. 

In the s[)ring of 1718, a vote was passed at a meeting of the fi'ee- 
holders, allowing the inhal)itants to build a fence fi'om Dea. Tuck's 
mill straight to the mouth of Little river, whicli then flowed into the 
sea at that part of the beach which is now called Plaice Cove. The 
design in building this fence was to prevent cattle from running ;it 
lar<>e on the beach, and feeding down the beach-grass and other veg- 

ifrov. Pap. n: 070. 



TOWN AFFAIRS — NATURAL PHENOMENA RYE. 1708-1 73(). 181 

etation growing there, which scrvedthe iniporlaiit purpose of prevent- 
ii]g the sand from being bk^wn away so as to expose the hiiid lying 
bacic of the l)eacli to inundation from the sea. Permission was also 
given to set up a gate and fence across the lane at the westerly end 
of the beach causeway, to prevent cattle from going upon the beach 
upon that side. These precautionary measures vvei-e important, but, 
as we shall liud hereafter, they were not effectual in preventing the 
sea from making inroads upon the land. 

At the same meeting of the freeholders, it was voted to impose a 
line of 20s. on each and every person who should at any time('ai'ry olf 
any drift-wood from any part of the beach between Little River and 
Great Boar's Head, without leave from the selectmen. 

By law, in 1718, the town stock of ammunition was "a l)arrel of 
good [)owder, two hundred weight of bullets and three hundred flints, 
for every sixty listed soldiers, and after that proportion, for the listed 
soldiers of each town, whether more or less." 

THE JENNESS DISPUTE. 

The measures adopted on several occasions at an earlier period for 
preventing encroachments on the commons, by portions of them being 
fenced in, and in other vva3-s, having been found ineffectual, the com- 
moners again met, May 10, 1720, to consider the subject and determine 
upon some other course to be taken with the trespassers. They agreed 
that three men should be chosen, who, or an}'' two of whom, should 
prosecute offenders according to law. They were not, however, to 
be hasty in commencing prosecutions. Upon complaint being made, 
they were to give notice to individuals complained of, to show their 
bounds according to the return of the laying out of their land, and 
then, if it should appear that a trespass had really been committed, 
to prosecute the offenders without delay. The selectmen for the time 
being were authorized to draw upon the town clerk, for money of 
the commoners deposited with him, to meet expenses incurred b}^ the 
committee, in carrying on any suits that might be commenced by 
them. In case the money deposited with the town clerk should not 
be sufficient to meet their wants, a meeting of the commoners was to 
be called, to instruct the committee what further should l)e done. The 
men selected for this purpose were Mr. Nathaniel Weare, Capt. Jabez 
Dow, and Lieut. Jonathan Marston. This action of the commoners 
was nearly unanimous, only four persons dissenting, viz. : Thomas 
Marston, Simon Dow, Richard Jenness and John Jenness. 

The principal ground of complaint appears to have been in relation 



182 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

to the coui'se taken hj' the two lucii last named. They lived in the' 
extreme northeasterly part of the town, near the Piscataqna line and 
not far from the seasiiore, and claimed and had fenced in more land 
than the commoners considered them entitled to. That a settlcmcuit 
with them might be made peaceably, the committee met with them 
early in the next month, wlien it was mutually agreed to submit the case 
to arbitration ; and at a meeting of the commoners on the 27lh ol' June 
they ratified the doings of tlioir committee, and voted to abide by the 
award of the arbitrators, wiiatever it might be. 

The arbitrators agreed upon were John Plaisted, George Jaffrey, 
Joseph Hammond, Henry Somerby and Joshua Moody. The parties 
in controversy gave bonds to each other to abide by their award. 
After a two da^-s' hearing and a careful examination of all the evi- 
dences, and pai)ers relating to the premises, they made their award 
August 31 : The said John and Richard Jenness, and their heirs and 
assigns were forever to hold unmolested, all the land that they liad 
fenced in, on the south side of a certain brook running from Cedar 
Swamp ; and they were to quitclaim all right to any other land in the 
North Division, on either side of the brook, than that which was then 
fenced in ; and all controversies, lawsuits and differences, relating 
thereto, were thenceforth to be at an end. 

\- "Memorandmn. The Principal Considerations upon W^^' y*' bounds 
is Contirmed to Jennis according to y^ fence is that it appears to us 
that Jennis*''* Lot was laid out in y** year 1675 upon a South South- 
west line whereas it ought to have been on a West Southwest line." 

[Signed by all the arbitrators.] 

UNAUTHORIZED RETURNS NOT TO BE RECORDED. 

Towards the close of the year, at a meeting of the proprietors of 
the undivided lands known as the cow dommons, a vote was passed, 
forbidding the town clerk to record any return of land laid out by 
James Jaffreys, or any other lot-layer, unless of land which the per- 
son making the return had laid out by order of the proprietors or 
commoners, and the return accepted by them. The occasion for this 
prohibition is not mentioned, but it may be inferred from the lan- 
guage of the record, though we should hardly have conjectured that 
any lot-layer would take the responsibility of laj'ing out, and making 
a return of any lot without being dul}^ authorized. 

At the same meeting, on the 5th of December, 1720, John Redman 
Ephraim IMarston and Capt. Jabez Dow were chosen as a committee "to 
hear the demand, proposal, or complaint, of those men that had lost their 
shares in the North Division, and to make their report at the next 



TOWN AFFAIRS — NATURAL PHICNOArEXA — HYK. 1708-1731). 183 

meeting of the commoners." Wluit w:is done by this committee does 
not uppetir from any entry on the records ; but about fifteen months 
afterward, at a meeting of the proprietors of the connnon huuls, it 
appearing that some persons had said that tliey had lost all their land 
in the First North Division, it was voted to clioose a committee of 
five men "to take, in behalf of the couimonei's, a quitclaim from these 
men of all their rights in that Division, so lost, and then to lay out 
in way of exchange, one third of the number of acres, which they said 
that they had lost," if on examining their claims they should find them 
to l)e just. 

The connnittee chosen for this purpose were Capt. Jtibez Dow, Dea. 
Nathaniel Weare, Cai)t. Joshua Wingate, Sergt. Ephraim Marstou 
and Christopher Page. The time allowed them for doing their work 
Avas from the 10th of May to the last day of July following. On tlie 
9th day of July, 1722, the committee made their report; having laid 
out about one hundred sixty acres of land to more than twenty men, 
in lots varying from two to twenty acres. 

THE FIVE divisions; commoners' meetings. 

At the last named commoners' meeting, another committee was 
chosen for a different purpose, consisting of the following men : Capt. 
Jabez Dow, Christopher Page, Simon Marston, Elisha Smith, Dea. 
Nathaniel Weare, Benjamin Milliard, Capt. Joshua Wingate and Jo- 
seph Tilton. 

A large portion of the land had been laid out and disposed of at 
an earlier period, but a considerable quantity, in different parts of 
the town, was still held in common by the proprietors. The commit- 
tee was appointed to view this common land, and to determine, in 
case they should think it expedient to make any division, into how 
many parts the commons should be divided, with the understanding 
that the people of each part of the town should have their proportion 
in the part nearest to them. The connnittee was instructed to re- 
port at an adjournment of the meeting, one week later. 

At the adjournment, the commissioners chose Col. Peter Weare, 
Dea. John Tuck, Dea. Nathaniel Weare, Capt. Jabez Dow, Epiiraim 
Marston, Christopher Page and Capt. Joshua Wingate, a connnittee 
"to receive the claims of any on the commoners' land, and give in 
their opinion at the next commoners' meeting" — said committee to 
report who have just claims, and who have not. 

The committee appointed to consider the condition of the com- 
mon lands, and to recommend what new measures to adopt concern- 
ing them, after giving considerable attention to the subject, agreed 
upon certain measures, which were reported to the commoners, and 



184 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

adopted by them, November 5, 1722. Hitherto, when any business was 
to be transacted about the commons, it had been necessary to call a le- 
gal meeting of all the commoners. At first, when the3' all lived within 
a moderate distance from the meeting-house, where their meetings 
were held, it subjected them to but little inconvenience; but as the 
settlement was extended, the commoners were spread over a much 
larger territorj^ some living remote from the center, so that they 
could not attend the couimoners' meetings witliout the loss of consid- 
erable time. To obviate this the committee recommended, that the 
town should now be divided into five portions, to be called Divisions, 
and numbered from one to five, beginning on the easterly side of the 
town. In general, the ungranted,or common land, lying in each of 
these divisions, was to belong to, and be managed by the commoners 
living in, or near, the same division. As, however, it was not prac- 
ticable to make the divisions in such a way that the qiKiiitity of com- 
mon land in each of them should exactly correspond with the rigiits of 
the commoners living in the same divisions, it was necessary tiiat 
some provision should be made to meet the case. x 

Accordingly, it was agreed "that the eastermost part of the com- 
moners should belong to the First Division, until their proportion 
should take up all of it, and so successively round the whole town, re- 
serving always lands for such highways to other lands and grants, as 
might be thought convenient and be appointed for that end. In case 
there should not be land enough in the Fifth Division to satisfy the 
claims of the Falls people, the deficiency was to be made up from a 
tract of land lying within the limits of the First and Second Divisions, 
though not considered as a part thereof, but as forming a small division 
by itself. This tract was situated between Jose[)h Taylor's and Simon 
Dow's — probably including the southern portion of Black 8wani[) and 
of the Twelve Shares, and the whole of the Plains. If, on the other 
hand, there should be any common land remaining in the Fifth Di- 
vision, after the Falls people had received their shares, it was to be 
shared equally bv the commoners. 

It was also voted, agreeably to the recommendation of the com- 
mittee, that the majority of the owners of each division should have 
power to manage the affairs thereof as fully as all the commoners 
could do. If any lawsuit should be commenced against any of the 
cow-commoners concerning their land, the expense should be borne by 
all the commoners, and the gain or loss shared among them all in pro- 
portion to their interest in the commons. It was further agreed tore- 
serve sufficient land to satisfy all claims that the commoners considered 
just. 



TOWN AFFAIRS NATURAL PHENOMENA RYE. 1708-1 73G. 185 

The parsonage shares were to he hiid oiil in the first three divisions 
— one share in eaeli of tlieni. 

A committee was chosen to com[)lete tlie arrangement by ascertain- 
ing who were the hiwful owners oC the commons, and assigning to each 
one his proportion, — the con)inittee to be upon oath. They were 
also authorized to employ some surveyor not belonging to the town 
— Mr. Wade being preferred. The committee chosen, were: Lieut. 
Jonathan Marston, Sergt. Joseph Taylor, Simon Marston, Capt. 
Joshua Wingett, Lieut. Benjamin Milliard. 

Soon after the survey of the common lands had been completed, 
there was a meeting of the proprietors of the "Five Divisions" 
(October 20, 1722), at which they authorized the committee previously 
appointed for the laying out of these divisions, to determine the 
rights of claimants, and "to settle men in their rights." It was con- 
sidered important, also, as each division had been empowered toman- 
age and order its own affairs, that some rule should be established. 
to which all the divisions should conform, in calling their meetings. 
It was therefore voted that the owaiers of ten shares in any division 
should have power to warn a meeting of the proprietors of that divi- 
sion, and that all votes passed at such a meeting should '-stand good 
in all respects," and such votes as the proprietors should order to be 
placed upon the Town or the Commoners' Records, should be entered 
there by the town clerk — "they paying y^ fee" — and any entry thus 
made, was to be regarded as a good and suflicient record. 

"TilE CHESTNUT COrNTRY." 

This year, the town of Chester was incorporated. With few ex- 
ceptions, the grantees were non-residents, more than half of them 
being of Hampton and Hampton Falls. As early as October, 1719, 
"The Society for Settling the Chestnut Country," composed mostly 
of Hampton men, began to keep records, called later, "The Town 
Book" and "The Duplicate Book," the latter of which was in custody 
of Capt. Joshua Wingate, at Hampton, at whose house many of the 
proprietors' meetings were held. Capt. Henry Sherburne and Dr. 
Edmund Toppan were, a few years later, chosen a committee, to com- 
pare the two books, and see that they exactly agreed. In 1720, a 
grant of the township was obtained, and in 1722, Chester was given 
full town privileges, the grantees gradually selling their rights to 
settlers. 

HIGH TIDE ; THE MEADOW POND CREATED. 

A great storm, attended with a very uncommon tide, was expcri- 
enced^iu New England, on the 24th of February, 1723, an account of 



180 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

which is given by Di'. Cotton IMatlicr and (jiiotcd by Mr. Collhi, iu 
these words : "An unusual high tide, higher by twenty inches than was 
ever known before At the same time, the sea at Hampton broke 
over its banks for some miles together, and continued running for 
several hours." Dr. Holmes adds, that at Hamptou it "inundated the 
marshes for many miles." Regarding the date, Dr. Holmes writes: 
"He (]\[ather) probably used the old style, which protracted the year 
to 25th IMarcli. I have therefore inserted the article under 1724 ."i 
"With this opinion, Mr. Drake disagrees, and says : "I think, had that 
been the case, Mather would have written 1723-4. Besides, I find no 
allusion to the matter iu some News-papers consulted, printed then 
in Boston. Again, Dr. Mather says it was on 'the Lord's day,' and 
Lord's day did not happeh on Feb. 24th, 1724, l»ut it does fall on the 
24th, of 1723." Had Mr. Drake looked a little farther, he would have 
found one contemporar}' paper, The Boston News-Letter, Avhich con- 
tained an account of the storm. This paper may be seen to-day in the 
libi-ary of the Massachusetts Historical Societ3^ The communication 
begins as follows : "Feb. 25, 1723. Yesterday, being the Lord's 
Day, the Water flowed over our Wharffs and into our Streets to a 
very surprising height. They say the Tide rose 20 Inches higher than 
ever w\as known before. The Storm was very strong at North-east." 
The date is therefore conclusivel}^ fixed as February 24, O. S. or, 
according to present reckoning, March '7, 1723. 

The importance of establishing the date will be seen by the results 
in Hampton ; for the tradition about this wonderful tide and its rava- 
ges is substantially as follows : 

Inside of the banks of sand which lay^ along the shore, and served 
as barriers against encroachments of the ocean, was a large tract of 
low, swampy land, extending southward from Nut Island, a mile or 
more. This tract, known as Huckleberry Flats, was dotted over with 
hassocks, on which grew huckleberry bushes and alders. The spaces 
between the hassocks were usually wet, though covered with grass, 
whose numberless roots closely intertwined, together with the grass 
itself, formed a sort of mat, resting on the soft mud beneath, on which 
a man might walk, though the grassy mat trembled at every step 
taken. Through this tract flowed a large brook, or rivulet, called 
Nilus.2 

At the time of the storm, the hassocks, filled with the roots of the 
bushes, the spaces between them, with their net-work of grass-roots, 

'Holmes' Annals, 1 : 534. 

^Charles M. Lamprey, Kaq., wlio owns land in tliis tract of meadow, liasfounil stumps of 
trees, deeply embedded in the mud, furnisliiug proof that the hind was once wooded. 



TOWN AFFAIRS — NATITRAL PIIENOMKNA UYE. 1708-1 730. 187 

iviul the iiiud and wtiter beneatlu wriv lirinly IVozen to :i considerable 
depth. The severity of the storm and tlie extraordinai'y height of 
the tide gave such force to the waves, that they swept away tlie sand- 
I)anks on the sliore, and the whole of the tract described and liundreds 
of acres of salt-marshes were inundated. The surging waters soon 
found a way under the thick, hard-frozen crust on the Hats, and rais- 
ing and breaking up a large portion of it, bore the fragments along 
with the current, over the marshes, till they found a resting place, or 
were swept into the ocean. 

AVhen the storm had ceased and the Hood subsided, a large part of 
the swampy tract that has been described had become a ponu, cover 
ing several acres. Into this pond, the brook Nilus flowed; but 
southerly of the pond, where it had run nearer the seashore, passing 
below tlie end of the causeway, as it now is, and the road to Great 
Boar's Head, about thirty or forty rods, and then turning to the west 
into the marshes, where traces of the "old river" are still seen, the 
brook had been filled up wdth debris, so that an outlet was made by 
digging a wide ditch from the pond to the river below. This outlet 
is called the Eel-ditch. 

About the first of March, a boat with three men and a boy — their 
names not given — coming from the Piscataqua river to Hampton, 
was driven off to sea, and one of the men perished with the cold. 
The others succeeded in reaching the land on the third day, running 
their boat ashore upon our beach. The boat was lost. Those on 
board saved their lives, but were all of them much frozen.^ 

THUNDER STORMS. 

The year 1727 is noted for its thunder storms and its earthquake. 
Two instances of danger to life and yet of escape from injury, b}'^ 
liglitning, are related of Hampton people, l)y the Rev. Mr. Gookin. 

"A little after break of day [April 10], a timnder storm came over 
this town. At first the thunder was l)ut low, and seemed to be at a 
distance ; but all at once came on an amazing clap ; tiie liglitning then 
fell upon the house of Mr. Edward Shaw. It took off all that part of 
the cliimney which was a])ove the roof, and broke down all the fore 
part of the cliimney in the northeast end of the house till it came to 
the chamber hearth. In the lower room of that end of the house, 
where the man's mother [Mrs. Esther Shaw, 82 years old] and one 
of her grandchildren lodged, it took a small table, within four feet 

^Boston Gazette, March 9, 1724. 



188 HISTORY or HAMPTON, 

of Uic head of her bed, and carried olf llie leaf of it, tlnowing it to- 
wards tlie bed. It went from thence down into the ceUar, where it 
moved two hogslieads, which stood near the foundation of the chimney ; 
one of them, which was full, was turned partly ui)on its head ; the 
wooden hoops upon it were all loosened, Init the iron hoops were not 
moved. In its passage into the cellar, it went through the hearth, 
where, after the rubl)ish was removed, was found a large hole that 
was made by it ; and iu the foundation, a little over one of the hogs- 
heads, was observed a small hole, where it is probable the lightning 
had its vent. In the southwest room of the house, where the man 
and his wife lodged, it entered into a small cupboard, where it broke 
divers eartheru dishes, but yet the door of the cupboard was not burst 

'open No person in the family was hurt." 

"In the afternoon of July oth we had another thunderstorm : Mr. 
Samuel Palmer, Juu"" (Esi^uire Palmer) was then riding towards the 
woods, having behind him his little son, a child of about seven or 
eight years old. As they were travelling along there came a very 
terrible clap of thunder: the lightning struck tw^o trees (twelve feet 
asunder) which were but a hundred yards before them, and but about 
fifteen yards on one side of the path in which they were going ; it tore 
one of the trees all to pieces, and threw some of the splinters into the 
path. They were riding a good pace, so that in less than a minute 
they would have been up \vith the place where the lightning fell, and 
so would probablj' have been killed by it. There was as it Avere but 
a step between them and death." 

This summer of 1727 was one of extreme heat, which continued 
many weeks without rain, so that the fields became dry and parched 
and "many wells and springs of water failed that never bad before. 
In the midst of this sultry heat and in the evening of a very 
parching day (August 1), the heavens broke out into a continued 
blaze of flame and thunder, horrible to behold and hear, for two hours 
together. The flashes of lightning were without intermission, and con- 
sequently, the peal of thunder perpetual in our ears." 



EARTHQUAKE OF 1727. 

This was the second great earthquake since the settlement of New 
England. It occurred about half past ten o'clock in the evening. In 
the afternoon before, llev. Nathaniel Gookin, pastor of the old church, 
preached a sermon, which, at the request of his people, was published, 
together with three other discourses, two of Avhich Avere occasioned by 
the earthquake. In an appendix to the volume containing these ser- 



TOWN AFFAIRS NATURAL IMIKNOMENA RYK. 1708-1 73(). 189 

moiis, is given "some account of the earthquake as it was at Ilamp- 
tou." A considerable portion of this account is transferred to these 
pages : 

"The earthqualve, whicli was felt tlu'oughout tlie country, iu tlie 
night between the 29th and SOthof October, 1727, was in this town much 
as it was in other places, of which there are divers printed accouuts." 

"The shake was very hard, and was attended with a terrible noise, 
something like thunder. The houses trembled as if the}^ were falling; 
divers chimneys were cracked and some had their tops broken off. It 
was especially so in the south parish, where the hardest shake seemed 
to ])e on the hill, where the house of God stands. Three houses on 
that hill had their chimneys broken, one of which was the house of the 
Reverend Mr. Whipple. When the shake was beginning, some per- 
sons observed a Hash of light at their windows, and one or two saw 
streams of light running on the earth ; the flame seemed to them to be 
of a bluish color. . . The sea was observed to roar in an unusnal 
manner. The earth broke open, near the south bounds of the town 
and cast up a very fine bluish sand. At the place of the eruption 
there now^ continnally issues out considerable quantities of water ; 
and for about a rod around it, the ground is so soft, that a man can't 
tread upon it without throwing brush or some other thing to bear him 
up. It is indeed in meadow ground, but before the earthquake, it 
was not so soft but that men might freely walk upon it. A spring of 
water, which had run freely for fourscore years, and was never known 
to freeze, was much sunk by the earthquake, and frozen afterwards 
like any standing water." 

The writer goes on to state, that there were other shocks the same 
night ; and that the sound and the shake were very perceptible, at 
times, every day for a fortnight. Afterward it was heard, but less 
frequently. 

On December 24th, at night, there were two shocks ; the first of 
which was very loud and jarred the houses. There were also shocks 
felt the next month, on the 1st, 6th, and 16th ; and on the night of the 
24th, there were two shocks, which made the houses tremble. 

"It is hard to express the consternation that fell on both men and 
beasts, in the time of the great shock. The brute creatures ran roar- 
ing about the fields, as in the greatest distress ; and mankind were as 
much surprised as the}^ and some with ver}^ great terror." 

KING SWAMP. 

November 29, 1727, there was a meeting of the proprietors of the 

^This account was written Jan. -25, 1728. 



190 III STORY OF HAMPTON. 

Second Division, which iiiehuled "Ring Swamp," when that tract was 
divided into nortli and south parts ; and these laid out, the north part 
into eighteen, and the south into twelve lots, which are severally de- 
scrilied. The descriptions, however, being in partnnintelligihle now, 
are of little interest, except in a few allusions. The "burying-place" 
and the "ten rod road" are familiar. ''The malt-house quarter acre 
and a way 1 rd. wide from the road to the malt-house ground" are 
mentioned. This ground was prol)ahly an enlargement of tlie original 
half a quarter of an acre, granted to Pvi)hraim Marston fifteen j'ears 
earlier. Prol)al)ly- the fort had been removed, as no mention of it is 
made in this division of the Ring. 

The "school house acre which is 10 rds. wide on the road, running 
16rds. south, of uniform width," is named. Also, a "comon ground 
behind y'^ meeting-house." This ground has, in modern times, l)een 
now and then claimed by the abutters, "Two acres for y'- ram pas- 
ture," were situated opposite Mr. Isaac Emery's. 

September 2i), 1746. it was voted, "that the selectmen should meet 
at Ensign Leavitt's on the first Tuesday in NovemI)er, to sell the raui 
pasture to the highest bidder." Thomas Rand bought it; and tAvo 
years later, it was voleil, to give him £5 old tenor on account of its 
falling short in measure. 

CHICIIKSTKK. 

May 20, 1727, the charter of Chichester was granted to sundry 
persons, partly at least, of Hampton, whose names do not now ap- 
pear. The conditions were that the proprietors, within three years, 
build sixty houses, clear three acres of ground, settle families there 
and Y)ay the town charges. A meeting-house was to be built within 
four years, and some minor stipulations were made. 

Sometime after the three years had expired, on May 5, 1 73 1 , Josepli 
Towle, Thomas IMarston and more than ninety others, inhabitants of 
Hampton, petitioned the Legislature for a grant of waste hind for a 
township, somewhere in the province, suggesting that Chichester had 
been originalU' intt^uded for Hampton, but that its charter had been 
forfeited by a neglect to comply with its provisions ; and that, on ac- 
count of the loss of that township they were now entitled to favor. 
Tiie proprietors stated that, having met with more trouble and greater 
dillieult}^ in running boundaries and clearing the Ava}^ to said township 
than they had anticipated, they had not been able fully to comply 
with the conditions of the charter, and asked for more time ; and one 
year was granted. Among the proprietors at that time were Nathan- 
iel Weare, Richard Jenness, John Sainborne. 



TOWN AFFAIRS — NATURAL PHENOMENA — RVK. 1708-1736. 191 

February 28, 1733, a committee of the proprietors asked for a 
further extension, on the ground tliat their niei'ting-liouse and some 
dwelling-houses had been consumed by fire. Tlie numerously signed 
petition for a grant in the waste lands seems to have come to naught. 
Chichester was not settled till 175<S, and then not from IIami)ton. 

COUKT OF QUAKTEU SESSIONS. 

By an act of the General Court in December, 1730, three of the 
terms of the courts of General Quarter Sessions of the Peace, and 
Inferior court of Common Pleas were removed from Portsmouth to 
Exeter, Hampton and Dover, where they were to be held in March, 
June and September respectively. 

The next year, in June, a pillory was l)uilt in this town I)}' order of 
His Majesty's Court of Sessions then sitting here. The whole charge 
was forty shillings, which was allowed by the General Court, and paid 
out of the treasury. By the laws of the province, several offences 
were at that time punishable by sitting in the pillory ; and as a term 
of the courts was now held at Hampton, tliis instrument of punish- 
ment was needed to facilitate the execution of such sentence. 

The town "voted that y*^ Corte may beheld in y*^ meeting-house." 

HOGREEVES. 

March 9, 1731, among town officers chosen, were "Timothy Dalton 
and Ezekiel Moulton, to see y*^ Law executed Concerning yoking and 
ringing Hogs ;" — hogreeves, in fact — an office continued year after 
year, from early times down into the present century, as long as SAvine 
were suffered to run at large. The ring in the snout prevented tlie 
animal from rooting, and the 3'oke, of specified dimensions, secured 
gardens and other enclosures from mischievous intrusion. Woe to 
the hapless wight Avhose swine were found at large by the vigilant hog- 
reeve, unj'oked or unringed ! A fine for each offence was rigidly ex- 
acted. 

A few years later : — Voted, "that for the f utter if any person shall 
have any stray sheep in his or their costidy, and do not cry the same 
in the space of fifteen days on the meeting Hoiise door shall pay a 
fine of ten shillings, one half to him or they that do inform or come 
plain of such concealing of sheep, the other half to y*^ select men for 
y" use of the Town." 

IXVENTOKY IN 1732. 

In 1732, the quantity of land in Hampton, rated as "planting and 
mowing land" was 2378 acres; as "pasture land," 2546 acres; the 



192 TIISTOKY OF IIAMrXOX. 

number of ''Heads," 257 ; of houses, two stories high, 142 ; one story 
high, 29 ; oxen, 241 ; cows, 48G ; three year olds, 198 ; two year olds, 
201 ; one year olds, 277; horses, 158; swine, 45. The assessment 
on Dr. Sargent's negro slave was £12; on Jonathan Elkins' and 
Capt. Thomas', £20 each; on Dr. Toppan's Indian slave, £18. 

The invoice, from which the above is taken was made by Capt. 
Jabez Dow and Samuel Palmer, Jun., Avho were chosen by the town for 
that purpose. They certified the same, April 12, 1732. 

In Hampton Falls, which then included all the territory lying on the 
south side of Taylor's river, Avhich formerly belonged to Hampton, 
the number of polls was 256 ; of two-story houses, 144 ; and of one- 
story houses, 46. The whole amount of property invoiced, belonging 
to Hampton, was £9974 14s.— and to Hampton Falls, £9575. Of a 
province tax of £1014, raised in 1732, Hampton was required to pay 
£94 12s. 6d. and Hampton Falls, £90 16s. 3d. Hence it appears 
that the two towns formed from what was originally Hampton, were 
nearly equal in those respects in -whicii they are here compared. The 
province tax paid by both towns was more than one-sixth part of the 
whole sum raised in the province. 

Once before, in 1724, Capt. Jabez Dow performed a similar service 
for the town, when, the council and assembly having ordered an 
election of delegates, to meet in Portsmouth on the first Monday in 
September, to make a new apportionment of the province tax, he 
was chosen to represent Hampton. 



TAVERN BURNT AND REBUILT. 

About the middle of March, 1733, the tavern house of Widow 
Mary Leavitt, which stood on the Portsmouth road, near where the 
house of the late Samuel Q. Carswell now stands, took fire and was 
entirely destroyed. It was the Sabbath, and tlie fire broke out in time 
of public worship, when nearly all the people were at meeting, so that 
for want of help, most of her goods were lost. A correspondent of 
the Boston Weekly Netvs Letter, writing from Hampton the next 
Friday, March 23, says-: "The next day after the fire, the neighbors 
got together with eight-score oxen, as we hear, to draw her timber for 
a new house, which is now almost framed, and would have been raised 
this day, if the slorm yesterday had not i)revente(l." The house which 
Mrs. Leavitt's neiglibors so kindly and so promptly assisted her in 
building, a large two-stor^^ house, was, many 3'ears. afterward removed 
to another site, and is the one now owned and occupied by the heirs 
of David Towle, on the road to Drake Side. 



TOWN AFFAIRS — NATURAL PHENOMENA — RYE. 1708-1736. 193 



TERRITORY ANNEXED TO RYE. 

In the autumn of 1730, the families of Joseph Brown, James Fuller, 
Joseph Marston, Francis Loclie, John Jenness, Richard Jenness and 
Joseph Fliill)iick were, with tlieir estates, severed from Hampton and 
annexed to Rye. Tlie act of the General Court was rather loosely 
drawn, was susceptible of different constructions, and was, in fact, 
very differently' construed in the two towns interested. In this town, 
it was held that it transferred to Rye, as the estates of those named 
in the act, only the land on which they lived and other land of theirs 
adjoining thereto; while in Rye, it was construed to include all the 
lands then owned or that might afterward be purchased by them, in 
whatever part of riami)ton they might lie ; and that, by the Jennesses 
and Philbricks mentioned in the act, were intended all persons in Rye 
bearing those names; and that all the lands owned by them belonged 
to and were taxable in that town. 

In consequence of these different constructions of the act, the same 
persons and estates were, in some instances, taxed in both towns. 
In the month of March, 1738, Benjamin Lamprey, Jun. was actually 
imprisoned by the constable of Rye, for refusing to pay certain taxes 
assessed by that town, although he lived a considerable distance in 
upon the second North Division in Hampton, no part of which division 
had been included in the act referred to. 

Previous to the imprisonment of Lamprey, the selectmen of this 
town had petitioned the governor and the General Court for an ex- 
planation of the act. After more than a year's delay an act was passed, 
November 16, 1738, defining the former act, and describing the line 
between the two towns. ~ By this explanatory act, the construction of 
the people of Hampton was confirmed, without any material variation. 

About eighteen hundred acres of land, much of it of good quality, 
and now valuable on account of its location, as well as its fertility, were 
thus severed from Hampton — the tract embracing all the land novv 
included in Rye lying southerly of Jenness' beach in that town, and a 
considerable quantity on the north side of it. The line thus established 
was a very irregular or zigzag line, and so it has ever since continued, 
though altered somewhat in the course of j'ears. 

THROAT DISTEMPER. 

A new epidemic disease, not limited to any one town nor any small 
section of country, made its first appearance in May, 1735, in Kings- 
ton. This epidemic soon became known as the throat distemper, or, 
throat-ail. It was often spoken of as the putrid sore throat. Dr. 
13 



194 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Belknap sa5'S of tlie disease : "The general description of it was a 
swelled throat, with wliite or ash-colored specks, an cfllorescence on 
the skin, great debility of the whole system and a strong tendency to 
jjutridit}'." He relates that the first person seized was a child, who 
died in three days. About a week after, in another family at the dis- 
tance of four miles, three children were successively attacked who also 
died on tlie third day. It continued spreading graduall}^ in that town- 
ship, through the summer, and of the first forty who had it none re- 
covered. In August it began to make its appearance at P^xeter, six 
miles northeastward ; and in September, at Boston, fifty miles away 
southward ; though it was October, before it reached Chester, the near- 
est settlement on the west of Kingston. 

"On its first appearance in Boston, it was supposed to be nothing 
more than a common cold; but when the report of the mortality in 
New Hampshire was received, and a young man from Exeter, whose 
brother had died of it, was seized (October 1735), the house was shut 
and guarded, and a general alarm spread through the neighboring towns 
and colonies. Upon his death, no infection was observed in that house 
or neighborhood; but the distemper api)eared in other places, which 
had no communication with tiie sick. The physicians did not take the 
infection, nor convey it to their families, nor their other patients. It 
was therefore concluded that it was not like the small pox, or the plague, 
communicable by infection, from the sick or from clothes; and the 
physicians, having by desire of the selectmen, held a consultation, 
published their opinion, that it proceeded entirely from 'some occult 
quality in the air.' " [ Weekly J!^ews Letter, Ajrril 29, 1736.] 

In Hampton Falls, according to Belknap, twenty families buried all 
their children ; and more than one-sixth part of the inhabitants died 
within tliirteen months ; while in the whole province, not less than one 
thousand fell, of whom above nine hundred were under twenty years 
of age. 

The disease broke out in Hampton in the autumn of 1735, the first 
victim, a son of Thomas Brown, dying on the 1st of October ; after 
which, seven more deaths from the same cause occurred to the close of 
the year, and sixty-four during the next year, fourteen of which were 
in March. The town then included North Hampton. 

Tlie mortality was greatest among children, forty-seven of the 
deaths, about two-thirds of the whole number, being of children under 
tenyeais of age. Of the rest, fourteen were between the ages of ten 
and twenty ; nine, between twenty and thirt}' ; one, just past thirty ; 
and one, more than ninety. 

By the close of 1736 the scourge had about spent itself, but one or 
two cases proving fatal the next year. 



CHAPTER XL 

NORTH HAMPTON. 1719-1742. 

FIRST PETITION FOR A PARISH. 

THE original settlement around the "meeting-lionse green" be 
came, in time, too limited for the increasing population, which 
spread out, not always in close proximity to the old homes, but now 
and then in isolated spots whose present condition or future prospects 
seemed desirable. Such a settlement grew up in the north part of 
the town. Naturally, the interests of these families clustered largely 
about their own locality. As numbers increased, the new ties were 
strengthened, the old ones correspondingly weakened. Why, they 
began to ask, should they be at the inconvenience to take the long 
way to the old church every Sabbath ? Why not have a church and a 
pastor of their own ? 

As early as 1719, therefore, they petitioned the government to form 
a new parish in that part of the town. The selectmen also appeared 
at the council board, to make their o!)jections. After a hearing on 
both sides, the council ordered that the prayer of the petitioners be 
granted, and that Mark Hunking, Sliadrach Walton, Nicholas Gilman 
and John Gilman, Esqrs. be a committee to determine the boundary 
line between the old parish and the new. 

The committee made their report on the 29th of May, as follows: 
"That the said Parish at the north end of Hampton aforesaid, should 
take its beginning at the North Tree betwixt Hampton and Ports- 
mouth, and to measure three miles south from said North Tree, and 
there to make a bound mark ; and from thence east-south-east, two 
degrees east down to the sea ; and from said bound mark three miles 
to the south of said North Tree aforesaid, west-north-west two degrees 
■west, till they meet Hampton line which runs betwixt said North Tree 
and Slratham ;" and these lines, when run out, to be the bounda- 
ries of the parish. The project, however, failed at that time, as it 
was not acted upon by the House of Representatives, and no further 
attempts were made to form a new parish till 1734, a period of fif- 
teen years. In tlie meantime, about eighteen hundred acres of this 
tract had been annexed to Rye. 

(195) 



196 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



OrPOSITION. 

Not for a moment, did the petitioners abandon their purpose, but a 
reason for this long postponement of their hopes seems probable from 
the next attempt. It does not appear that any opposition was made 
at first, in the proposed parish itself; but in the autumn of 1734, a 
second petition, signed by thirty-five persons, was presented to tlie 
Le<^islature, setting forth the facts in regard to tiie former petition and 
the action thereon, and also stating that they had since erected a meet- 
in<^-house ; and they now asked that the parish in the north part of 
the town might be ratified, confirmed and established, within the lim- 
its proposed in 1719, except the portion that had been annexed to 
Rye. A remonstrance was also presented, signed by twenty-six per- 
sons living within the limits of the proposed parish. 

On the 9th of October, a day of hearing was appointed, and an or- 
der of notice to Hampton made, by the Council and the House. On 
the 15th of October, the petitioners and remonstrants were heard by 
themselves and counsel ; and the House voted that the petition be 
dismissed. The project then slumbered four years longer. 

In November, 1738, after the refusal of the town to free the inhab- 
itants of North Hill from paying their proportion of Rev. Ward Cot- 
ton's salary, 1 they again petitioned the General Court, twenty-eight 
men giving their signatures to the paper, representing the difficulties 
under which they had labored in attending public worship in the old 
town of Hampton, so tiiat they had erected a meeting-house of their 
own ; and praying that they might have liberty to maintain and support 
the worship of God among themselves ; and that they, their estates, 
their i)olls and the polls under them, might be excused from pa^'ing 
anj' of the town rates or taxes. 

The town sent CInistopher Page, Sen*", and Samuel Palmer to the 
court, to remonstrate. 

NORTH niLL PARISH. 

The petition was so far granted, that the North Hill people were 
discharged from the ministerial and school taxes of the old town of 
Hampton, so long as they should support an ortliodox minister, and a 
reading and wi'iting school master among themselves ; but they were 
required to pay their proportion of the grant made by the town to 
Madam Dorothy Gookin, and all other town and province charges, 
ministerial and school taxes excepted. Tiie act conferred authority 
to call meetings, choose officers, assess and collect taxes, and to do 

•Chapter xiii. 



NORTH HAMPTON-. 1719-1742. 197 

whatever might be necessary for accoraplisliing the object in view. 
It was approved by the Governor, November 17, 1738. 

The first meeting of the new parish, under this act, was called by 
Daniel Sanborn, and was held at their meeting-house on the 2 1st of 
December. John Dearborn was chosen moderator ; John Wedgwood, 
clerk ; Benjamin Hobbs, John Godfrey and Jonathan Thomas, assess- 
ors ; Job Chapman, collector; and Daniel Sanborn and .Jeremiah 
Dearborn were chosen a committee to agree with Mr. Nathaniel Gook- 
in, to preach in the North Hill meeting-house for three months. 

At a parish meeting, March 20, 1739, having agreed to receive as 
a member, Mr. Joseph Dearborn, it was voted to be at the charge ac- 
cording to every one's ability, when a proper season should present, 
to have him poll from Greenland to the society at North Hill. 

Mr. Gookin, who had been supplying the pulpit, appears to have 
closed his labors at this time. A committee was cliosen to settle with 
him and to procure a minister for one year ; Benjamin Hobbs and Jo- 
seph Dearborn were appointed a committee to ask advice of neighbor- 
ing clergymen about settling a minister; £100 were raised to sup- 
port the ministry and a school ; and Daniel Sanborn was elected 
schoolmaster for the parish. 

The meeting-house, though built several years before, still remained 
unfinished. It was now voted to give liberty to certain individ.uals 
to build a flight of stairs and to lay the gallery floors at their own cost 
and charge. These improvements seem not to have been made at 
this time, but at a later period and in a different manner. 

May 8, 1739, the society voted to settle a minister within one year. 
Preparatory to this, they agreed to observe the 24th of May as a day 
of fasting and prayer. A committee was chosen to secure the attend- 
ance of five ministers ; and another committee of four men, to con- 
sult with the ministers when assembled, to obtain their advice in the 
choice of a scholar to settle in the work of the ministry. Of this as- 
semblage, and the advice given, there is no record. It is evident, 
however, that the attention of the people was soon turned towards 
Mr. Nathaniel Gookin himself, as a candidate for settlement, and on 
the 12th of the next month, negotiations were opened. 

The society voted that so long as Mr. Gookin should continue with 
them in the work of the ministry, they would give for his support 
£110 a 3'ear for the first two years, and then add thereto £5 a year 
until it should amount to £140, which should thenceforth be his 
stated salary, but that one-third of this should be paid in provisions 
at such prices as should be agreed upon at the next meeting. They 
also voted that, if necessity should require and their ability admit, 



198 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

the}-- would make further additions. Among the supplies specified, the 
people agreed annually to furnish a suilicient quantity of firewood, 
and procure a convenient parsonage of at least ten acres of land, 
and fence the same, anil build upon it a suitable house and barn 
for Mr. Gookin's use. At an adjourned meeting, June 2oth, it was 
voted that they should look upon Mr. Gookin as in the work of the 
ministr}', and so entitled to the salary, though he should be taken 
from the public service of the Sabbath by bodily indisposition. The 
prices of provisions to be furnished as a part of the salary were fixed 
as follows: Indian corn at 7s. per bushel ; wheat, 10s. and barley, 
6s. ; beef, Gd. i)er pound ; pork, 8d. 

It was agreed at the same meeting, to raise a tax of £19 to defray 
the expense of completing two flights of stairs in the meeting-house 
and of lajMng the east and south parts of the gallery floors ; making 
the "fore-seats" around the gallery ; and placing six pillars under 
the girts. A committee of three was appointed to superintend the 
work. 

Mr. Gookin, on the 28th of July, gave the parish the following 
answer : 

"Brethren ; 

You having invited me to settle with you in the work of 
the ministry, I would certify you that I cannot suppose the salary you 
offer is sufllcient to support a family. But seeing that, according to 
your present circumstances, it is a generous offer, and manifests your 
good disposition, honorably to support the gospel ministry among 
you, I depend upon it that you will lay out yourselves to the utmost, 
to keep ni}' family from want, and will, as your abilities increasp, 
make further additions to the salary. I accept of your invitation, de- 
manding of you, as you will answer it at the great day, that you give 
diligent heed to the truths I shall bring you from the Gospel of Jesus 
Christ, and practice according to them ; also that you be continually 
earnest at the throne of grace for me, that I may be a faithful and suc- 
cessful laborer in the Gospel among you. 

I am yours to serve in the Gospel of Christ, 
Nath' Gookin." 

Previous to this time, no church had been formed in connection 
with the new parish. Now it :ip{)ears to have been arranged that a 
church should be foimed and tiie pastor inducted into office at the 
same time. Prepaiatory to this, a considerable number of members 
of the first church, living within the new parish, asked of the church, 
September 23d, a dismission, in order to their bcinii united in a church 



NORTH HAMPTON. 1719-1742. 199 

state at North Hill.^ Displeased with the whole proceeding, and 
probably piqued that the new parish had been established, notwith- 
standing their remonstrances, the ciuirch reTnsed. The next jnonth, 
a second application for dismission was eqnally nnsnccessfnl. A 
council was convened on the 30th of October, when some communi- 
cations passed between that body and the old church, which, however, 
still adhered to its former votes. The council then proceeded to 
organize a church and ordain the candidates without the concurrence 
of the old church. These transactions were on the 31st of Octo- 
ber. 

The next onward step for the new parish followed as a natural se- 
quence. They had now grown strong and able to conduct their own 
affairs ; and they aspired to the full privileges of a township. Ac- 
cordingly, in the summer of 1742, a petition to that effect was pre- 
sented to the G-enei'al Court. Opposition by the people of Hampton 
had now largely given way ; and the freeholders chose two of their 
number "to appeare at y*^ General Court at there next setting in y® 
behalfe of y*^ Town to answare in y*^ affaire of y'' pititioners of north 
hill. That we are willing that those parsons y'' pititioners which are 
desirous to belong to the parish at North hill should with their Es- 
tates belong there." The parish itself, however, was not unanimous ; 
for, while the case was pending, a counter petition, signed by forty- 
seven persons was presented, "ag^* the Return for a Line &c. & y* 
if y*^ Line be settled y* they may be Pol'd off to the old Town." 
Five days later, November 25, the following petition was also pre- 
sented :^ 

"The Humble petition of us the Subscribers Most Humbly sheweth 
— that the houses and habitations of your petitioners are in the north- 
eastly part of the town of Hampton at or near Littel Bores Head near 
Lettel River or near the Sea and that we live most as near upon a 
Line to the meeting house at the town as to that at North hill and 
that it is nnich easier for us to go to meeting at the town than to 
North Hill by reason of the Goodness of the way to the town and 
there not being any way for us to go to meeting at north hill nor ever 
like to be unless we travil much farther than to go to the meeting house 
at the town. 

Your petitioners Humbly pray that your Excellency and Honours 
would be pleased to take this petition into consideration and in your 
grate Goodness exempt us from paying to the support of the ministry 
at North hill and that we may still remain — and be taxed to the sup- 

iChap. xxn. = Prov. Pap.ix: 3o9. 



200 HISTORY OF HAMrTON. 

port of the ministry and the other Publick charges of the town as we 
used to be and your pititioners as in duty bound shall ever pray 

John Batchelder. Mosies^ Lampre. 

Thomas Hains. Obadiah Marston. 

Jeremiah Page. . Stephen Brown." 

THE TOWN OP NORTH HAMPTON. 

Both adverse petitions were dismissed, and immediately after, 
November 26, in the House, the "North Hill bill [was] read three 
times and past to be Enacted." On the 30th, it passed the assembly 
and was approved by the governor ; and North Hill became thence- 
forth the town of North Hampton, under the following act :^ 

"Voted, That there be a Line settled, viz: Beginning at a large 
Kock in the Highway that leads from Portsmouth to Hampton over 
North Hill, Between the dwelling houses of Caleb Marston & Joseph 
Tole jun, & is the first great Rock in the Highway to the South- 
ward of y*^ widow Levitt's dwelling house & from s*^ Great Rock to 
run on a Strait line to the sea at the mouth of y® little River 
where it now Empties itself into the Sea & y"^ to begin at the afore- 
said great Rock & from thence to run on a strait Line to the lower 
Bounds Between Stratham & Exeter as Hampton line, that the Es- 
tates in the old Parish that belongs to the Poles in y*' North ParrisU 
shall pay Rates to the new Parrish and the Estates belonging to 
the Poles ofy<^ old P'ish that lies in y*^ North P'ish shall pay Rates to 
y*^ old P'ish, and wherever the owner of the land lives there he & his 
Estateshall pay notwithstanding y*^ Line settled, & if any stranger pur- 
chase the Land in either of the P'ishes he shall pay where the Land 
lies. It always intended y* every p'son in each P'ish pay the grant 
to Mrs. Dorothy [Gookin] as usual by y^ whole Town, & y* y** Rates 
for y*^ present yeare be p** as they are ready made, & y* y'' selectmen 
in each P'ish join in making Pro : Rates as also y*^ both P'ishes joyn 
in choice of the present till further order." 

Complications resulting in lawsuits grew out of these conditions in 
later years. ^ 

Hampton had now yielded from her territory three townships and 
part of a fourth, and had shrunk to essentially her present propor- 
tions ; — Kingston, including also East Kingston, Hawke (now Dan- 
ville) and Sandown,'* in 1694; Hampton Falls, including Kensington 
and part of Seabrook, in 1718 ; a large tract annexed to Rye, in 1730, 
and North Hampton, in 1742. 

iProbably should be Mories (Morris). - Prov. Pap. v : 174. 

^Chap. XII. <Only a Bmall part of Sandown, however. 



NORTH HAMPTON. 1719-1742. 201 

What wonder that the old town sometimes parted reluctantly with 
her people and her lands ! There is a pathos in this rending of ties, 
scarcely understood by us, who have passed beyond the period of 
royal edict and savage onslaught and the hard toil of pioneer life. 
But hearts beat warmly between town and town, and many a lover 
crossed the boundaries for his bride. Solidly those sturdy men and 
women stood against common dangers and hardships, and worthily 
they strove to plant the seeds of our prosperity. 



CHAPTER XII. 

IIEGULATIONS— LAWSUITS— CASUALTIES. 1733-1780. 

FIRST TOWN TREASURER. 

AT the annual town-meeting in 1747, Samuel Dow was elected 
toi07i treasurer — the first, as far as appears from the records, 
ever chosen by the town. 

It was voted that all money due to the town by bond, or in any 
other way, except the taxes assessed by the selectmen, and also the 
powder money, should be delivered into the hands of the treasurer, 
as it might from time to time be paid in ; and he was authorized to 
loan the same at his discretion. For whatever sums he received he 
was expected to give a receipt, but no bond for the faithful perform- 
ance of duty appears to have been required. 

Voted: '"The money the powder was sold for shall be laid out for 
powder again for the town stock, by Capt. Jonatlian Marston." 

It was also voted, though not without opposition, to sell by public 
auction tlie iiouse and barn, that the town had several years before 
built for Madam Gookin,i \v1,q was now living witli her daughter at 
Kingston. Subsequently (March 23), Philip Towle, Henry Fifleld 
and Amos Towle were authorized to sell the buildings and one acre 
of land around them, and make a conveyance thereof in behalf of the 
town. Tlie property was sold to Mr. Thomas Rand, and the proceeds 
divided witii North Hampton. The town afterward ordered that £100 
should be delivered to the selectmen towards paying the expenses of 
tlie town, so that the taxes of the next 3'ear might be diminished. 
Madam Gookin died the next year, and her funeral charges were paid 
from the remaining portion, the residue being passed into the treas- 
ury. 

FIRST DIVISION APPORTIONED. 

It has already been mentioned that the town allowed a fence to be 
built straight from Deacon Tuck's mill to the mouth of Little river, 
where it formerly flowed into the sea, to protect the beach against 

1 Cliap. XX. 
(202) 



REGULATIONS — LAWSUITS — CASUALTIES. 1733-1780. 203 

cattle feeding upon it.^ When the Five Divisions were established, in 
1722, this portion of the common land came into the First Division. 
At a meeting of the proprietors of that Division, November 29, 1733, 
it was proposed to dispose of a tract of muddy ground or flats, some- 
times called ''The Huckleberry Flats," lying on the south side of the 
line of the fence between the fresh meadow and the beach, for the 
purpose of building and maintaining a fence, agreeably to the order 
of the town. It was planned to divide the whole tract into twelve 
lots, to be assigned and secured to any who would engage to build and 
keep in repair a fence on this line. Eighteen men pledged themselves, 
and in 1738, gave bonds to do this, six of them to build one-twelfth 
of the fence each, and the other twelve to build one twenty-fourth 
part each. 

"Great bodies move slowl}^" This tract, since known as T/te Plan- 
tation^ was laid out July 13, 1747, by a committee consisting of Chris- 
topher Page, Sen.,Dea. Josiah Moulton and Simon Dow, with Samuel 
Palmer as surveyor ; and their return was accepted by the proprietors. 
The same day, these lots were drawn for by the men who had nine 
years before given bonds to keep up the fence. The result was as 
follows, where the numbers of the lots are followed by the names of 
those to whom they fell : 

No. 1 Samuel Palmer, Jun"". No. 7 Joseph Eollins& Joseph Redman. 

" 2 Heirs of Amos Kuowles, de- " 8 John Batchelder. 

ceased. " 9 Jeremiah & Elisha Marston. 

" 3 Christoplier Page & James " 10 Dea. Josiah Moulton & Morris 
Hobbs. Hobbs. 

" 4 Thomas Brown. " 11 Joseph Batchelder. 

" 5 William Moulton. " 12 Benjamin Lamprey. 

" 6 Simou Dow & Stephen Batch- 
elder. 

This tract of land is described b}^ the committee in their return, as 
lying southward of the line fi-om Deacon Tuck's mill and tlie mouth of 
Little river, between said line and the northerly line of John Dear- 
born's grant in the old fresh meadow near the Ijetich, and between the 
pond or river in said fresh meadow and Philbrick's Island and the 
beach. In laying out the land, the}^ proceeded in the following man- 
ner: Beginning at the northwest corner of Dearborn's grant at the 
side of the pond, they measured eastwardly on the northerly side of 
said grant, thirty-one rods, to a stake standing at the northeast cor- 
ner of the grant, "and from said stake [on] a straight line, running 
north fifty-six degrees east, over a large rock on the westerly side, on 

'Chap. X. 



204 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

the upland on the island sometimes called Nut Island, in the range 
of Jolui Batchelder's house at Little Boar's Head, until it comes to 
the aforesaid line from Tuck's mill to Little River's mouth." 

Before the lots were drawn for, it was voted, that "no person should, 
on an}'^ account whatsoever, cut any grass or anything growing between 
the line forming the eastern abutments of the lots, and the beach," 
without the consent of the majority of the proprietors. 

Although Huckleberry Flats was a small tract of land, and not of 
great value, yet nearly fourteen years elapsed from the time when the 
first movement was made for laying it out, before the business was 
finished. In the meantime, however, the proprietors of the First Di- 
vision iiad caused all the rest of their common land to be surveyed 
and laid out, and assigned by lot to the'proprietors. 

In the spring of 1748, William Moulton, Philip Towle and Moses 
Perkins were chosen a committee, to take charge of the town's stock 
of snoiv-shoes and moccasins^ and dispose of them as advantageously 
as possible for the town, giving one pair of the snow-shoes, however, 
to Elisha Johnson. 

THE LITTLK SHARES. 

The proprietors of the Ox Common, most of which was finally di- 
vided in 1714,^ continued to regulate their affairs as to fencing, sweep- 
age and feedage much as before. October 31, 1749, it was voted: 
"That all the undivided marsh between the pines, so called, and the 
River's mouth, shall be laid out." 

"That all the flats and beach grass to the southward from the pines, 
so called, to the River's mouth, belonging to the ox-commoners, shall 
be laid out within ten rods of the sea bank." 

"That if the sea bank should extend further westward, the shares 
shall draw back and keep the same distance above-mentioned." 

"That Dea. Josiah Moulton, Dea. Joseph Philbrick and Benjamin 
Dow shall be a committee to lay out the above-mentioned marsh, flats 
and beach grass." 

At an adjourned meeting, November 14, 1749, the report of the 
committee was accepted, and the shares divided "by the last list, 
when the shares were drawed for forever." This was the origin of 
what are still known as the "Little Shares." 

At the annual town meeting, March 12, 1751, Jabez Smith, Esq., 
Dea. Jonathan Tuck and Mr. William Stanford were chosen "to ex- 
amine into the accounts of the town treasurer and committees and se- 

• Chap. X. 



REGULATIONS — LAWSUITS — CASUALTIES. 1733-1780. 205 

lectraen for the year past, and make report to the town." This appears 
to have been the first board of auditors. 

BROWN AND SHAW CLAIMS AT THE NEW PLANTATION. 

Before the close of 1751, the town had become involved in lawsuits 
growing out of grants of land, that had many years before been made 
at the New Plantation. Jonathan Shaw was appointed town agent, 
and with him was associated John Nay, to manage such suits as were 
then pending. Soon afterwards, however, Mr. John Smith was ap- 
pointed agent, with full powers, to defend an action commenced 
against the town by Benjamin Brown, of South Hampton, and his 
wife Abigail (Longfellow) Brown. Subsequently, at Mr. Smith's re- 
quest, Mr. Philip Towle was joined with him as an agent in this case. 

Another suit was brought against the inhabitants in the right of one 
Benjamin Shaw, deceased, to recover damages for not laying out a 
tract of land alleged to have been granted to him within the tract 
called and known as the New Plantation. The inhabitants being ap- 
prehensive that other actions might be brought in the same way, but 
yet believing that there was no just ground for sustaining them, de- 
termined to have the subject thoroughly investigated. In January, 
1753, therefore, they chose a committee to consider what defense 
might be made in ail cases of claims "against the inhabitants of that 
which was called Hampton at the time when such grants are said to 
have been made." For this purpose the committee were to ascertain 
what grants, rights, titles, interest or property in lands had here- 
tofore been made by the town, to any, in satisfaction for grants at 
the New Plantation. The committee chosen consisted of Samuel 
Palmer, P^sq., Dr. John Weeks and Capt. Eplnaim Marston ; and the 
town gave them full power to act according to their discretion, either 
alone, or in conjunction with any other committee, or committees, that 
might be chosen by any other legally incorporated parishes or parts 
of wiiat at an earlier period constituted tiie town of Hampton. They 
were also directed "to pursue, prosecute and carry into execution any 
and all such measures as they should agree in considering necessary 
for the defense of the inliabitants." 

As in this case the cooperation of the inhabitants of the other par- 
ishes would be important, the committee now chosen, sought to obtain 
it by making to them a statement of the case. The following letter 
was addressed to the selectmen of Hampton Falls : 

Gentlemen : 

As 3'ou have doubtless heard that a claim founded on 
the supposed Rights of land in that [tract] called in Hampton the 
New Plantation, has been revived and prosecuted against the Inhab- 



200 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

itants of what is now called the town of Hampton, and as you are 
sensible the Grant, or what is supposed to be a Grant of Land to those 
mentioned in the Records relating to that matter, was made by the 
town as it was in the year 1663, and in that view is a thing of consid- 
erable consequence to all those Estates comprehended within those 
limits, which, if any thing is recouered, must be finally liable to make 
it good, we can't but judge it prudent for us ail to advise and consider 
what measures to take toansw^er au}' such claims, we tiiorefore request 
3'ou to insert a clause in your warrant for calling the next Parish meet- 
ing, to choose a committee of tlu-ee or more of your ablest men (es- 
pecially as 3'ou haue some ancient men among you who are acquainted 
with and knowing of what was formerly done in this matter) to advise 
with our committee, and resolve upon the best means they are capable 
of for the general safety herein. 

We are, &c. 

Samuel Palmer » 
Hampton, February 8, 1753. Ephraim Marston > Committee. 

John Weeks. ^ 

A copy of the above letter was found among files of town papers 
some years ago, and no answer from the selectmen of Hampton Falls 
was filed with it, or has since been found, so that it is uncertain what 
was the result. 

Following the usual course of lawsuits these cases dragged their 
slow length along, as will be seen farther on. 

SECOND APPEARANCE OF THE THROAT DISTEMPER. 

In 1754, the town was again visited by the malignant throat dis- 
temper, the same disease that had made such fearful ravages eighteen 
years before. Whatever hopes may have been at first entertained, 
it soon appeared that the disease had lost none of its virulence. Two 
cases in which it proved fatal had occurred in the preceding autumn, 
and a few others in the spring; but it was not till the month of June, 
that it excited much alarm. At that time it attacked several meml)ers 
of the famil}' of Mr. Elislia Towle, and three of his children l)etween 
three and seven years of age died in the course of five days, the first 
on the third, and the last on the seventh da}' of the month. 

Mr. Amos Towle, a cousin of Elisha, iiaving lost a daughter by 
this disease, a few months before, now became very much alarmed, 
lest he himself should fall a victim to it ; and in order to avoid all con- 
tact with it, he shut himself up in his own house. But it was of no 
avail. The dread disease again entered his dwelling, and on the 
13th of July, one of his children — a sou nearly ten years old — died. 



KEGULATIONS — LAWSUITS — CASUALTIES. 1733-1780. 207 

Mr. Towle himself died three days afterward. Deaths now occurred 
in rapid succession. Before the middle of October, that is, in less 
than four mouths and a half, thirty-two persons had died. After that 
time only five cases proved fatal till the next May ; but during that 
month six others fell ; so that there were forty-three deaths from this 
disease alone, and Avith fourteen from other causes, the alarming total 
swelled to fifty-seven in the space of twelve months. 

With the single exception already mentioned, all the victims of this 
disease were children and youth. Of the first eleven deaths, ten were 
of Toivles, though belonging to different families. 

EARTHQUAKE OF 1755. 

On Tuesday, November 18, 1755, occurred the third great earth- 
quake felt in New England since its first settlement. This has been 
considered more violent than either of the others. It occurred ''in the 
morning about an hour and a half before day." "The weather was 
remarkably serene, the sky clear, the moon shone briglit, and a solemn 
stillness pervaded all nature at the time it commenced." The shaking 
of the earth was so great that several chimneys in this town were thrown 
down. The agitation was as perceptible on the sea as on the land. 
The shock was so severely felt on the vessels in Portsmouth harbor, 
the men on board thought they had struck on the rocks. The earth- 
quake occurring at an hour when the mass of the people were asleep, 
many of them being suddenly awakened, were very much terrified, 
not immediately perceiving the cause of the commotion. The older 
people, however, had not forgotten the earthquake of 1727, and now, 
as on that occasion, they recognized the baud of God in the occurrence. 
Two days afterward a meeting was held in Hampton, at which the pas- 
tor of the church preached from Psalm cxix : 120. ''My flesh trembleth 
for fear of thee and I am afraid of thy judgments." 

Shocks were frequently felt during the next fortnight. The most 
considerable one occurred in the evening of Saturday of the same week, 
about half-past eight o'clock. One who experienced it, calls it "a very 
great shock." He says: "Our house trembled very much. To our 
surprise it was cloudy and rainy all night long." 

About two weeks after the first shock, the people of this town ob- 
served a day of fasting and prayer, ''occasioned by the terrible earth- 
quake and the war,'^ by which God is seeming to frown upon us by the 
aspects of these judgments which we see and hear." Sermons were 
preacheil by Rev. Joseph Whipple of Hampton Falls, and Rev. Jere- 

iFrencli anj Indian war. 



208 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

miah Fogg, of Kensington, the former from the first clause in Jeremiah 
III : 22, and the latter from Amos iii : 4-8. 

KEW PLANTATION LAWSUITS SETTLED. 

Early in the year 1756, Nehemiah Brown, of Kensington, and Anne 
his wife made a claim in her right to one hundred acres of land, said 
to have been originally granted by the inhabitants of Hampton to the 
rio-ht of Thomas Ward, to be laid out and satisfied on some part of the 
common land in the town not previously laid out and appropriated to 
any private or particular use. The right, it was claimed, had been 
vested in Nathan Longfellow, late of Hampton Falls, and by him be- 
queathed to his daughter Anne, the present claimant, who now with 
her husband demanded that the quantity of land claimed should be laid 
out to them. A writ was served on the inhabitants by the sheriff and 
the damages laid at £1500. 

This case was similar to others previously brought against the in- 
habitants for not laying out land at the New Plantation, according to 
certain grants made in 1663, The principal ground of defense seems 
to have been, that.bythe act of the government, incorporating the town 
of Kingston in 1694, the town of Hampton had been precluded from 
making good these grants, as a considerable portion of the New Plan- 
tation, lying within the limits of the new town, had been thus put 
beyond their control. 

On this occasion, they held a meeting, February 16, and appointed 
Col. John Weeks and Mr. Philip Towle as their agents, with full pow- 
ers to manage the case in their behalf. The same men were also em- 
powered to act as agents in any other suit or suits that might be brought 
against the inhabitants and freeholders, with like powers as in this 
case, and to do any other matter and thing, that they might judge 
proper in the premises, and also to confer and join with any commit- 
tees chosen by any of the parishes formerly included in the town of 
Hampton. The suit of Brown and wife was entered at the Inferior 
Court of Common Pleas, where it was expected to come to trial in June. 

At the next annual town meeting, March 15, 1757, the selectmen 
of the last year were authorized to settle accounts with the three agents. 
Col. Weeks, Philip Towle and John Smith, about all the cases brought 
against the town by Jonathan Longfellow, who was the attorney in 
the several suits in satisfaction for early grants at the New Planta- 
tion. 

CAST UP BY THE SEA. 

"A large whale, 40 or 50 feet in length, having 3 irons in her, di'ove 
on shore at Hampton" about the first of November. 



REGULATIONS — LAWSUITS — CASUALTIES. 1733-1780. 209 

The wreck of a Hampton-built vessel occurred, which is thus an- 
nounced in the New Hampshire Gazelle of December 13, 1756: — 
"Last Monday Night between 8 and 9 o'clock, a new Ship belonging 
to this place [Portsmouth], was cast away upon Ragged Neck [in 
Rye] in coming round from Hampton, where she was built. She is so 
bilged and broken, that there are no hopes of getting her off again." 

In 1758, another shipwreck occurred, the only account of which 
that now remains, as far as can be ascertained, being this item from 
the NeiD Hampshire Gazette of Februar}^ 24 : 

"Mr. [W'"] Long sailed from Lisbon in a Brig, bound to Marble- 
head, and yesterday sennight was cast away on Hampton Beach. 
Her cargo which is salt is entirely lost ; but it is hoped the Brig will 
be got off again. The men were all very much frozen." 

SMALL-POX. 

In the spring of 1758 a few cases of small-pox occurred in the 
town. It was brought by an Irish woman, who came into the family 
of Mr. Joseph Redman, and died there on the first day of May. The 
disease was communicated to the family, and Mr. Redman and his 
wife both died ; the latter, on the fourth of May, and the former, on 
the fourth of June. 

In the meantime the infection had been communicated by Dr. Em- 
ery, the attending physician, to his own family. The selectmen now 
thought it best to provide a pest-house, agreeably to the provisions 
of the law. They accordingly impressed the dwelling houses of Sam- 
uel Palmer, Esq., and Jeremiah Moulton — standing near each other — 
and appropriated them to this use. The next day the family of Dr. 
Emery were removed thither. His wife and daughter and one of his 
sons, then, or soon after, had the disease, but they all recovered, and 
the infection spread no farther. The houses were not cleansed, so 
as to be again occupied by their owners, till the thirtieth of June — 
having been used as pest-houses seven weeks. 

The owners of these houses demanded of the selectmen £250 each, 
old tenor, as damages. As payment was refused or delayed, Mr. 
Moulton sued the town the next February for £270 ; but as the rec- 
ords furnish no evidence that such a suit was carried on, it is proba- 
ble that a settlement was effected between the parties. 

A suit had also been commenced by the town against Dr. Emery, 
for the cost and charges occasioned by removing his family' to the 
pest-houses, and providing for them while they were there. This was 
done agreeably to a vote of the town, to which, however, there had 
been considerable opposition. Capt. Jonathan Moulton and Col. 
14 



210 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

John Weeks were chosen agents for the town, and clothed with am- 
ple powers for carrying on the suit. The case came to trial and was 
decided in favor of the defendant. 

Many of the inhabitants now wished for a settlement of the con- 
troversy, and the selectmen were requested to call a town meeting to 
consider the subject, but they refused. A meeting was then called 
by Jabez Smith and Meshech Weare, Esqrs. two Justices of the Peace, 
at the request of thirty or more of the freeholders and inhabitants. 
This meeting wholly failed of accomplishing the object aimed at. Ev- 
ery motion made for this purpose was negatived. The next day the 
selectmen posted a warrant for another meeting to consider the sub- 
ject. 

This meeting was held March 15, one week after the other. No 
disposition was manifested by the majority, to settle the suit as the 
court decided ; and at another meeting five days after, the town vo- 
ted to have the case reviewed, and chose Thomas Nudd to join with 
the former agents in its management. It is probable, however, that 
a different course was taken and that the case was settled without a 
review. 

The dread of small pox was much greater at that time than it is at 
present. The proper treatment of the disease was not so well under- 
stood, and on this account a much larger proportion of tlie cases 
which occurred proved fatal. Vaccination has also done much to- 
wards removing this dread, by acting as a preventive in most cases, 
and by mitigating the severity of the disease, when contracted. 

In the instance here cited, such was the feeling in relation to it, 
that the meetings on the Sabbath for several weeks were not held at 
the meeting-house, which was in the vicinity of Dr. Emery's resi- 
dence, but at private houses. Public worship was not resumed at the 
meeting-house till the 27th of August, when the pastor preached from 
the 84th Psalm, beginning thus: "How amiable are thy taberna- 
cles, O Lord of Hosts !" 

In the spring of 1760, it was proposed in town meeting, to sell a 
part of the ten-rod road round the Ring, thus diminishing the width 
of the road. The proposition met with but little favor. The town not 
only refused to sell any part of the road, but voted also "to dismiss 
that affair and never to act upon it more." 

At the same meeting, it was left with tiie selectmen to let out two- 
thirds of the schoolhouse acre for eight or ten years. 

"the stage is coming." 
The first stage ever run in America, as is supposed, began its reg- 



REGULATIONS — LAWSUITS — CASUALTIES. 1733-1780. 211 

ular trips from Portsmouth to Boston and return, passing throuo-ii 
Hampton, Monday, April 20, 17G1. It was a curricle and span with 
room for tliree passengers. It made Ipswich the first day, Charles- 
town ferr}'^ the next, and was back in Portsmoutli on Friday. Fare 
for the round trip, six dollars, 

A crowd of cliildren assuredly gathered about Toppan's corner, each 
eager to be the first to sliout "The stage is coming." Women rushed 
to the doors and windows along the route, and many a man took a 
long gaze from his work in the fields. In these days of easy travel, 
one can scarcely realize how great an eve«it it was. 

At the annual town meeting. in 1761, it was voted tliat pasture and 
woodland should be "rated" that year. Before that time no taxes 
appear to have been assessed on such land. 

Samuel Palmer, Esq., was allowed £130, old tenor, ''for all his 
trouble in letting out the Town's money for ten or eleven years past." 
Dea. Joshua Lane was allowed £10 for similar service. 

Two years afterwai'd, the selectmen were directed to sell the town's 
stock of powder, balls and flints, and to put the powder at £3 per 
pound. 

In 1764, the town made provision for rebuilding the bridge over 
the river on the road to Hampton Falls, which was to be wharfed up 
with timber from the parsonage land, — the work to be done under the 
direction of the selectmen. 

THE MAST-SHIP. 

For a long series of years even till the Revohition, the sovereigns 
of England claimed exclusive right to every white pine tree in Nevv 
Hampshire and elsewhere, fit for a mast for the service of the royal 
navy. Such trees, growing outside the townships granted before the 
21st of September, 1722, were branded witli the "broad arrow," and 
no man might dare cut them down, even on his own land, under heavy 
penalty. Large ships brought to our shores goods we were forbidden 
to provide for ourselves, and carried away cargoes of our best pines. 
Wliat wonder then, that, as the exactions of England grew more and 
more rigorous, a "mast ship" became a hated object ! 

Such a ship, with a valuable cargo, was wrecked on Hampton beach 
on the night of November 30, 1764, not, it is believed, on account of 
rough weather, but owing, to the pilot's ignorance of the coast. The 
ship drove on to the sands a little to the south of tlie present line of 
fish- houses on the nortli beach, whence the crew, without much diffi- 
culty, got ashore. Tlie pilot, Capt. William Branscomb, afterward 
settled in this town, and became the third husband of Prudence Page 
(nicknamed '"Old Prue") . 



212 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

The disaster of November 30, was announced in the next issue of 
the Neio Hampshire Gazette as follows : 

"Portsni'', Dec. 7, 1764. — Last Friday Night, the Mast Ship, St. 
George, Capt. Mailard, bound from Boston for this Port, wSs cast a- 
way oflf Hampton. She had Goods on board to the value of about 
Ten Thousand Pounds Sterling belonging to sundry Merchants here ; 
great part of which are much damaged. The Men's Lives were saved, 
but the Hull of the vessel will be entirely lost." 

The master of the vessel hastened to Portsmouth, to report to the 
Court of Admiralty. Meanwhile, so exciting an event as a shipwreck 
on their shore attracted large numbers of people to the spot. Some 
of these, either through iguorance or avarice, appropriated and carried 
away goods found strewn upon the beach. As soon as possible, 
therefore, keepers were appointed, viz. : Col. Christopher Toppan and 
Col. (afterwards Gen.) Jonathan Moulton. 

On the 20th of December, the Court of Admiralty issued the fol- 
lowing : 

"Province of New Hampshire. 

Pursuant to a Decree of said Court, the Goods saved out of the 
wreck of the St. George Mast Ship will be exposed to sale l)}' Auction 
on Thursday, the 27th Instant at the stores of Samuel Matfatt and 
John Sherburne, Merchants in Portsmouth ; And the Hull of said Ship, 
stores. Rigging, Anchors, and other Goods (whicii cannot now be 
transported), at Hampton, at the store of Jonathan Moulton Esq. -on 
Tuesday following. — The Goods at the respective Places to be seen 
the day before the Sale, where Attendance will be given for that Pur- 
pose. 

Per curiam, John Sherburne, D. Rec." 

The above decree, while it shows that all that could be saved from 
the wreck was secured within a month from the time of the disaster, 
gives no hint of the difficulties encountered. Many looked witli envy 
and malice upon Colonels Moulton and Toppan, claiming that they had 
no more right than others to carry off the goods, and that they were 
enriching themselves on false pretences. A riot ensued, as is shown 
by the following order issued by the governor a month later : 

"Province of i By his excellency Benning Wentworth, Esq., Capt. 

New Hamp. ] Generall, governor &, commander-in-chief in and over 
the Province aforesaitl : — 

To the Hon'^''= Meshcch Weare, Esq., Coll of the Third Regiment 
of Militia in sd Province or to the Lieut. Col° or Major thereof : — 

Whereas it has been represented unto me hy his majestj^'s Attorney 
general &, by the High Sheriff that some ill disposed persons having 



REGULATIONS — LAWSUITS — CASUALTIES. 1733-1780. 213 

purloined sundry goods from tlie Lading of a ship lately stranded on 
Hampton Beach in this Province while the ship & cargo was under 
the direction of & in the custody of the adniivalty court ; & warrants 
being issued for the apprehending sundry persons supposed to be 
guilty of the said Breach of the Law, who being apprehended for the 
same & in custody of the officer, when as is further suggested, the 
prisoners were by a number of evil-minded persons in a violent, riot- 
ous & tumultuous manner & being disguised, did assault the officer & 
him beat, wound & evilly entreat & did release the sd prisoners & let 
them go at large whereby they made their escape & that since the 
above*'' action (which was on the 28"' day of this inst) a great number 
of the inhabitants of the sd town of Hampton have in a riotous, roys- 
terous & tumultuous manner assembled, & being armed with clubs & 
staves, have menaced & threatened the officer & bid defiance to all 
lawful authority, & tho his Majesty's Proclamation agreeably to the 
law of the Province has been read to them, they still repeat their un- 
lawful assembl}^ to the great Terror of his majesty's good subjects, & 
the Sherili' of the Province having supplicated the aid & assistance 
of a suitable number of the militia with proper officers might be or- 
dered to attend him in the execution of such precepts as he might re- 
ceive from the civil authority to disperse & apprehend the offenders & 
bring the authors and abettors to justice, being apprehensive he shall 
meet too great opposition in the execution of his office without the as- 
sistance & aid of the Fosse, which being lawful and at this lime ne- 
cessary : 

You are therefore respectively impowered & directed upon the ap- 
plication of the High Sheriff or his deputy, to detail as many men 
under arms out of your Regiment under the direction & command of 
an officer, as may be necessary to assist the s'' Sheriff & his deputy in 
the execution of any lawful precept that may be directed to him to 
separate the said rioters & to apprehend the authors and abettors of 
the aforesaid violent & illegal practices, that they may be dealt with 
as to law & justice doth appertain, & for which is your authority. 

Given at Portsmouth in the Province afore*'^ this 29"' day of Janu- 
ary in the 5th year of his Majesty's reign annoque Domini, 1765. 

B. Wentworth." 

Though the meaning of the above oixler is clear, a grammatical analy- 
sis would be difficult. 

While Colonel Toppan was at the beach, engaged in unloading the 
mast ship, one of his vessels, a brig from the West Indies, appeared 
off the coast, passing along inside of the Isles of Shoals and so near 
the main land as to be easily recognized as his own vessel. The next 



214 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

clay, he -went to Portsmouth expecting to find her in port, l)nt was 
disappointed. He afterward learned that the brig had been spoken 
some days before, and that the crew were badly frozen. In the even- 
ing after she was seen off our coast, the wind veered to the northwest 
and blew with great violence. It was supposed that the crew, in their 
suffering condition, were unable to manage the vessel, and that she 
was blown off and lost, witli all on board. The supercargo was Ben- 
jamin Ilobbs of North Hampton, a graduate of Harvard College. 

Near the close of the summer of 1768, a large schooner owned by 
Christopher Toppan, Esq., sailed from Hampton, bound on a fisliing 
voyage to the Grand Bank, having eight men on board. The vessel 
was lost, and her captain with all his crew perished. Benjamin Ran- 
dall, the captain, belonged at Rye ; the crew at Hampton. 

THE GRAY RAT. 

Dr. Belknap says : "The town of Hampton, though adjoining the sea, 
and one of the earliest settlements in New Hampshire, had no gray 
rats till the year 1764, when an English mast-ship was wrecked on the 
beach." This is not entirely correct. The gray rat was introduced 
here from a vessel wrecked on our beach near Great Boar's Head 
sometime before the mast-ship came ashore. 

CONSTABLES. 

Any person chosen for constable was b}'^ law required to accept 
the ollice and perform the duties (unless he were excused by the town), 
or be subjected to a fine of £20, old tenor. Such were the duties to 
be performed by constables, — or perhaps so meager their pa}^ — that 
there was a general reluctance among the people to holding the office. 
On one occasion, after it had been voted to have two constables for 
the ensuing year, five men were chosen in succession, and each of them 
refused to serve, and paid his fine. At an adjourned meeting two 
weeks afterward, it was voted to choose one constable for the whole 
town and to give him the £100 fine money received from those men 
who had refused to serve. Jeremiah Dow was then chosen constable, 
and he procured his brother Simon Dow as his substitute, and the 
town accepted him for the office. 

Several years later, the town tried the experiment of setting up 
this office by vendue to the lowest bidder. In this way it became 
known who would accept the office, and on what terms. The town 
then went through the formality of electing a constable by vote. This 
was the customary course for many years, though in the opinion of 
some of the voters, its legality was questionable. 



EEGULATIONS — LAWSUITS — CASUALTIES. 1733-1780. 215 



COLONEL MODLTON S BUILDINGS BURNED. 

On the 15th of March, 1769, town-meeting day, occurred the most 
destructive fire with which the town had ever been visited. Tlie fol- 
lowing account of it is taken from tlie Boston Chronicle of March 20, 
where it appeared as a communication from Portsmouth, under date 
of March 17. 

"Last Wednesday morning, about 4 o'clock, the large mansion of 
Col. Jonathan Moulton of Hampton, together with two stores con- 
tiguous, was wholly consumed by fire. This melancholy accident, 
it is supposed, was occasioned by a beam taking fire under the hearth 
in his parlor. The flames had got to so great a height before the dis- 
covery, that it was with great difficulty the family escaped with their 
lives. Col. Moulton saved no other clothing than a cloak, & a gentle- 
man who happened occasionally to lodge at the Colonel's was obliged 
to jump out of the chamber window. When he was first called upon 
he did not know the occasion and had put on most of his clothes be- 
fore the smoke apprised him of his danger. There were between 15 
& 20 souls in his house, who through the good providence of God, 
were all saved unhurt. All the furniture, vrhich was very good and 
valuable, was wholly consumed, but the shop-goods, books, bonds, 
notes and other papers, which were in the stores, were happily saved. 
The loss is estimated at £3000 sterling." 

Colonel Moulton subsequently built the large mansion house now 
owned by Mrs. Elizabeth F. Mace, locating it about forty rods farther 
south than the one destroyed. The old road leading to "Drake side," 
left the "main country road" near the former house. After the erection 
of the new house Colonel Moulton opened from it a new road through 
his own land to meet the Drake side road — probably a little beyond 
where the Eastern Railroad now crosses the highway. Some of the 
inhabitants, wishing to have this new way made a public road, cause<l 
an article to be put into the warrant for a town meeting, Api;il 8, 1771, 
to see whether the town would exchange with Colonel Moulton, the 
old road for the new. At that meeting the selectmen were authorized 
to "lay out said new road," and to "shut up and give to said Moulton 
the old road in lieu of the new one. ... in case said Moulton shall 
give his obligation always to give free liberty for the inhabitants of 
said town to pass and repass with their cattle and sleds through said 
Moulton's land where the old road leads from the country road to 
Drake side road, or nigh by it, during the winter season while there 
is sufficient snow for sledding." The selectmen accordingly laid out 
the road and made their return to the town clerk on the 19th of the 
same month. 



216 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

The Journal of the House of Representatives, iinder date, April 3, 
1771, contains the entry : Gol" Jon^ Moulton of Hampton, allowed for 
monej' burnt -with his house, £5." 

On Sunday, August 22, 1773, there was a ver^Mieavy shower of 
rain, accompanied with much thunder and lightning. The lightning 
struck eight trees within a short distance of Capt. Plenry Elkins' 
house. [Philip Towle's MS.] 

LAWSUIT WITH NORTH HAMPTON, ABOUT TAXES. 

We have already noticed the special piovision made for the taxa- 
tion of real estate in the towns of Hampton and North Hampton at 
the incorporation of the latter town in 1742.^ A considerable part 
of the woodland owned by the people of Hampton la}' in the town of 
North Hampton, while residents in the latter town owned large tracts 
of salt marsh in Hampton ; so that neither town, by this arrangement 
gained or lost much in the amount of taxes I'eceived ; and each was 
saved the necessity of collecting a large amountof non-resident taxes. 
But from time to time changes occurred in the ownership of property. 
Lands that had been owned and taxed in one of the towns, having 
been sold to persons living in the other, of course became taxable in 
the latter. In consequence of changes thus occurring, in the course 
of thirt3"-five years, or more, some of the people of North Hampton, 
thinking that this method of taxation -was working to their disadvan- 
tage, petitioned the General Assembly, in March, 1779, to alter it, and 
make the real estate of the two towns taxable in all cases in the town 
where it lay — averring that the paying of taxes out of the parish 
where the properly taxed is situated, is very inconvenient, and tends to 
create disputes, and may in time by frequent transfers from people 
of one of the towns to people of the other, render those of the for- 
mer town wholly incapable of paying their parochial taxes. 

The Assembly ordered that a hearing should be had on the second 
Wednesday of the next session, and that in the meantime notice 
should be given to the selectmen of Hampton. On receiving notice, 
the selectmen called a town meeting. May 17, at which a committee 
was chosen to show cause why the prayer of the petitioners should 
not be granted. The committee were Capt. Josiah Moulton, Joseph 
Dow, Esq., and Ens. Philip Towde, who were authorized to employ 
counsel. 

The petitioners failed to procure the change sought, and for about 
eighty years longer the taxes in the two towns continued to be assessed 
and collected in the same way as before. During that time there 

1 p. 200. 



REGULATIONS — LAWSUITS — CASUALTIES. 1733-1780. 217 

were many changes in the ownership and the comparative vahies of 
salt marshes and woodland, but the changes were not all in the same 
direction. In 1859, the case was again brought into court by the 
selectmen of North Hampton, and the next year decided in tlieii favor, 
so that all real estate has since been taxed in the town where it lies. 

THE DARK DAY. 

The 19th day of May, 1780, was unprecedented in New England 
for its great darkness. The sun was visible a little while in the morn- 
ing, but was soon obscured by clouds. For some days previous the 
air had been filled with smoke, arising, it was supposed, from ex- 
tensive fires, somewhere raging in the woods. Prevailing westerly 
winds had spread the smoke over a very great extent of country. On 
the moi-ning of the 19th, the wind, though variable, was priucipMlly 
from the eastward, and brought with it a dense fog from the ocean. 
This meeting and mingling with the clouds and smoke formed a mass 
almost impervious to light. The darkness became noticeable a little 
before eleven o'clock, and rapidly increased. Domestic fowls went 
to roost, and cattle collected around the barn yards, as at the approach 
of night. About noon it became necessary to light candles, and these 
were needed through the remainder of the day, though the darkness 
was greatest from twelve to one o'clock. The darkness of the even- 
ing was scarcely less remarkable than that of the day. Dr. Belknap 
says : "It presented a complete specimen of as total darkness as can 
be conceived. About midnight a light breeze sprang up from the 
north or northeast, which dispersed the clouds and vapors, and it 
soon began to grow light. 

The darkness extended over several thousand square miles, though 
differing much in intensity in different places. Nowhere, perhaps, 
was it greater than in this vicinity. The day was appropriately 
called, and is still known, as the dark day. 

AN ACT FOR OPENING LITTLE RIVER. 

On the 27th of June, 1780, an act was passed by the Legislature, for 
improving the salt marsh drained by Little river : 

"Samuel Jenness, Jeremiah Dearborn, Benj^ Philbrick, and John 
Lamprey Jun, in a petition, set forth that there is a certain piece of 
Salt Marsh and Meadow land lying in Hampton & North Hampton, 
containing about one hundred & twenty acres, that for some yeais 
past has been made Salt marsh by a river running through the sea- 
wall beach, so called, but for three years past the said river hath been 
stopt by means of gravel & stones washing into the same ; and there- 



218 HISTORY OF HAMPTOX. 

by the said marsh & meadow land was damnified — Wherefore they 
prayed that the}' might be impowered to clear out said river & let the 
water off said marsh & meadow land at the proper cost of the owners 
thereof, and to assess the said owners for that purpose, which appear- 
ing to be reasonable. 

Be it therefore enacted" — etc. that the above-named men, or a 
major part of them "be, and hereby are appointed a committee to 
clear out said river" — etc. according to the petition, assessing the cost 
on the owners, "and to appoint a collector and cause the same to be 
collected as town charges are usually collected. 

This act to continue and be in force for the space of Ten years & 
no longer." 

The same difficulty is still experienced, in keeping Little river 
open at the point indicated, now called "The Breach;" and still the 
marsh becomes "damnified" unless it is occasionally cleared out. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

INDIAN WARS. 1675-1703- 

KING Philip's war. 1G75-G- 

WFIEN the settlement was made at Winnacunnet, the war with 
the Pequots having recently closed, all New England was en- 
joying a respite from open hostility with the natives. There was some 
friendly intercourse l)etween the races, and thiscontinued many years. 
Still there was a feeling of insecurity on the part of the settlers, arising 
from their want of confidence in the sincerity of the Indians in their 
professions of friendship. Sufficient evidence of this is found in the 
legislation of the times. A careful perusal of the documents in the 
archives of Massachusetts will give an insight into the condition of 
the country, which we fail to get from any history of that period. Pro- 
vision was early made for organizing military companies and for the 
frequent drilling of soldiers. Even boys from ten to sixteen years of 
age were to be exercised with small guns, half-pikes, bows and arrows. 
Powder was distributed in all the towns, and every man was obliged 
by law to have one pound in his house at all times. Watches and 
wards were constantly required ; houses provided in all the towns, 
as places of retreat for the women and children, and for the safe-keep- 
ing of ammunition- In 1644 it was ordered that all inhabitants, 
seamen as well as others, should "have armea in their houses always 
ready fixed for service." Provision was made for calling out compa- 
nies in case of an alarm, and every trained soldier was required to 
turn out immediately under penalty of £5 for neglect. Military offi- 
cers were impowered to "appoint what armes to be brought to the 
meeting houses on the Lord's days & other times of meeting/' 

The foregoing are onl}^ a few of the many regulations made for the 
security of the people ; but they are enough to give us some concep- 
tion of the dangers to which they felt themselves exposed. Still, there 
was comparative safety throughout New England till 1675. In that 
year was commenced the disastrous Indian war which, at the time, 
being thought to be occasioned b}- the jealousies and intrigues of Philip 
of Pokanoket, has usually been called King Philip's "War. The first 

(219) 



220 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

attack made l\y tlie Indians was on the town of Swanzey, in the Col- 
ony of Plyinontli, in June of that year. Not long after, there was an 
uprising of some of tiie Eastern Indians in the Province of Maine. 

Their first acts of hostility were in places more renjote, hntin the 
month of September the}' came into New Hampshire and attacked the 
settlement at Oyster River (Duriiam), wliere they burned two houses, 
killed two men and took cap'tive two others, who, however, soon after 
escaped. 

The next month as Goodman Robinson, of Exeter, and his son were 
coming from that town to Hami)ton, they were waj'laid b}'^ three In- 
dians, who shot the old man and left him dead on the spot. His son, 
who was a little distance from him, hearing the report of the gnns, 
ran into a neighboring swamp, and, although at first pursued by the 
Indians, succeeded in reaching Hamjjton, where he arrived about mid- 
night. The next day, Lieut. Benjamin Swett, with about a dozen 
soldiers of the town, went and searched the woods and found tlie body 
of the murdered man. He had been shot in his back, the bullet hav- 
ing passed nearly through his body. 

Before the close of the year small parties of Indians committed 
depredations in several places near the Piscataqua. The inhabitants 
of Hampton suffered less than tliose in the river towns, though they 
lived in constant dread, and sometimes the enemy was known to be 
lurking among them. One instance (a matter of record) may be given : 

There appears to have been a plot to burn the house of Thomas 
Sleeper — a frontier-house in the easterly part of the town. About nine 
o'clock in the evening of the first Saturday of Noveml)er, 1675, an 
Indian was discovered passing from the barn, about eight rods distant, 
towards the house, with fire in his right hand — "in appearance about 
the bigness of an egg" — and straw under his left arm. When about 
midway between the two buildings, he was fired upon from the house 
and immediately fell. The straw took fire and blazed up, and by 
the light of it another Indian was seen running away between the fire 
and the barn. Thus their design was frustrated. The fire soon went 
out, having done no injury. The people of the house, fearing that 
others might be lying in ambush, dared not go out in the night to the 
place where the Indian fell. In the morning, no dead Indian was to 
be found, but pieces of birch-bark lay scattered around where the fire 
had been kindled. 

In the early part of the following week scouts were out in Hampton, 
Exeter, Salisbury and Haverhill, searching the woods to track the In- 
dians on the snow which had already fallen, but tiiey appear to have 
returned without success. 



INDIAN WARS. 1675-1763. 221 

Just before the j-ear closed, it was ordered that tlie majors of tlie 
several regiments in this i)art of Massachusetts should raise tliree 
hundred men to reduce the enemy by attacking:; them at tlieir liead- 
quarters at Ossipee and Pequacket. Of this number, Hampton was 
required to furnish twenty-eight men. But the winter was very severe. 
We have already stated that snow had fallen early in November. By 
the tenth of December it was four feet deep in the woods. The sol- 
diers not being provided with snow-shoes, it was impossible to carry 
out the plan proposed. But the depth of the snow and the severity 
of the winter were equally unfavorable to the Indians. They were 
also suffering from famiue, and having from this cause and by the 
war lost a large number of their men, they were glad to make peace, 
which was obtained through the mediation of Mnjor Waldron, of Dover, 
to whom tiiey had applied for this purpose. The captives they had 
taken were restored, thus bringing joy to many families, though the 
peace was of short duration. 

Hostilities were renewed the next summer, partly, perhaps, through 
fault of the Indians; but partly also through that of the Englisli, or 
some of them, whose dealings with the red-men had not been such as 
were likely to secure a permanent peace. The occurrences of this 
year, though not unimportant, will be passed over, as not coming 
within the scope of this work. 

On the 16th of April, 1677, the house of John Kenniston was 
burned, and himself killed within the limits of the present town of 
Greenland, which borders on North Hampton, then a part of Hampton. 

About tvvo months later the enemy appeared in Hampton and killed 
four men in that partof the town called North Hill (now North Hamp- 
ton). These were : Edward Colcord, Jr., Abraham Perkins, Jr., Ben- 
jamin Hilliard and Caleb Towle. Perkins had a wife and three daugh- 
ters. The others were unmarried. Colcord's age was 25 ; Perkins', 
37 ; Hilliard's, 24 ; Towle's, 16. 

The eastern settlements in the Province of Maine, being very much 
exposed, and needing assistance, the government of Massachusetts 
determined to send a force of two hundred friendly Indians and forty 
English soldiers against the enemy in those parts. Lieut. Benjamin 
Swett, of Hampton, who received a captain's commission, June 21, 
was made "the conductor and chief commander of the English and 
Indian forces now raised, to go forth on the service of the country 
against the Eastern Indian Enemy, as also to order and dispose of 
the masters and mariners and vessels now going on said service, for 
the better management of that affair." 

Dr. Belknap and some other writers state that Captain Swett was 



222 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

sent to Taconic falls on the Kennebec, one of tlie strongholds of the 
enemy, but notiiing to corroborate this is found in the instructions of 
the government, dated on tlie next day after he received his commis- 
sion. The instructions are as follows: 

Capt. Swett, 

You are ordered with the forces now ra^'sed & by 3'our comission 
put under your command, to repayr to Black-poynt, & there use all 
possible dilligence, by scouting & otherwise, to understand the state 
& Motion of the enemy, & with your force to assayle & anno}' them 
as much as in j'ou lyeth. If any other small quarter of the enemy 
lye near & your force be in any manner capable in a short time to 
visit & fall upon them, you are accordingly ordered with all y'' force, 
Indians & P^nglish, to make your March thither & assalt them. If 
otherwise no service against the enemy offer, advising witli Maj. 
Clark to whom the Council doth refer 3^ou for advice, j^ou shall with 
your whole force March down toward Pascatawa^^ or the backside of 

Winter-Harbour if possible to discover the lurking places 

of the enemy & fall upon them : after which you shall supply out of 
your company the places of y*' old garrison-soldiers wliicli went out 
under Capt. Swayn or other, dismissing them home, & lodge y*^ re- 
maynder in most conuenient & necissary places for the Countrys ser- 
iiice, & in such companyes that upon . . . exigence or order you may 
call y™ again for further execution or expedition, keeping your cores- 
pondence with giving account to y*^ gouern'^' & Councill, of all occur- 
rences. 

Dated at Charlestown y'' 22^ of June, 1677. 

"The forces were embarked in vessels which came to anchor off 
Bhick Point in Scarborough, on the 28th of June, where Cai)tain ISwett 
being intbrmed that some Indians had been seen, went on sliore with 
a party, conlident in his strength, and began to test the valor and 
courage of his company before he had disciplined them, or had any 
experience of their abilit}^ to light." This was undoubtedly an error ; 
but the government had committed a greater error in sending a force 
so inadequate to the work to be, done. Not only was the number of 
men sent far too small, but many, even of that small number, were 
young, raw and inexperienced soldiers, not able to look danger, much 
less death, cahnl^' in the face. 

"The forces landed at Black Point, were joined b}' some of the in- 
habitants, so as to make ninety in all, besides the 200 friendl}' Indians. 
The next morning the enemy showed themselves on a plain, in three 
parties. A large decoy, supi)osed to be the main body of the Indians, 



INDIAN WARS. 1675-1763. 223 

feigned a retreat, and were pursued a distance of about two miles 
from the fort, when the English soldiers found themselves in a most 
exposed situation, between a thicket and a swamp, upon the declivity 
of a hill ; and instantly, from an ambush on each side, great numbers 
of Indians, rising Avith a war-whoop, fired at once upon the two divis- 
ions, and turning so violently and so suddenly upon them, threw the 
young and undisciplined soldiers into confusion. Capt. Swett with a 
few of the more resolute, fought bravely on the retreat, till he came 
near the fort, when he was killed. Sixty more, among them Lieut. 
Richardson, were left dead or wounded, and the rest got into the fort." 

Such is the account of this fatal engagement, derived from a man- 
uscript letter of Rev. Nathaniel Gookin, of Hampton, and drawn up 
by one of his descendants, the late John Wingate Thornton, of Boston. 

Williamson, in his History of Maine, gives the following account, 
which is substantially that of Hubbard : 

"Though the ranks were broken, the engagement was sharp and 
protracted. Richardson was presently slain, and many on both sides 
soon shared the same fate. Swett fought the enemy hand to hand; 
displaying upon the spot and in a retreat of two miles, great presence 
of mind, as well as personal courage, in repeated rallies of his men, 
in his exertions to bring off the dead and wounded, and in defense 
of his rear, upon which the savages hung with destructive fury. At 
last, wounded in twenty places, and exhausted by loss of blood and 
by fatigue, he was grappled, thrown to the ground, and barbarously 
cut in pieces at the gates of the garrison. With this intrepid officer, 
fell sixty of his men— forty English and twenty Indians. Seldom is 
the merit of a military otlicer more genuine ; seldom is the death of 
one more deeply lamented." 

Nowhere was the death of Captain Swett more deeply lamented than 
in Hampton, by the people among whom he had many years lived, and 
by whom he was well known and highly esteemed. The loss of him 
was more severely felt in consequence of the imminent danger which 
they then conceived the town to be in, of an attack by the enemy. 
This is abundantly evident from a petition of the militia and inhab- 
itants of the town, to Major General Denison, stating that they had 
eighteen impressed men in daily service, besides the ordinary ward ; 
and urging that, owing to threats of the Indians upon "our Towne in 
particular," about thirty able and stout men might be im[)ressed and 
sent to their aid. This petition was signed by Rev. Seaborn Cotton, 
Samuel Dalton and the military officers, Capt. Christopher Hussey, 
Ensign John Sanborn and Deputy Thomas Marston. 

So urgent appeared the necessity for immediate relief, that another 



224 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

petition was the same day prepared and sent to General Denison, 
begging him to send them, if it were possible, about thirty men from 
Newbury, or some place near, with a suitable commander, so that, if 
practicable, they might be at Hampton as soon as the nest Thursday 
morning, as an attack had been threatened for that day. 

Whether any relief was afforded in answer to these petitions, does 
not appear ; but the anticipated attack was not made ; and soon after- 
wards the Indians ceased their depredations, and in the following 
spring concluded a peace at Casco, and restored their captives. 

A considerable number of Hampton men performed military ser- 
vice in this war. How many were with Captain Swett in his unfortu- 
nate expedition, is not known. In March, 1676, some forces were sent 
for the defense of Marlborough, Mass., and among them were at least 
eight men from this town, viz. : 

Mr. John Stanyan, Jacob Garland, 

Tliomas Cram, Abraham Chase, 

Caleb Perkins, John Philbrick, 

John Huggius, John Pahuer. 

The following persons are known to have been in the service of the 
country sometime during the two years, 1675 and 1676. 

Israel Blake, Samuel Johnson, 

John Brown, Israel Leavitt, 

Thomas Bro^vu, John Leavitt, 

Joseph Cass, Ephraim Marston, 

John Chapman, John MarvSton, 

Samuel Chapman, Benjamin Moultou, 

Israel Clittbrd, John Palmer, 

Edward Colcord, — Palmer, 

Henry Dow, Ebenezer Perkins, 

Abraham Drake, Thomas Robie, 

Joseph Griflin, William Sambornc, 

James Hobbs, John Sleeper, 

Morris Hobbs, Joseph Smith, 

Thomas Hobbs, Benjamin Swett, 

Francis Jcuness, Micluiel Towsley. 

KING William's war. 1G89-1G98. 
The Eastern Indians generally appear to have observed the treaty 
made at Casco, in 1678, conducting themselves for several years 
peaceably towards the English settlers, who, in the meantime, had 
been gradually recovering from their losses in the late disastrous war ; 
but, partly through fault of the English themselves, the peace was at 
length broken and ravages committed, beginning with several places 
in the province of Maine. 



INDIAN WARS. 1675-1703. 225 

The first sufferers in New Hampshire were in Dover, on tlie 28tli of 
June, 1689, when the aged Major Waldron and more tlian a score of 
others were killed, and nearly thirty were taken captive. About a 
month later the savages fell upon the settlement at Oyster River also, 
and killed or carried off nearly twenty persons. 

On the 8th of July the town of Hampton voted "that all those who 
were willing to make a fortification about the Meeting House, to se- 
cure themselves and their families from the violence of the heathen, 
should have free liberty to do it." A fortification was accordingly 
built, which, about three years afterward, the town voted to enlaro-e 
80 as to afford room "to build houses in it according to custom in other 
forts." How many houses were built is not known, but it was voted 
that a small house (14 by 16 feet) should be built there for the use of 
the minister, and when not occupied by him to serve as a schoolhouse. 

From information derived from one who had been in captivity 
among the enemy, fears were entertained that an attempt would be 
made in the latter part of September to destroy the towns of Hamp- 
ton, Exeter, Salisbury and Amesbury, and it was said that four hun- 
dred Indians were to be sent for this purpose. In confirmation of the 
report in circulation, Indians ("skulking rogues," as they were 
termed) were seen in these towns almost every day, sent, it was 
thought, to reconnoiter. Whether they found that their design had 
been discovered, and that the people were too much on their guard to 
be easily overcome, or whether the rumor of their intended attack was 
unfounded, is uncertain ; but the month of September wore away, and. 
the four towns still remained. 

In March, 1690, the military officers in commission before Cran- 
field's administration, were restored to office. Those for Ham[)ton 
were: Samuel Sherburne, Captain; Edward Gove, Lieutenant; John 
Moulton, Ensign. 

During the month of July more than thirty persons were killed by 
the savages, in Exeter. 

Thus far no attack had been made upon any part of Hampton, but 
the people were living in constant dread. So secret and so sudden 
had been the movements of the enemy, that none knew where to ex- 
pect their next assault. The men dared not go abroad to their ordi- 
nary labors without being armed. Their families were collected in 
the forts and in garrisoned houses, wliich were carefully guarded. On 
the Sabbath, indeed, they ventured to attend public worship, but, as 
we have seen, the meeting house was surrounded with a fortification, 
the men went armed, and sentinels were stationed to give an alarm, 
if the enemy should appear during the services. 
15 



22 H HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

At a town meeting held the next winter, Mr. Henry Green, Capt. 
Samuel Slierburne and Henr}' Dow were chosen a committee to agree 
with and send out two men, as scouts, to see what they could discover, 
so long as they could go upon the snow, or so long as the neiglibor- 
ing towns sent out ; and so much of their wages as should not be paid 
by contribution, was to be paid out of the next town rate. The com- 
mittee was also directed to keep an exact account of what the town or 
any of the inhabitants should expend in carrying on the war. 

This vote suggests what was then considered the most effectual 
method of preventing the Indians from committing depredations, viz. : 
the employment of scouts to be constantly scouring the woods, to 
discover them, if possible, in their lurking places. Still, besides 
scouts, a large number of soldiers were employed on ditlorent occa- 
sions, and sometimes for several months in succession, under officers 
of skill and experience. 

But, notwithstanding the vigilance of the scouts, the Indians some- 
times succeeded in finding hiding places, even in the immediate vicin- 
ity of a garrison, where they lay concealed, watching the movements 
of those belonging to the garrison, ready to seize the first opportunity 
to kill or capture anyone who might happen to venture a little too far 
away. An instance of this kind occurred in Salisbury, adjoining Hamp- 
ton, on the 23d of June, 1691. About half an hour after sunset, one 
John Ring went out of Jacob Morrill's garrison, to drive in a cow, and 
was captured within a little more than twenty rods of the garrison. The 
jiext day a great many men of Salisbury and Hampton went into the 
woods to search for him, but, as some one wrote at the time, "with 
very little hope of recovering him." Justly did the same writer add : 
"The truth is, we ai"e a distressed people." 

At the very time of this occurrence, a company of men, about 
thirty-four in number, under Capt. Stephen Greenleaf, of Newbury, 
was out in that vicinity searching for Indians. Ring was captured 
on Monday ; Captain Greenleaf's company went to Haverhill on the 
Saturday previous, came to Hampton on Sunday, and went to Exeter 
on Monday, in the morning. 

A little past midsummer a small army was sent out under the com- 
mand of four captains, one of whom was Samuel Sherburne, of 
Hampton. The forces landed at Maquoit, near Casco, and marched 
up to Pechypscot (now Brunswick, Me.), but finding no signs of the 
enemy, returned to Maquoit, where they had left their vessels. AVhile 
the commanders were on the shore, waiting for the soldiers to get 
aboard, a great number of ludians suddenly poured in upon them, 
and they were obliged to retreat to their vessels ; but this was a diffi- 



INDIAN WARS. 1675-17G3. 227 

cult matter, as, tlie tide being down, the vessels were aground ; and 
before it could be accomplished Captain Sherburne was slain. He had 
been a resident of Hampton ten or twelve years, and was well known 
as the keeper of the ordinary, or tavern. He was a captain in the 
militia; three years a selectman of the town ; was once chosen to rep- 
resent the town in the General Court ; and in January next preceding 
his death, as has been stated, he was on the committee to employ and 
send out scouts, and to keep an account of the expenses incurred in 
the war. Tbe vacancy made by his death was afterwards filled by 
the choice of Lieut. John Smith, the cooper. 

On the last Tuesday of September, 1691, a party of Indians, vari- 
ously estimated from twenty to forty, came from the eastward in ca- 
noes and landed at Sandy Beach (now Rye) a little after noon. The 
garrison there they left unmolested and fell upon a few defenceless 
families living about half a mile from the garrison ; killed some of the 
members and took captive some others, and burned one or two 
houses. The severest blow fell upon "ould goodman Brackett's and 
goodman Rand's families." 

Two messengers brought the sad intelligence to Hampton the same 
afternoon. On their return in the evening, about the time of the 
moon's rising, on reaching Ragged Neck, about half a mile south of 
Sandy Beach garrison, they saw, "as they adjudged, about forty In- 
dians coming towards Hampton, with five or six canoes on their 
heads." 

Having made this discovery the messengers quickly retraced their 
steps and gave the alarm at Hampton. Henry Dow, one of the town 
committee, immediately wrote and dispatched a letter to Salisbur}^ 
conveying the intelligence to Maj. Robert Pike, who commanded the 
militia of the county of Norfolk. Major Pike, having added a hasty 
note, forwarded the letter to Mr. Saltonstall, one of the magistrates, 
who was then at Ipswich "on court service," and by him it was sent 
to the governor. 

The next morning, September 30, a company of men from Hamp- 
ton hastened to the scene of carnage, where they met Capt. John 
Pickering with a company from Portsmouth. The enemy had gone. 
They veere probably preparing to embark at the time they were dis- 
covered at Ragged Neck, the evening before. Their tracks were dis- 
tinctly traced in the sand, as werealso "the tracksof two womenandone 
child," whom, with others, as is supposed, they carried into captivity. 
The companies found the dead bodies of ten persons, and thought 
from what they found in the ashes, that three had been burned with 
the house. Seven others were missing. The whole loss was twenty 



228 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

persons, two of whom were very aged men ; the others, women and 
children. "We are in a sad condition," wrote one of our citizens ; 
"the enemy so violent ; the Lord give ns all wisdom to teach us what 
we ought to do." 

Soon after this occurrence it was proposed that delegates from the 
four New Hampshire towns should meet in Portsmouth, to consider 
what measures should be taken for defense against the common 
enemy. 

The proposition having been brought before this people in town 
meeting assembled, October 26, it was agreed to, and Nathaniel 
Weare, Henry Dow and Joseph Smith were chosen to represent the 
town in the proposed meeting. Tiie town engaged to furnish their due 
proportion of men and money for the defense of the Province by sucii 
methods as should be agreed upon at the meeting, provided the plan 
adopted should be consented to, and subscribed by at least two of 
their committee, or delegates. 

No documents have been found to show what was done or agreed 
upon by the convention in Portsmouth. Even the time of holding 
the convention has not been ascertained. But some transactions of 
our town, about to be related, may have been in accordance with a 
plan adopted, or with suggestions made at the convention. The 
record of these transactions is on a detached paper, and the year is 
torn off; but there are some considerations which render it probable 
that it was in 1691. If so, it was five days after the town meeting, 
when delegates to the convention were chosen, as the record itself 
shows that this was on the 31st day of October. Assuming this to be 
the true date, we shall now proceed to give an account of those trans- 
actions. 

They chose a Committee of Militia and clothed them with extraor- 
dinary powers. They were to have the charge of all the military 
affairs of the town ; to order all watches and wards and garrisons ; and 
were authorized to appoint, if they should see fit, some one garrison 
in the town to be regarded as the principal garrison. In fine, what- 
ever a majority of the committee might agree to, the inhabitants obli- 
gated themselves to "yield all ready obedience thereto according to 
their order." They also authorized the committee to impose such 
fines for neglect of duty as they might think proper, with this restric- 
tion : That no fine should exceed three shillings for the neglect of a 
day's warding ; nor two shillings, of a night's watching, to be paid 
in, or as, money. 

The committee was to consist of five men, and to be constituted in 
this manner : Two members were to be from the south side of Tay- 



INDIAN WARS. 1675-1763. 229 

lor's river, and three from the north side ; three of the men were to 
rank as first, second and third ; and were to liave command of the 
soldiers in opposing the common enemy in any emergency or case of 
assault. Henry Dow, John Smith (the cooper), Ensign Joiiatliau 
Moulton, Serg* Benjamin FIfield and Joseph Swett were chosen as 
the committee ; the first three to command the soldiers in the order in 
which they are named. 

The committee was given full power to call out the soldiers when- 
ever they might think it necessary, and to see that they were prop- 
erly armed and equipped and supplied with ammunition. Anv sol- 
dier who should fail to be thus armed, equipped and supplied was 
to be fined five shillings a mouth so long as the deficiency should 
continue. 

The town was induced to give such powers to the committee on ac- 
count of the exigency of the situation. At the seizure and impris- 
onment of Governor Andros, the province had been left without any 
regularly constituted government, and the people were virtually 
thrown upon their own resources, and no instructions as to their fu- 
ture government had since been received from England. ^ Exposed as 
they now were, to the tomahawk and the scalping knife, their only 
safety seemed to be in confiding in the ability and integrity of a few 
men whose woi'd should be their law ; and happy was it for them that 
there were in the town men, on whom they could'unite in bestowing 
such a mark of confidence. 

Nearly two years later a treaty of peace, or rather a truce, was 
formed, articles of "submission and agreement" being signed bj^ a con- 
siderable number of chiefs and other Indians at Pemaquid, August 
11, 1693. From that time the people had a respite from hostilities 
for nearly a year. But the next blow inflicted in New Hampshire 
was one of great severity. On a summer morning, about daybreak, 
a large number of Indians fell suddenly and unexpectedly upon the 
settlement at Oyster river ; took three garrisons, burned thirteen 
houses, and killed or carried into captivity ninety-four persons. 
Other outrages followed. 

Less than two years after the treaty, a body of Indians made an at- 
tack at Portsmouth Plains, about two miles from the town. They 
had come from York to Sandy Beach in canoes, which they secreted 
among the bushes near the shore. Early in the morning of June 26, 
1696, they simultaneously made an onset upon five houses. Four- 
teen persons were killed, one other was scalped and left for dead, but 

1 ChaiJter vi. 



230 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

recovered, and four were taken prisoners. The Indians,'havinp; plun- 
dered the houses, set them on fire, retreated througli the "Great 
Swamp" about four or five miles, and then stopped to prepare a 
breakfast on the declivity of a hill, near the line, as it then was, be- 
tween Portsmoutli and Hampton. In tliis situation, tliey were found 
by a company of militia sent from Portsmouth, and the four prisoners 
were rescued, but the Indians escaped into a neighboring swamp and 
succeeded in reaching their canoes, in which they put to sea and saved 
themselves from merited punishment. The iiill where the prisoners 
were rescued from the enemy, receiving its name from the circum- 
stances related, has ever since been called Breakfast Hill. 

Just two months later Indians surprised and killed Lieut. John 
Locke, while at work in his field. ^ His residence was at Jocelyn's 
Neck, which sometime after his death took the name of Locke's Neck ; 
then a part of Hampton, but thirty-four years afterwards annexed 
to Rye. 

Hostilities were continued a year or two longer. Depredations 
were made and persons killed, wounded, or taken captive, in Dover 
and in several places in Massachusetts and Maine ; but as the enemy 
did not again appear in this immediate neighborhood, it is not nec- 
essary that any further details should be given. 

The war in Europe was terminated b}^ the treaty of R\'swick, in 
1697, and after it was known here, the French no longer gave aid to the 
Indians, and the governor of Canada advised them to makepeace with 
the English. To this they at length agreed, and another treaty was 
made at Casco near the beginning of the year 1699. A few of the 
captives were restored immediately, and assurance was given that the 
others should be returned in the spring. Some, however, had died 
in captivity, and some of those who were still alive — especially such 
as had been taken in childhood, — having adopted the manners and 
customs of the Indians, intermarried, and spenttheir lives withihem. 

During this war, and in succeeding years till his death, in 1724, 
Bomaseen, a sachem of the Kennebecks, bore a prominent part. Mr. 
Drake, in his History of the Indians, says of him : ''Whether Boma- 
seen were the leader in the attacks upon 03'ster River, in New Hamp- 
shire, Groton, in Massachusetts, and many other places, about the 
year 1694, we cannot determine ; but Hutchinson says he was 'a prin- 
cipal actor in the carnage upon the English,' after the treaty which 

he had made with Governor Phips in 1693 He is 

mentioned as a 'notorious fellow,' and yet but few of his acts are 

1 See p. 71. 



INDIAN WARS. 1675-1763. 231 

upon record." Traditions have been handed down, of Bomaseen's 
frequent appearance in Hampton, both in peace and in war. 

It is said tliat one dark night, during hostilities, an Indian was 
discovered gazing in at a window of Tliomas Lane's house (near the 
house of the late Moses A. Dow) . Lane seized his gun and sprang 
toward the door, but stumbled over a kettle on the hearth and fell, 
thus giving the savage time to slink into the darkness and escape. 
Afterward, Bomaseen, for it was he, openly boasted that, if Goodman 
Laue had shown himself outside the door, he was ready to shoot him. 

We hear of Bomaseen on the war path in this vicinity in 1706, and 
at other times. His name and mark are affixed to a treaty with the 
Indians, concluded at Portsmouth, July 13, 1713. He was killed in 
war at Taconnet Falls (near Winslow, Me.), while attempting to 
make his escape by swimming. 

In closing the narrative of some of the events of King William's 
war, it is gratifying to be able to present so full a list of Hampton 
' men, who were employed as soldiers, scouts or messengers. Many of 
them served on several occasions, particularly in the years 1G94-5-6. 
This list is gathered from various reliable sources, but it cannot be 
claimed that no names are omitted. Probably some who suffered 
the hardships and braved the dangers of the war, and perhaps some 
who were slain are lost from record. The account of the committee 
of expenditure, mentioned on a previous page, were it not mutilated, 
would, perhaps, furnish a list nearly complete, but evidently more 
than forty names have been torn from the paper, while a partial state- 
ment of the sums paid for their services remains. This account shows 
the sum of £211 19s. 3d. expended in paying men at a low rate, for 
their services as scouts and soldiers in different places and under dif- 
ferent commanders, and for their rations, and for going post to Ports- 
mouth, Exeter, Salisbury and other places. Many of the soldiers 
here named did garrison duty at Oyster River, Exeter and Hampton, 
and some at Fort AVilliam and Mary. "Daniel Tilton's Garrison in 
Hampton" is specified. 

HAMPTON MEN KNOWN TO HAVE SERVED IN KING WILLIAM's WAR. 

Jacob Basford. Samuel Cass. 

Beujamiu Batchelcler. John Chase. 

Stephen Batchelcler. Jacob Clifford. 

John Berry. Samuel Colcord. 

Philemon Blake. Abraham Cole, jr. 

Timothy Blake. James Crafford. 

Jacob BroAvu. John Cram. 

Thomas Brown. Jonathan Cram. 



232 



HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



Joseph Cram. 

Thomas Crosby. 

Ebenezer Dearborn. 

Samuel Dearborn. 

Samuel Dearborn, son of Henry. 

Thomas Dearborn. 

Thomas Dearborn, jr. 

Capt. Henry Dow. 

Jabez Dow. 

John Dow. 

Joseph Dow, sr. 

Joseph Dow, his sob. 

Joseph Dow, jr. 

Abraham Drake, sr. 

Abraham Drake, jr. 

Kobert Drake. 

Jonathan ElkinSv . 

Moses Elkins. 

Joseph Fanning. 

Edward Fi field. 

Joseph Fiflelcl. 

James Fogg. 

Samuel Fogg. 

Ebenezer Foul&hara. 

John French. 

Joseph French. 

Nathaniel French. 

John Garland. 

Feter Garland. 

Isaac Godfrey. 

John Godfrey. 

Lieut. Edward Gove. 

Ebenezer Gove. 

Isaac Green. 

Nathaniel Griffin. 

Paul Iloaley. 

Samud Healey, 

Timothy HilliardL 

John Hobbs. 

Morris Hobbs, jr. 

Nehemiah Hobbs^ 

John Hussey. 

Benjamin James. 

Edmund Johnson. 

James Johnson. 

Samuel Johnson. 

David Kincaid. 

John Knowles, 

Simon Knowles. 



Benjamin Lamprey. 
Daniel Lamprey. 
Thomas Lancaster. 
William Lane. 
Aretas Leavitt. 
John Leavitt, jr. 
Moses Leavitt. 
Thomas Lea\itt. 
Nathaniel Locke. 
Caleb Marston. 
Ephraim Marston. 
Isaac Marston. 
John Marston. 
Jonathan Marston. 
John Mason. 
Samuel Melcher. 
Benjamin Moulton. 
Daniel Moulton. 
James Moulton. 
Ens. John Moulton. 
John Moulton, his son. 
John Moulton, son of Henry. 
Ens. Jonathan Moulton. 
Joseph Moulton. 
Christopher Noble. 
John Nay. 
Samuel Nudd. 
Thomas Nudd. 
Francis Page. 
Samuel Page. 
Christopher Palmer. 
Samuel Palmer. 
Benjamin Perkins. 
Caleb Perkins. 
Humphrey Perkins. 
James Perkins. 
/ James Philbrick. 
Sergt. Jonathan Philbrick. 
Thomas Philbrick. 
Christopher Pottle. 
Jonathan Prescott. 
>— Joshua Purington. 
John Redman. 
Ichabod Robie. 
Samuel Robie. 
Thomas Robie. 
Charles Rundlett. 
Lieut. John Sanborn. 
Mephibosheth Sanborn. 



INDIAN WARS. 1675-1 7 G3. 



233 



liichard Sanborn. 
Stephen Sanborn. 
William Sanborn. 
Benjamin Sliaw. 
Caleb Shaw. 
Josiah Shaw. 
Roger Shaw. 
Samuel Shaw. 
Capt. Samuel Sherburne. 
Christopher Smith. 
Israel Smith. 
Jacob Smith. 
Sergt. John Smith. 
John Smith, his son. 
Samuel Smith, 
William Smith. 
James Souther. 
James Stanyan. 
Thomas Stevens. 
John Stockbridge. 
William SAvaine. 
John Swett. 
Capt. Joseph Swett. 



Moses Swett. 
Stephen SAvett. 
Benjamin Taylor. 
John Taylor. 
Joseph Taylor. 
Benjamin Thomas. 
Daniel Tilton. 
Samuel Tilton. 
Benjamin Towle. 
Caleb Towle. 
Francis Towle. 
Joseph Towle. 
Philip Towle, jr. 
John Tuck and man. 
Thomas Ward. 
Peter Weare. 
Sergt. Ebenezer Webster. 
Isaac Webster. 
John Webster. 
Thomas Webster. 
David Wedgwood. 
Jonathan Wedgwood. 



QUEEN ANNE'S WAR. 1702-1713. 

Important events occurring in Europe brouglit on a war between 
France and England, in 1702, known as Queen Anne's war. Tlie 
same year, Joseph Dudley was appointed governor of Massachusetts 
and New Hampshire. 

The Indians were then tolerably peaceable ; but, incited by the 
French, the}' soon became insolent. The governor, therefore, con- 
vened their chiefs at Casco, June 20, 1703, when they were loud in 
their protestations of friendship. Nevertheless, within a few weeks, 
they desolated the whole eastern country, from Casco to Wells. 

On the 17th of August, the enemy appeared in New Hampsliire. 
A party of about thirty Indians, under Captain Tom, fell upon a 
small village, or hamlet, in the south part of Hampton, near the Salis- 
bury line, and killed five persons and "rifled two houses near the gar- 
rison ; but fearing a pursuit, drew off." One of the persons killed 
was a little son of William Hinkley ; the others were Jonathan Green, 
Nicholas Bond, Thomas Lancaster, and a widow Mussey. The last 
two were Quakers, among whom Mrs. Mussey was distinguished as a 
speaker. The story of this tragedy, as handed down by tradition, is 
thus related : 

"A man by the name of Dow, living near a swamp thickly covered 
with trees and shrubs, observed to his brother that he feared the In- 



234 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

dians were lurking near b}'^, being satisfied that tliey had been prowl- 
ing about his house the night previous. He was advised to go into 
tlie bushes and watcli. He did so, and soon perceived tiiera making 
tiieir way from the swamp. He then ran through tlie street, crying : 
"Indians!" A jMr. Gove, who lived on the Salisbury road, hearing 
the cry, jumped upon a stump, and counted thirty-two, as they issued 
from their place of concealment, crawling upon their hands and knees. 
They first killed Widow Mussey^ who was passing by the swamp, 
dragging her into the bushes, and beating out lier brains with a toma- 
hawk. She was greatly lamented by the society of Friends, among 
whom she had been very prominent. They next killed Thomas Lan- 
caster, who was on his way home from mill. His cries were heard 
by some men building a garrison near by, who ran to his assistance ; 
but finding the Indians superior in numbers, they fled. A friend who 
had been with Lancaster, had stopped on his way at the house of Ed- 
ward Gove, "to drink a syllabub," and thus escaped. They next slew 
Jonathan Green, beating his head with the butts of their guns, and 
mangling him in a horrible manner. A woman, having left her child 
with two young girls, had gone into a field to pull flax. When the 
Indians came, the girls fled, leaving the child behind, who tried to fol- 
low ; but while climbing a fence, an Indian seized it, and dashed its 
head against a plow standing near. They killed and scalped Nicho- 
las Bond in his own house. 

"The country was now in terror and confusion. The women and 
children retired to the garrisons. The men went armed to their work, 
and posted sentinels in the fields. Troops of horse were quartered 
at Portsmouth and in the province of Maine." Inroads were made 
into the settlements in various parts of Massachusetts, New Hamp- 
shire and Maine, during the following year, and a considerable num- 
ber of persons killed. 

In 1705, the coast being infested by French privateers, a nightly 
patrol was established along the seashore from Hampton northward 
to Rendezvous Point, to prevent a surprisal b}'^ sea. "It being deemed 
necessary to keep a watch day and night at the fort, Gov. Dudley, 
by a letter dated at Boston, May 29, directed the council to send to 
Lt. Col. Hilton to impress men for this purpose, out of his regiment. 
It was also ordered that the firing of three Great Guns, at intervals 
of one minute, should be an alarum, at which one half of 'Hampton 
Lower Company' and half Portsmouth should immediately march for 
affording relief." 

1 The n.'in-ator of the tradition calls her name Hussey; but the town records and Rev. 
John I'ike'b journal give it as in the text. 



INDIAN WARS. 1675-1763. 235 

September 5, 1705. "Ordered that for the future term able persons 
onely be appointed as Scouts to Range the \voo<ls till further order, 
being Exchanged every tenn dayes, and to be taken out of the sev- 
eral Towns." 

"The enemy again appeared in this town and siiot Samuel Blake, 
on the fourth Sabbath in June, 1706. ^" The circumstances of this 
case are not known. 

On the first of August, as Benjamin Fifield, Sen., of this town, who 
lived about half a mile from Dodge's mills, on the south road to Ken- 
sington, was coming out of his pasture on horseback, he was slain by 
seven or eight Indians, who were lying in ambush, and a lad, his 
kinsman, was carried away. Mr. Fifield was about sixty years of 
age. Tradition says, the "lad" was supposed to have had an Indian 
father. 

In 1707 occurred a fruitless expedition against Port Royal. The 
chief command was given to an inexperienced officer, jealousies arose, 
and the army broke up in disorder. Capt. Samuel Chesley, under 
whose command were thirty Hampton men, embarked his company 
and returned to Portsmouth ; but the whole army was ordered back 
by Governor Dudley, and it remained in the East all summer, though 
nothing of importance was accomplished. 

Meanwhile, the frontiers were in continual alarm. Capt. James 
Davis had command of a company of fifteen Hampton men in active 
service, from four to ten days each. Lieut. Joseph Swett marched a 
company of thirty-one soldiers out of Hampton to Saco, for a service 
of nine days. 

Kingsjion was but lately settled, and had but few inhabitants; and 
being a frontier tovvn, was much exposed. Some of the people were 
discouraged, and in the summer of 1707, eight men left the place. 
This loss increasing the danger of those that remained, complaint was 
made to government, and the Captains of Exeter and Hampton were 
ordered to arrest them as deserters, and oblige them to return to the 
defense of their settlement, or do duty at the fort during the pleasure 
of the governor. 

Capt, Samuel Chesley's company. — Jacob Basford, James Bas- 
ford, Jonathan Batchelder, Timothy Blake, Samuel Clifford, John Ed- 
monds, Benoni Fuller, Tliomas Haines, Holdredge Kelley, John 
Knowles, Benjamin Lamprey, William Lane, Thomas Leavitt, Ens. 
Samuel Marston, Sanmel Marston (Jr.?), Nathaniel Meade, John 
Morgan, Samuel Moses, Joseph Moulton, Josiah Moulton, Christopher 

U)ea Siimuel Dow's Diary, iu possession of the author's family. 



236 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Palmer, Joseph Palmer, Ebenezer Pbilbrick, Sergt. James Prescott, 
Robert Rowe, Sr., Robert Rowe, Jr., Enoch Sanborn, John Sanborn, 
James Soutlier, Moses Stockbridge. 

Capt. James Davis' Companit. — Philemon Blake, John Blake, Thom- 
as Brown, Thomas Dearborn, Jonatlian Elkins, Benoni Fogg, John 
Fowler, Ezekiel Knowles, David Moulton, John Perkins, Jonathan 
Perkins, John Prescott, Nathaniel Sanborn, Jonathan Taylor, David 
Tilton. 

Lieut. Joseph Swett's Company. — Benjamin Batchelder, Samuel 
Batchelder, Nicholas Bond (son of the one killed in 1703?), Benja- 
min Brown, Samuel Brown, Philemon Dalton, Tliomas Dearborn Sr., 
Thomas Dearborn (Jr. ?), Josiah Dow, Jonathan Elkins, Benjamin Fi- 
field, Sergt. James Fogg, Nehemiah Heath, John Hobbs, Morris 
Hobbs, Jr., Benjamin Lamprey, Sergt. Thomas Leavitt, Nathan 
Longfellow, John Morgan, Daniel Moulton, John Nay, Samuel Nudd, 
Benjamin Perkins, Nathaniel Prescott, John Sanborn, Joseph Sleep- 
er, Jonathan Taylor, Benjamin Towle, Caleb Towle, Corpl. Thomas 
Ward, Edward Williams. 

The year 1708 was one of constant fear of French and Indians. 
Scouting parties ranged the woods ; spy-boats guarded the coast ; 
four hundred Massachusetts soldiers were posted in the province ; and 
the garrison at Fort William and Mary was strengthened by large 
reenforcements from Portsmouth and Hampton. 

The list of Hampton men, with time of service at the fort, follows : 

May 18 to June 1. William Lunt, 

Anthony Crosby, John Perkins. 
John French, 

John Ilobbs, ' June 29 to July 13. 

Christopher Palmer, Jacob Brown, 

Jonathan Philbrick, William BroMm, 

Christopher Pottle, Timothy Knowles, 

John Wedgwood. - Christopher Page, 

John Sanborn, 

June 1 to July 15. Kichard Taylor. 
Moses Blake, 

Joseph Brown, July 13 to July 27. 

Seth Fogg, Israel Blake, 

John Gove, - Benjamin Cram, 

Isaac Green, Daniel Lamprey, 

Daniel Lamprey, Stephen Palmer, 

William Marston. Caleb Perkins, 

Zachariah Philbrick, 

June 15 to July 29. Jonathan Taylor. 
John Brown, 
Ebenezer Gove, 



INDIAN WARS. 1675-1763. 



237 



Juhj 27 to August 10. 
Timothy Blake, 
Abraham Brown, 
Benjamin Hilliard, 
Benjamin James, 
John Lunt, 
Benjamin Green, 
John Green, 
Thomas Marston, 
Samuel Palmer, 
Stephen Palmer. 

Augtist 10 to Axignst 24. 
Thomas Batchelder, 
John Garland, 
Samuel Melcher, 
David Moulton, 
Joseph Palmer, 
Thomas Philbrick. 



September 7 to September 21. 
Jacob Clifl'ord, 
Josiah Dow, 
John Garland, 
Abraham Libbey, 
Thomas Marston, 
Isaiah Philbrick, 
Caleb Swaine, 
David Tilton. 

September 21 to October 5. 
John Dow, 
Thomas Leavitt, 
Stephen Sanborn, ~~ 
William Sanborn. 

October 5 to October 19. 
John Berry, 
Robert Moulton. 



August 24 to September 7. 
James Carr, 
James Chapman, 
Philemon Daltou, 
Thomas Haines, 
Abraham Libbey, 
William Norton, 
Israel Shepard, 
Samuel Tilton. 



October 6 to October 19. 
Thomas Dow, 
Benjamin Perkins. 

October 19 to November 1. 
John Cram, 
Samuel Dow, 
Jeremiah Marston, 
Edward Williams. 



In the summer of 1710, the Indians killed Col. Winthrop Hilton 
and others of his party ; and on the 16th of August, a company of 
ninety-one men, of whom at least thirty were of Hampton, went in 
pursuit, under Capt. John Oilman, and were out five days. 

Of the situation in 1712, Dr. Belknap writes: "The frontiers were 
well guarded ; one half of the militia did duty at the garrisons and 
were read}' to march at a minute's warning; a scout of forty men 
kept ranging on the heads of the towns ; and the like care was taken 
by sea, spy-boats being employed in coasting from Cape Neddock to 
the Great Boar's Head." 

Of this scout of forty men, eleven were of Hampton, as follows : 



Daniel Bean, 
Joseph Brown, 
Samuel Clifford, 
Jonathan Dearborn, 
Henry Dow, 



Joseph Dow, 
Israel Folsom, 
John Garland, 
John Prescott, 
Robert Rowe, 



David Tilton. 



238 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

News of the Treaty of Utrecht, which terminated the war in En- 
rope, was bronglit to this conntry in the autnmn of 1712, and on the 
29th of October the suspension of arms was proclaimed at Ports- 
mouth. The following summer, a treaty of peace was concluded with 
the Indians. 

LOVE well's war. 1722-1725. 

A considerable number of Hampton men were employed in the war 
which bears the name of the intrepid captain of Dunstable. Capt. 
John Sherburne's company of twenty-tliree men, in 1722, were mostly 
of Hampton. In June, 1724, Sergt. John Sanborn's company of thir- 
ty-one Hampton men made a tiu'ee days' march ; and about the last 
of that month, seventeen Hampton men, under Benjamin Lamprey, 
were sent out for three days. In July, thirty-nine men, of Hampton 
and Hampton Falls "marched out of Capt. Tilton's company under 
the command of Daniel Weare, for a three days' march, above the 
frontiers, finding tliemselves provisions." What special service tliese 
soldiers rendered is not recorded ; but probably they formed scouting 
parties. 

Many dastardly acts were committed by the savages and their 
French instigators; but no violence seems to have been done within 
the limits of our town ; and in December, 1725, another treaty closed 
the three years' struggle. 

KING George's war. 1744-1749. 
The Treaty of Utrecht was a military necessit3', not a cordial re- 
turn to friendly relations between England and France. Each nation 
was jealous of the other, and both labored to predominate at home 
and to strengthen and extend their possessions in America. In 1739, 
England made war on Spain. In the general convulsion that followed, 
France arrayed herself, inevitably, against England. In 1744, the 
war burst upon New England, plunging the colonies again into dis- 
tress and disaster. It "took the frontiers by surprise," altliough it 
had been feared. Professor Ridpath writes: "Ofall the New England 
colonies. New Hampshire suffered most from the French and Indian 
wars. Her settlements were feeble and her territory most exposed to 
savage invasion. In the last year of King Philip's war, the suffering 
along the frontier of the province was very great. Again, in the 
wars of William, Anne and George, the villages of the northern col- 
ony were visited with devastation and ruin. But in the intervals of 
peace, the sfjirits of the people revived, and the hardy settlers returned 
to their wasted farms, to begin anew the struggle of life." And Mr. 



INDIAN WARS. 1675-1763. 239 

Drake says : "The small belt along the Atlantic shore of English 
settlers was situated, as it were, between two tires. The enemy on 
their back had every advantage. They could always approach the 
English undiscovered, and when they had committed murders and 
depredations, could bury themselves in the wilderness ; and pursuit 
oftentimes only aggravated the mischief ab-eady done, as the pursu- 
ers often fell into ambushes and were cut off." 

All this is true of Hatnpton. For more than twenty years, com- 
parative safety had been enjoyed ; thougii, while the treacherous sav- 
ages still roamed the wilds, none knew how soon peace mio-ht be 
broken, nor where the deadly tomahawk might strike. And so lono- 
as wily French Jesuits controlled Indian tribes, our English ances- 
tors had no certain security. We cannot know the bittenress of the 
hour when tidings of war again reached these hoines. It meant sep- 
aration of families; danger, perhaps captivity, or torture and death 
for the soldiers ; anxious watching and suspense and almost equal 
danger for those who remained. 

England and France declared war against each other in March, 
1744, and the war soon extended to the colonies of the two countries 
in America, where the chief event was the capture of Louisburg on the 
island of Cape Breton. The French then held this stronghold, which 
afforded them gi'eat advantages for annoying the English in their 
fisheries on the Grand Bank, and their trade with the colonies. The 
commander at Louisburg, soon after the declaration of war, despatched 
an armed force against two forts of the English in Nova Scotia, one 
of which was captured, and the other would have met with a like fate, 
but for timely aid furnished by Governor Shirley of Massachusetts. 
The Indians of Nova Scotia joined the French in these attacks, and 
this led to an immediate declaration of war by the English, against 
them and all the tribes near them. The danger of the English col- 
onies was imminent, for it was well understood that the French were 
making formidable preparations for a vigorous prosecution of the 
war. 

At this juncture, the bold plan was conceived, of wresting Louisburg 
from the hands of the French. It was thought feasible to take the 
city by surprise, early in the following spring. To whom belongs 
the merit of suggesting this daring enterprise is not fully settled. It 
is claimed for Governor Shirley and for Mr. William Vaughn of 
Portsmouth. The plan was laid before the General Court of Massa- 
chusetts, by the governor, and the expedition was decided upon by a 
bare majority, on the 26th of January, 1745. That colony voted to 
furnish 3250 troops ; Rhode Island and New Hampshire voted 300 



240 , HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

each, and Connecticut, 500, but New Hampshire actually sent 350 
at first, and afterward, 120 more. Col. William Pepperrell, of Kittery, 
in the Province of Maine, was appointed commander-in-chief of the 
expedition. 

We cannot enter into any details of the siege and surrender of 
Louisburg, any further than may be needful to show the humble part 
taken in the enterprise by individuals from this town. We have not 
been able to ascertain how many soldiers the town furnished, but 
have reason to believe that it was a full quota. During the siege, the 
New Hampshire troops were employed in some very laborious and 
hazardous undertakings, and uniformly showed themselves energetic 
and brave. One of the most dangerous attempts of the besiegers 
was to capture or destroy the Island Battery. In this unfortunate 
attempt by 400 volunteers from several regiments, the New Hamp- 
shire troops were very active. Some of the Hampton soldiers were 
of this number. Several of them, in a petition of a later date say : 
"When it was thought needful to make an attack on the Island Bat- 
tery, we readily ventured our lives in that dangerous enterprise, where, 
tho' we escaped with our lives [we] were in the utmost danger of 
losing them, and after the greatest trial of this sort, were obliged to 
submit to the mercies of our enemies." 

Jeremiah Marston, who enlisted in Captain Sherburne's company, 
"was killed a fighting with the French and Indians, in the woods, at 
some distance from the walls of the city." 

Dr. Nathaniel Sargent, Jr., eldest son of Dr. Nathaniel Sar- 
gent, who had, for more than thirty years, resided in Hampton, 
accompanied the expedition to Louisburg, "as a physician and chirur- 
geon, in the regiment that went out of this province. He was in the 
service five months and twenty days, and had the sole care and 
charge of said regiment as physician and chirurgeon for some time. 
He was obliged to remain out of the city, in the camps, ten days after 
the surrender, to look after and take care of upwards of thirty sick 
and wounded persons, having no person or persons to aid and assist 
him therein." Dr. Anthony Emery also went as a surgeon. 

Other men from Hampton are known to have been at the siege, but 
we have no knowledge of their personal services or sufferings. The 
few names, with residences, that may be gleaned from official reports 
now available, are of men accredited indiscriminately to Hampton, 
whether from the old town, the Falls or North Hampton. Thus we 
find Sluibael Dearborn, Joseph Redman, John Sleeper, Moses Leavitt 
(who died), Josiah Shaw, Nathaniel Moulton. Benjamin Thomas was 
allowed twenty pounds instead of a pension, for his arms being 



INDIAN WARS. 1675-1763. 241 

wounded. Capt. Edward Williams took a company down from Hamp- 
ton Falls, and be died there. Ebenezer Gove, of Capt. Jonathan 
Prescott's company died ; so did Abner Sanborn, of Colonel Moore's 
company. 

In the same war, though in a different quarter, Capt. Nathaniel 
Drake of Hampton, with his troop of fourteen mounted men, scouted 
in and about the woods of Nottingham, where some Indians had been 
lately seen ; but after ten days' diligent search, none were discovered. 
His men were: Daniel Marston, Reuben Dearborn, David Marston, 
Samuel Garland, John Taylor, Samuel Batchelder, Daniel Sanborn, 
Jethro Locke, Samuel Libbey, Samuel Fogg, Joseph Brown, Jona- 
than Hobbs, Obadiah Marston, Thomas Brown. 

Many other familiar names occur in the lists of the Adjutant Gen- 
eral's Keport and in Provincial Papers, but as their residences are not 
given, we cannot say with authority, that they were Hampton men. 

"A patched-up peace" was effected by tlie Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, 
October 7, 1748, news of which, however, did not reach the colonies 
for six months or more, so that hostilities continued into the follow- 
ing year. A full year elapsed ere a new treaty witli the Indians, con- 
cluded at Falmouth, Maine, gave promise of tranquillity. 

THE FRENCH AND INDIAN VTAR. 1754-1763. 

A patched-up peace is not likely to continue. The treaty of Aix- 
la-Chapelle wantonly, as it seemed, gave back Louisburgto the French, 
and with it, the power to harass and threaten. Their Indian allies, 
always bloodthirsty, were but liglitly restrained. Governor Went- 
worth, therefore, continued the defenses. In 1750, only a few months 
after the treaty of Falmouth, he felt obliged to order the enlistment of 
a troop at Kingston and vicinity. In '52, the Indians renewed their 
depredations on our western frontiers ; and two years later, command- 
ing officers were required by a new law, to call out their troops for 
military exercise at least four times a year. But the year 1754 saw 
war again rife. The great struggle for supremacy on this western 
continent was now to be enacted. Both French and Englisii strength- 
ened their fortifications, looked well to their supplies of arms and 
ammunition, food and clothing; enlisted soldiers ; struck blows. Fol- 
lowing the petty strifes begun in 1749, between the Ohio Company 
and the Canadian fur- traders, were more serious outbreaks in north 
and west and south ; and the astounding revelation of the French pur- 
pose to establisli a cordon of forts from Canada to the Gulf of Mex- 
ico, and possess the land. 

General Braddock, commander-in-chief of the English forces, planned 
16 



242 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

four expeditions for the jear 1755. The first resulted in the subjuga- 
tion of Nova Scotia. The other three all failed — that against Fort 
du Quesne, in defeat and the death of Braddock ; the one against Fort 
Niagara, through inaction ; and, lastly, the Crown Point expedition, 
tlie only one with whicli our present history has to do, because it was 
a work of greater magnitude than had been anticipated. 

This expedition was in command of Gen. William Johnson, with 
3400 soldiers, including a ])and of friendly Mohawks. For this army, 
New Hampshire furnished a regiment of 500 men, under Col. Joseph 
Blarichard. Dr. Anthony Emery of this town was a surgeon of the 
regiment and lieutenant of the 7th company. Other Hampton men 
were enlisted. 

Governor Wentworth ordered Colonel Blanchard's regiment to ren- 
dezvous at a place since made memorable as the farm of Daniel Web- 
ster, in Franklin, then called Stevenstown ; and while there, to build 
boats for transportation through the rivers supposed to lie along their 
route to Crown Point. Meanwiiile, one company. Captain Rogers and 
his rangers, were sent forward to build a fort at Coos Meadows (above 
Lancaster), for the occupation of the troops on their way, or for de- 
fense. After six weeks consumed in these absurd measures, the gov- 
ernor was persuaded of his mistake, and sent the regiment directly 
across the province to Number Four (now Charlestown), and thence 
toward Crown Point by way of Albany. Early in August, some of 
tlie New England troops had built Fort Edward, on the Hudson, 
above Albany, only fourteen miles from the head of Lake George. Gen- 
eral Johnson, with the main division of the army, arrived before the 
summer was ended and encamped by the lake. When the New Hamp- 
shire regiment arrived, they were quartered at Fort Edward. 

This was the situation, when Baron Dieskau, the bold commander 
of Crown Point, determined to make a swift movement, pass John- 
son's camp secretly and capture Fort Edward. Fortunately for tlie P^ng- 
lish. General Johnson heard of the design, and prepared to thwart it. 
Fortunately for the garrison, Dieskau's guides led him out of his way 
on the night of September 7th, and when the 8th dawned, he found 
himself, with his 1400 men, French and Indians, four miles north of 
Fort Edward, on the Lake George road, and Colonel Williams, with 
1000 soldiers and 200 Mohawks, coming into view behind them. In- 
stantly, the French general formed an ambush, into wiiich the English 
fell. But Dieskau's Indians recognized their Mohawk brethren and re- 
fused to fire. A sliarp contest ensued, resulting, after thePvnglish had 
been driven back to the lake, in the rout of the Fiench, with much 
loss on both sides, including the death of the two commanders. 



I 



INDIAN WARS. 1()75-17()3. 243 

On the same morning, a scouting party from Fort Edward saw 
wagons burning in the road, and returned to report. Thereupon, 
eighty New Hampshire and forty New Yorlv men were ordered out. 
The}^ found dead bodies of drivers and cattle, but no foe. The sound 
of battle was aliead of tliem, towards the lake. Pressing on, they 
were in season to harass the retreating French and capture much of 
their baggage. Fort Edward was saved, and this and otlier New 
Hampshire towns spared the slaughter of their sons. 

After this engagement, General Johnson called for reinforcements, 
and built Fort William Henry for the defense of his army at the lake. 
In response to the call, New Hampshire sent asecond regiment of 300 
men, under Colonel Gilman, of Exeter. The 2nd company was largely 
from Hampton. Among them was John Blake, who died at Alhany 
in December. This regiment, mustered September 19, marched by 
the route of the first, through Number Four tp Albany, and in Decem- 
ber "marched back again," the campaign of^l755.^being ended. 

The next year told of disaster. Governor Shirley, who had been com- 
mander-in-chief since the death of Braddock, was soon superseded by 
the inefficient Earl of Loudoun. He employed the armies in uliim- 
portant and frivolous works, while the French built and occupied Ti- 
conderoga, strengthened Crown Point, captured the forts on the 
Oswego river and burned the town. Not till this year was war for- 
mally declared. A second expedition against Crown Point came to 
nothing. For this expedition, New Hampshire sent a regiment of 
700. The rolls contain many Hampton names, but as we cannot 
certainly identify them, we pass them b3\ 

The next year was even more disastrous. New Hampshire again 
furnished a regiment, a part going with Lord Loudoun to Halifax, to 
act a farce before Louisburg and return ; and the rest joining Colonel 
Monroe, in the ill-starred defense of Fort William Henry, to be butch- 
ered by savages, through the perfidy of General Montcalm. 

Tidings of the massacre fired the colonies. Governor Wentworth con- 
vened tlie assembly, and by his message and by letters from the seat 
of war, told the news, the most horrid details of which had not yet 
arrived — and said, what shall we do? The assembly replied ; we have 
not enough men left now to defend our own homes — but no matter — 
we will send 500 more ; and if Fort Edward is besieged, let the gov- 
ernor order others at his discretion, and supply money for their march 
till they join the king's forces. Only, when they can be spared, re- 
call them, for we are dangerously exposed. However, 250 were 
deemed sufficient, and this battalion of five companies, under Major 
Tash was forwarded with all speed and stationed at Number Four for 



244 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

the defense of the fort. Of the two cavalry companies, one, as given 
below, was from Hampton, a few of the men, probably, being from 
other towns ; the other was commanded by Anthony Towle, bora here, 
but then residing in Chester. His brother Caleb, at that time or af- 
terwards of Hawke, was in the ranks. Jeremiah Marston, son of the 
Jeremiah killed at Louisburg, was lieutenant of the 3d company, in 
which were Paul Smith Marston and other Hampton men. 
5th Compant (cavalry). 

Abner Fo^g, Captain. 

" V Abraham Drake, sent Joseph Moulton, Lieutenant. 
"^Joshua Pickeriua:, Cornet. 

Edward Hilton, Qr. Master. 

Samnel Webster, Corporal, sent Burnham. 
Thomas Pickering. Josiah Clough. 
Thomas Marston. Benjamin Fuller. 
Cotton Ward, Clerk. Jonathan Locke, sent Abraham Dear- 
John Young, Private. born. 
Nathaniel Wallace. John Weeks. 
Pearson Brown. Walter Wiggin, sent Piper. 
Sj^muel Sherburn. Francis McCoy. 
Moses Blake. Benjamin Busswell. 
Edward Smith. Samuel Winslow. 
Abraham Dearborn. Moses Richardson. 
John Batchelder. Benjamin Seagle. 
John Shepard. Noah Hobbs. 
Benjamin Norris. Joseph Moulton. 
Joshua Webster. ' Benjamin Leavitt. 
Samuel Dalton. James Piper. 
Obadiah Marston, Trumpeter. Jonathan Sanborn, Trumpeter. 
Charles Huntoon, Private. Caleb Smith, Private. 
Paul Fifleld. Simon Lamprey, sent D. Webster. 
Burnham Webster. Samuel Brown. 
Tristram Sanborn. Benjamin Smart. 
Isaiah Rowe. Abraham Kenniston. 

About a month after the adjournment of the assembly, the govern- 
or received a requisition from Lord Loudoun for a company of fifty 
rangers, to be in sei-vice all winter ; the earl promising, however, to 
dismiss those already sent as early as he could do so with safety. 
The governor replied that nearly one-third part of the regiment posted 
at Fort William Henry were "either killed or captived ;" that the men 
fittest for rangers' service were incapacitated by the terms of the 
capitulation or now actually abroad ; that he had just sent 250 meu 
to the war ; nevertheless he would use his utmost endeavors to com- 
ply with the requisition. 

Lord Loudoun did, iu fact, in fulfillment of his promise, dismiss a 



INDIAN WARS. 1675-1763. 245 

good many men after a month's service. Of Captain Fogg's company, 
a few were soon discharged, but the greater part remained at Number 
Four till into November. But the rangers were not sent till the fol- 
lowing January. Whether any Hampton men were in this important 
branch of the service, we do not know. 

Let us comprehend the situation. "At the close of the year 1757, 
France possessed twenty times as much American territory as Eng- 
land ; and five times as much as England and Spain together." Flushed 
with her two years' triumphs, she had grown bold and arrogant. The 
English were correspondingly depressed, but still resolute. 

The period of the war, thus far, had been one of peculiar trial at 
Hampton. The fatal ravages of the throat distemper ; the terror of 
the earthquake ; the law-suits ; the constant danger of attacks by land 
and sea, and men needed for defense gone into peril, some of them 
to death, in the army ; short crops and scanty subsistence — ah ! we 
little know at what cost our homes were purchased ! But now, if men 
had but known it, the crisis was past. William Pitt had taken the 
helm and all was changed. With erticient commanders and a liberal 
policy, courage revived and success followed. The next two years 
saw the power of France broken; and, before 1760 closed, all Canada 
belonged to Great Britain, and, the western and southern forts had 
been reclaimed. 

For the campaign of 1758, New Hampshire raised 800 men, a por- 
tion of the regiment participating in the second siege and capture of 
Louisburg, and the rest at Ticonderoga and the western frontier. 
Hampton still bore her part in the conflict. This was the year that 
John Lamprey was chosen constable instead of Eliphalet Sanborn, 
who was "gone out into the King's service." On the 4th of June, 
Rev. Ward Cotton preached from Matt. 26 : 41, "Watch and pray 
that ye enter not into temptation," The sermon was addressed to the 
soldiers, who were going away the next day. A time-stained paper, 
dated June 6, 1758, still preserved, requires Samuel Dow, clerk of 
the 1st company in the 3d regiment of militia, "forthwith to Impress 
a Sufficient Gun for the use of Benjamin Sanborn, belonging to said 
Company and Going in the Expedition against Canada, and Deliver 
said Gun to said Benjamin Sanborn and make Return" &c., signed, 
Meshech Weare. The Hampton roll for this regiment cannot be 
given. And for 1759, "No roll of this regiment [of 1000 men] is to 
be found. It was made up, as was usual in all such cases, of drafts 
from each of the regiments of militia in the Province." P^rom 
Col. Meshech Weare's regiment was drafted a company commanded 
by Capt. Jeremiah Marstou of Hampton. He had been a lieutenant 



246 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

in the campaign of 1757. He also commanded a company in 1760, 
and was present at the surrender of Montreal. In his command wei'e 
many Hampton men, among whom, Timothy Dal ton is known to have 
died at Ticonderoga. 

"Prior to the arrival of the several companies to the place of ren- 
dezvous [Exeter], they were under the immediate command of the 
governor, and he issued special orders to each company. Gov. Went- 
worth's order to Capt. Marston has been preserved, and is as fol- 
lows : 

'Province of New Hampshire. 

To Capt. Jeremiah Marston : 

You are hereby directed to assemble the company of foot, 
raised for the Canada expedition and under your command, without 
loss of time, and march them to Dunstable, where you will receive 
orders from Col. Lovewell for your further proceeding toward Al- 
bany. If your whole company can not be got together at one and 
the same time, you are to have a prudent and careful person to collect 
them and follow you to Dunstable. 

Given at Portsmouth the 12^*^ day of May, 1759. 

B. Wentworth.' " 

During the war, many of the sick, from small pox and other dis- 
eases, were sent into hospital at Albany. 

"Jon* Elkins came into y"^ house [of Representatives] and Repre- 
sented that he was a soldier in the Crown Point Expedition in the 
year 1755, that he was discharged in the Muster Roll y** 21*' of Octob'' 
which was 21 days short, ^ he being left to take care of the sick at 
Albany, vf^^ place he did not leave till y® 28''' of said month, & prayed 
further allowance" which was granted. 

John Elkins died in the army at Albany. He was son of Jonathan, 
and he had a brother Jonathan. The above was very probably one 
of them. 

March 13, 1760, was observed as thanksgiving-day, "occasioned by 
y*' Reducktion of queBack." 

May 18, following. Rev. Ward Cotton preached to the soldiers 
who were going that week to join the army, from Acts x: 7, "A 
devout soldier." 

Hostilities between the opposing nations continued on the ocean 
till 1763, when the Treaty of Paris brought peace and quietness after 
the long conflict. 

U'robably should read 7 days. 



INDIAN WARS. 1675-1763. 247 

The next war that darkeued the land, was the fearful struggle for 
Independence. 

GARRISON HOUSES. 

For a full century and a quarter from the time when our History 
opens, there was never a year when the people could confidently ex- 
pect immunity from Indian outrage. Not that they lived always in 
fear. A threatened danger, long delayed, gradually loses its terror ; 
and there were considerable intervals when no outbreaks occurred 
and the savages affected great love for the families of their white 
brothers. But treachery was characteristic of all the tribes ; and, 
as this record of the wars has shown, safeguards were constantly de- 
manded, in places of refuge, stores of ammunition, trained soldiers 
and danger signals. 

Garrison houses were in every town ; most of them owned and 
occupied as dwellings in times of peace — crowded with refugees and 
guarded by armed men when danger seemed imminent. The annals 
of these garrison houses, if any had been kept, would make an excit- 
ing chapter in the history of the times. Very little detail, however, 
has come down even by tradition, of the garrisons of Hampton. The 
houses themselves are mostly gone, though a few have been demolished 
within the memory of people now living. One of these was the Phil- 
brick house in the east part of the town, which stood where John A. 
Philbrick's house now stands, till it was taken down in 1855. It was 
heavily timbered, the eastern half of the second story projecting over 
the first, with openings here and there in the floor of the projection, 
through which shot might be fired downward, or water poured, if the 
savages pursued their favorite plan of setting fire to the house. Other 
loop-holes guarded the approach. A fragmentary jotting, still to 
be seen in a manuscript of the third Dea. Samuel Dow, who lived 
nearly opposite, " Rember, Remember how y® landins came down 
upon you to desti'oy you had you not had help from y*^ garrison to 
drive" very likely referred to an attack frustrated by the sol- 
diers stationed here. 

Ordinary houses were sometimes utilized for garrisons. It is said 
that, in one of the wars, the old Toppan house premises were enclosed 
by a stockade, and many of the inhabitants of the town sheltered with- 
in, some only going for the nights, carrying bundles of straw and 
sleeping in the yard, while the appointed watch was kept. In the 
morning, the gate was opened to allow the able-bodied men to pass 
out, armed of course, to their daily work, while all others remained 
under ward through the day. The story is told, that a girl ventured 



248 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

out near nightfall, to drive in a cow ; that she was surprised by an 
Indian and ran for her life, barely reaching the gate, when some one 
within stretched out an arm and pulled her safely through. 

Other garrison houses, at the town, on the Falls side, at North 
Hill and wherever there were considerable settlements, gave such 
security as could be afforded, slender at best, against savage cunning 
and malice. 

[From Capt. Henry Dow's Diary] : "Simon began his fortnight 

to find the watch-wood the 11 March, 169^." 

"An account of peopells neglect of watching August 26 Ebenezer 
Webster refused to watch one night and ward y^ day after when it 
was his turne & Will : Laue the same day & night refused & was a 
delinquent. August 30 Arretas lovitt Refused to ward a day Joseph 
Philbrick September 20 Refused to watch in the night and ward the 
day after. William ffifield September y*^ 21 : 27 refused to watch two 
nights & two days." 



CHAPTER XIV. 

IN THE REVOLUTION. 1774-1783. 

PATRIOTIC RESOLVES. 

THE period wliich forms the subject of this chapter is an eventful 
one in the history of our country — that of the American RevoUi- 
tion. For ten years, the oppressions of Great Britain liad tiglitened 
about her colonies, till nothing was left for them but to wrench them- 
selves clear altogether. 

The people of Hampton early caught the spirit of liberty, as is evi- 
dent from their proceedings at a meeting held January 17, 1774, and, 
by adjournment, February 7, "for the purpose of considering the un- 
reasonable and unconstitutional power and claims which the Parlia- 
ment of Great Britain have assumed over the rights and properties of 
His Majesty's loyal subjects in America :" and to consult how best to 
counteract "every bold and wicked attempt of the enemies of the 
British Constitution to enforce their unjust usurpations." 

Jonathan Moulton, Esq., was chosen moderator. 

The sentiment of the town was very strongly expressed, that it must 
be evident "to Every one that is not Lost to Virtue, nor devoid of 
Common Sense," that if these usurpations are submitted to, they 
''will be totally Destructive to our natural and Constitutional Rights & 
Liberties, & have a direct Tendency to Reduce the Americans to a 
state of actual Slavery:" Therefore, '"feeling that Concern & Indig- 
nation, which should animate^ Every honest Breast, we look upon it 
as our Indispensable Duty, as men, as Christians, and as Americans, 
Publickly to express our Sentiments & Determinations at this impor- 
tant & alarming Crisis." 

A committee was accordingly chosen, to prepare fitting Resolves, 
and report at an adjourned meeting: which, being done, and the Re- 
solves "having been distinctly Read, & with Due Deliberation con- 
sidered, it was put to vote whether they should be accepted as the 
opinion & Determination of this Town, which passed by a very grate 
majority in the affirmative." 

The resolves are as follows : 

(249) 



250 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

"Resolved, 1st, That it is Inseparably essential to the Freedom of 
a People, & the Inherent Right of Englishmen, in Every part of the 
British Dominions, that no Tax be imposed on them without the 
consent of themselves or their Representatives ; that the local 
Circumstances of the People iu America cannot admit of their being 
Represented in the Parliament of Great Britain, & therefore they are 
Exempt from Parliamentary Taxation. 

2nd, That no Taxes can be Constitutional!}- imposed on the People 
in the Colonies but by their Respective Legislatures, & that the sole 
Right of imposing Taxes on the Inhabitants of this, his Majesty's 
Province of New Hampshire, iu particular, is now, & ever hath been 
Legally & Constitutionally vested in the House of Assembly, Law- 
fully convened, with Consent of Council & his majesty, or his Repre- 
sentative, the Governor, for the time being. 

3d, That the Act of the British Parliament, imposing a Duty on 
Teas payable in America upon being Landed, is a Tax imposed on the 
Americans without their consent ; & the Express Purpose for which 
that Tax is Levied has a Direct Tendency to subvert our Constitution, 
Render our Assemblies useless, & Introduce that plan of arbitrary 
government which — to Every attentive person appears — the minis- 
try of Great Britain are artfully endeavouring to Establish over the 
Americans. 

4th, That a virtuous & steady opposition to Every artful measure to 
enforce said Act, is the most Lilvely method, under God, to obtain a 
Repeal of the same; & that it is, therefore the Duty of Every Amer- 
ican to concur in advancing & supporting that Glorious Design. 

5th, That we will, to the utmost of our Power, in Every Reasonable 
& Constitutional way. Endeavour to promote & Defend the Happiness 
& Security of America, and, if Ever necessity Requires it, we will be 
ready in conjunction with our oppressed American Brethren, to 
Risque our Lives & Interest in support of those Rights, Liberties & 
Privileges which our Supreme Law Giver & our happy Constitution 
has [have] entitled us to." 

At the same meeting, Philip Towle, Capt. Josiah Moulton, Amos 
Cofflu, Esq , William Lane & Josiah Moulton 3d were chosen a com- 
mittee, "to correspond with other committees in this and the neigh- 
boring governments as they may see occasion." 

EXETER CONVENTIONS. 

The next INIay, a committee of correspondence was appointed Ity the 
popular branch of the General Assembly. This measure was dis])loas- 
iug to Governor VVeutworth, and he first adjourned, and soon after dis- 



IN THE REVOLUTION. 1774-1783. 251 

solved the assembly. But be could not thus smother the rising flame 
of liberty. At the call of the committee, the representatives again 
met, and, though the governor, through the sheriff of Eockiugham, 
ordered them to disperse, they proceeded with their business. They 
wrote to all the towns in the province, requesting them to send dele- 
gates to a convention to be holden at P^xeter, for the purpose of choos- 
ing delegates to a General Congress of the American colonies. 

The town of Hampton responded to the call, and on the 18th of 
May chose Col. Jonathan Moulton, Col. Christopher Toppan, Capt. 
Josiah Moulton and Josiah Moulton 3d to attend the convention at 
Exeter. They were empowered to act in behalf of the town, on all 
questions that might arise. 

The convention, consisting of eighty-five deputies, met at Exeter 
on the following Thursday, May 21. The sum of two hundred pounds, 
to defray the expenses of the two delegates chosen to the Congress, 
that was to meet at Philadelphia in September, was raised by the towns. 
The proportion for Hampton was three pounds thirteen shillings. 

In January, 1775, the town chose deputies to another convention, 
to be holden at Exeter, and invested them with such powers as the 
purposes of the convention seemed to require. On this occasion, 
nine deputies were chosen, viz : the four who had served in the for- 
mer convention, and with them, Capt. Jeremiah Sanborn, Anthony 
Emery and Amos Coffin, Esquires, Mr. William Moulton and Lieut. 
John Fogg. The sum appropriated for the expenses of the delegates 
to the next Continental Congress, chosen at this convention, was 
two hundred fifty pounds, of which Hampton paid six pounds ten 
shillings sixpence, having raised the same by a tax. The convention 
chose a committee of correspondence, authorized to call another con- 
vention when necessary, and adopted such measures for the general 
safety as seemed imperative. And none too soon : in less than three 
mouths the guns of Lexington echoed throughout the country. 

THE SEABOARD EXPOSED. 

Tlie people of Hampton had fifteen months before proclaimed 
their opposition to British aggression, and their determination to re- 
sist it by f(n'ce of arms, if necessary ; and it may well be supposed, 
that tiie wanton slaughter of their countrymen at Lexington and 
Concord would not diminish their opposition, nor cool their resolution. 
But their situation, and that of a few other towns in this vicinity, 
was peculiar. These towns lay upon the seaboard, and the enemy 
might at any time annoy them by landing on the beach with boats; 
or effect a wider destruction, by sending a naval force into the Tis- 



252 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

cataqna. Rumors were already afloat, that the British were coming, 
but at what particular point tliey would most probably appear, none 
could tell. Under these circumstances, it might have been thought 
that patriotism did not require, nor prudence permit the men of these 
towns to leave the seaboard unguarded, and their own families at the 
mercy of the foe ; but that their first duty was to provide for the de- 
fense of the sea-coast by an adequate force. Still, an order was given 
at Hampton, the next day after the Lexington and Concord fights, 
for the soldiers to proceed immediately to Boston. They accordingly 
set out the same day, but at Ipswich, a counter-order was received, 
and they returned home, where they arrived on the 22nd. They were 
probably sent back to aid in the defense of the coast. 

A new assembly having been summoned by Governor Wentworth, 
the General Court commenced a session on the 4th of May, about two 
weeks after the battle of Lexington. The governor, entertaining 
hopes that the difficulties between England and the colonies might 
yet be settled, and harmony restored, opened the session with a speech, 
entreating the members of the court to adopt a pacific policy. At 
the request of the House, he then adjourned them to the 12th of 
June, to give them an opportunity to consult their constituents. 

A few days afterward, the town of Hampton chose Capt. Josiah 
Moulton and Josiah Monlton 3d — who were also members of the 
assembly — to represent the town in a convention soon to be holden at 
Exeter, and voted, that said delegates, when met, should be empowered 
and authorized to adopt and pursue such measures as might be judged 
most expedient to preserve and restore the rights of this and the other 
colonies, and to act in behalf of themselves and their constituents, 
for six months, if they should judge the same necessary, and to adjourn 
as occasion might require. 

To this convention, which met on the 17tli of May, the representa- 
tives applied for instructions. The state of the country was such 
as to demand promptness of action on the part of the convention. 
They at once resolved to raise two thousand men in the province, to 
be formed into three regiments, and to be placed under the command 
of Colonels Stark, Reed and Poor. Those men, who had already 
gone as volunteers to the theater of war, were to form two of these 
regiments, and the third was to be enlisted immediately. Tiie whole 
were to serve till the close of the year, unless sooner discharged. 

At this time the fears that the enemy would land on the coast had 
increased, and about the close of the month, the danger appeared im- 
minent. It became known that the British had sent out from Boston 
a considerable number of "cutters," having their decks filled with 



IN THE REVOLUTION. 1774-1783. 253 

boats, the whole movement indicating some such design as had be- 
fore been suspected. At this juncture, General Ward sent a letter by 
express to the different towns along the coast, warning them of their 
danger, and urging them to be ready for action. He wrote as follows : 

"Head Quarters, Cambridge, 29th May, 1775. 
Sr, By Information just receiv'd from Boston, I apprehend the Enemy in- 
tend to make an attack somewhere this night ; tlieref ore would have your 
people in readiness to act on the shortest notice, if there should be occasion. 

I am &c. 

Artemas Ward." 

This letter was sent to the committee of correspondence of Salem, 
b}^ whom it was forwarded, with further particulars, to Manchester, 
and so on from town to town along the coast. It reached Newbury- 
port at half past four o'clock in the afternoon, and was immediately 
forwarded to Hampton. 

A memorial was promptly drawn up, and presented to the conven- 
tion, rehearsing the advice from General Ward, and setting forth the 
absolute necessity of guarding the sea-coast and the expediency of em- 
ploying for this puipose, forces to be raised in this part of the pro- 
vince, rather than that these forces should be sent to Massachusetts, 
and others called from a distance to defend the sea-board. 

The exigency of the case admitting no delay, the memorial was 
put into the hands of the member from Hampton Falls, without sig- 
natures, and he presented it at the next meeting of the convention, 
accompanied by the following note : 

"To tlie President of the Provincial Congress. 

At the request of many persons who represent to me that the general 
mind of tlie people in the toAvns near the coast is as above represented, and 
that much uneasiness is in their minds until some provision be made for their 
defense, I subscribe in their behalf, to save the time of collecting great num- 
bers of subscribers. 

Meshech Weare." 

The memorial appears to have been referred to the Committee of 
Safety, for at their meeting the first day of June it was determined 
that two companies should be mustered and equipped, and sent to 
guard the seacoast for the present, and that the companies that 
should first be in readiness, should be thus employed. People of 
Hampton, according to tradition, performed this service on their own 
coast; whence it happened that but few, if any of them were present 
at the Battle of Bunker Hill, which was fought while they were thus 
engaged. 



254 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

THE END OF ROVAL GOVERNMENT. 

The General Assembly met June 12, according to adjournment, 
and the governor again urged u|)on tlie members a conciliatory course ; 
but, tliougli "a man of sound understanding, refined taste, enlarged 
views and dignified spirit," being a loyalist, he had ceased to have 
much influence with the majority. At the end of a month, he again 
adjourned the assembly ; but they never transacted any more business ; 
and Governor AVentworth soon after left the province. 

CAPTAIN HENRY ELKINS' COMPANY. 

The companj' of Infantry, in Hampton, was at this time under the 
command of Ca[)t. Henry Elkins. The Committee of Safety, on the 
15th of June, addressed to him the following order : 

"Sir, 

You are directed to man ttoo ivliale-hoats out of your company, & 
keep them constantly cruising otf & on the coast, & direct them to ac- 
quaint all vessels bound to Piscataqua, having provisions, salt or 
molasses on board, that the man-of-war there has orders to seize 
them ; &, advise them to get into York, Newburyport, Hampton or 
Rye, as the}' judge expedient." 

Near the close of the month, Captain Elkins was directed "to order 
his boatmen to put into the Shoals, & bring to Hampton any can- 
non-shot they may find there, if the people at the Shoals will allow 
it to be done." 

On the 6th of Jul}', Capt. Josiah Moulton was appointed paymaster 
of Captain Elkins' company, and the Receiver General was ordered 
to pay to him £139 16s. lawful money, for their pay for one month ; 
and £97 10s. to pay for billeting the company. The order for the 
payment of the latter sum was given on the 1st of August, and the 
same day it was ordered, that Captain Elkins should march his com- 
pany immediately to join the army at Medford. 

It is difficult to ascertain precisely what force was stationed along 
the sea-board. It undoubtedly varied somewhat according to the 
apprehension of danger at different times. After thebattleof Bunker 
Hill, on the 17th of June, the fears that had agitated the people for 
a few weeks previous, appear to have subsided. Still it was not pru- 
dent to leave the coast entirely unguarded, though, as we have seen, 
the company that had been stationed there, was withdrawn on the 
1st of August. 

At a town meeting six days afterward, it was voted to have four 
men on guard at the beacli every night. Lieut. James Philbrick was 



IN THE REVOLUTION. 1774-1783. 255 

appointed to make a list of tlie names of all the persons in the town, 
liable to perform this service, and empowered to order the guard by 
turns. His list, still to be seen, contains 168 names, and 153 checks 
to denote the performance of guard dut}'. 

COMMITTEE OF SAFETY. 

The convention at Exeter having recommended that a committee 
of safety should be chosen in each town in the province, this town 
voted to comply with the recommendation, and chose for their com- 
mittee : Dr. Anthony Emery, Col. Jonathan Moulton, Capt. Josiah 
Moulton, Amos Coffin, Esq., Lieut. Cotton Ward, Mr. Josiah Moulton 
3d, Lieut. John Dearborn, William Lane, Cornet Simon Nudd, Ens. 
Philip Towle, John Lamprey, Ens. Jonathan Garland, and Lieut. 
Josiah Dearborn. 

The British having burned a part of Falmouth [now Portland], in 
Maine, and it being feared that they would also attempt to destroy 
Portsmouth, General Sullivan was dispatched from Cambridge, in Oc- 
tober, to take the command of the militia and defend the harbor of 
the Piscataqua. Thirteen soldiers were sent from Hampton ; but all 
of them were discharged after a few days. A month later, the con- 
vention at Exeter voted that eight hundred men, officers included, 
divided into eight companies, should be enlisted at once for the de- 
fense of the harbor of Piscataqua and the fortress there. Capt. 
Henry Elkins, of Hampton, was to command one of the companies. 

The royal government in New Hampshire having virtually ceased, 
the chief authority now acknowledged was that of the convention 
sitting at Exeter. In that convention were one hundred thirty-three 
members, representing one hundred two towns. As it would have 
been very inconvenient for so large a body to attend to all the details 
of business, they appointed, besides other committees for specific ob- 
jects, a committee, styled "The Committee of Safety," to whom they 
gave this general instruction and authority : "To take under consider- 
ation all matters in which the welfare of the Province in the security 
of their rights is concerned ; and to take the utmost care, that the 
public sustain no damage." Special instructions were also, on some 
occasions, given to them. They at all times exercised executive 
powers, and when the convention was not in session, "their orders 
and recommendations had the same effect as the acts and resolves of 
that whole body," Capt. Josiah Moulton was the only member of 
this committee, belonging to Hampton. He vras first appointed May 
24, 1775, and held the position till January 31, 1781, when he also 
ceased to be a member of the House of Representatives, the town 



256 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

having chosen another person in his place at the election in December, 
1780. 

A PROVINCIAL CONGRESS. 

As the delegates to this convention had been chosen for only six 
months, their authority would cease in November. Tliey, therefore, 
applied to the Continental Congress for advice respecting the govern- 
ment of the province after that time. Congress advised "to call a 
full and free representation of the people ; that these representatives, 
if they should think it necessary, might establish a temporary form of 
government, till peace should be restored." 

The convention having considered this advice and matured their 
plan, sent to the several towns a circular containing the plan, and then 
adjourned sine die, November 16. 

According to this plan, the number of representatives was to be 
considerably less than that of delegates in the convention. Hampton, 
having between one and two hundred families, was entitled to only 
one representative, and never since has a larger number been allowed. 

The towns generally responded to the call thus made by the con- 
vention, and appointed delegates, or representatives to a provincial 
congress, giving them such powers as were deemed necessary to ac- 
complish the objects proposed. Capt. Josiah Moultou was chosen 
for Hampton and held the office, by annual election, six years. 

About this time, the Committee of Safety received a letter sent by 
express from General Sullivan, informing them of the withdrawal of 
the Connecticut troops from the lines at Cambridge, and asking them 
to send troops from New Hampshire to supply their places. The 
committee held a special meeting at Portsmouth, December 2, 1775, to 
act upon the request. They gave orders to sixteen "gentlemen, each to 
enlist a company of sixty-one able bodied men, including 3 sergeants 
& 3 corporals, well provided with arras & blankets, to serve in the 
Continental Army, under the command of General Washington, un- 
til the 15*'' Jan^ next unless sooner discharged, & as soon as enlisted 
to march them immediately to join General Sullivan's Brigade." 
Blank orders were also entrusted to several judicious persons, to put 
into the hands of men whom they considered suitable for raising other 
companies. The whole number of companies mustered into the ser- 
vice under this call, was thirty-one. One of the sixteen men, to whom 
these orders were given, was Capt. Henry P^lkins, of Hampton, and 
he appears to have acted promptly, for his couipany was styleti the 
"First Company." 

When the new form of government went into operation, Hon. Me- 
shech Weare, having been chosen as one of the council, was elected 



I 



IN THE REVOLUTION. 1774-1783. 257 

president of that body. He was soon after appointed chief justice 
of the Superior Court of Judicature, "thus being invested at the same 
time with tlie liighest offices, legislative, executive and judicial. No 
stronger testimony could be given, of tlie confidence re[)osed in his 
integrity and ability." 

About the same time Josiali Mouiton, Esq., was appointed one of 
the justices of the Inferior Court of Common Pleas for Rockingliam 
county. 

On the llth of March, the House of Representatives voted, "to 
raise tliree companies of one hundred men each, incUiding officers, out 
of each of tlie following regiments, viz. : Portsmouth, Dover & Hamp- 
ton, to be on the lines at Portsmoutli immediately witli arms & am- 
munition complete, and there to continue till further orders ; to be 
paid from tlie time of raarciiing, the same as the Provincials of the 
preceding year were paid." 

DEFENSE OF PORTSMOUTH. 

An act was passed the next day for a regiment of three hundred 
men, to be raised speedily and stationed at or near Portsmouth, till 
December 31, if there should be occasion for keeping them there so 
long. These were to be taken as equally as might be, from the three 
counties of Rockingham, Strafford and Hillsborough, and to be paid 
as officers and soldiers in the service of the colony received the last 
year. Several colonels, including Colonel Mouiton, of Hampton, 
were directed to warn all the militia under their command to hold 
themselves in readiness to march at a minute's warning, properly 
equipped, and with three days' provisions, vvhich militia, in case of 
their going into actual service, were to be paid as other troops. It 
was also ordered that sentries should be stationed at New Castle and 
Hampton, to give the speediest notice of the appearance of the en- 
emy's fleet; and that persons should be agreed witli to hold them- 
selves in readiness, when ordered l)y the proper authority, to notify 
General "Washington, and alarm the country, in case of the enemy's 
appearance. 

A week later this town voted "to pay all those men that went to 
Ipswich or Portsmouth in the time of the alarms, that have not been 
paid." To what particular occasion allusion is here made, on which 
men "went to Ipswich," is uncertain, but it was probably that already 
mentioned, when soldiers having gone thus far on their way to Bos- 
ton, had been ordered to return. 

At the same meeting, the selectmen were instructed to build a Guard 
House at the seashore, "and to do it in the cheapest manner possible." 
17 



258 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

A guard house was accordingly built — or an old one removed and re- 
paired — and placed on the bank a little to the eastward of the site 
now occupied by the Rockingham House, where it remained till near 
the close of the war. The cost, £5 14s. 2d. was paid by the Com- 
mittee of Safety'. 

t 

TEST PAPERS. 

In the spring and summer of 1776, efforts were made to ascertain, 
as neaily as possible, who were friendly to the American cause and 
who still adhered to the British. The former about this time began to 
be called wiiiGS, and the latter, Tories — names that had been in use in 
England nearly a centurj', to denote the country 2yc(rty and the court 
party. One means now employed was to offer to the people for their 
signatures, test papers, as they were called, the nature and design 
of which are shown by the Eesolves of Congress, and the orders is- 
sued to the selectmen of the several towns in New Hampshire, by the 
Committee of Safety, which are here introduced. Many of these 
papers are still preserved in the office of the Secretary of State at Con- 
cord. The one from Hampton contains the names of one hundred 
seventy-four signers — only two persons having refused to sign. As 
it is an interesting and important document, it is here given in full, 
witli no other change than a transposition of the names so as to ar- 
range them in alphabetical order as a matter of convenience. 

COLONY OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

In Committee of Safety, April 12, 1776. 

In order to carry the underwritten EESOLVE of the Hon'ble Con- 
tinental CONGRESS into Execution, You are requested to desire 
all Males above Twenty-one years of age (Lnnaticks, Idiots, and 
Negroes excepted) to sign to the DECLARATION on this Paper; 
and when so done, to make Return hereof, together with the Name or 
Names of all who shall refuse to sign the same, to the General-As- 
sembly, or Committee of Safety of this Colony. 

M. Weare, Chairman. 

In Congress, March 14, 1776. 
Resolved : That it be recommended to the several Assemblies, Con- 
ventions, and Councils, or Committees of Safety of the United Col- 
onies, inwiediately to cause all Persons to be disarmed^ within their 
Respective Colonies, who are notoriously disaffected to the Cause of 
AMERICA, or who have not associated, and refuse to associate, 



IN THE REVOLUTION. 1774-1783. 



259 



to defend by ARMS, the United Colonies, against the Hostile Attempts 
of the British Fleets and Annies. 

Extract from the Minutes. 

Charles Thompson, Se&ry. 

In consequence of the above Resolution of the Hon. Continental 
CONGRESS, and to show our Determination in joining our American 
Bi'ethren, in defending the Lives, Liberties and Properties of the In- 
habitants of the UNITED COLONIES; 

We the Subscribers do liereby solemnly engage and promise, that 
we will, to the utmost of our Power, at the Risque of our Lives and 
Fortunes, witli ARMS, oppose the Hostile Proceedings of the British 
Fleets and Armies, against the United American COLONIES. 



John Allarman. 
Jeremiah Ballard. 
Benjamin Batch elder. 
Carter Batchelder. 
Jeremiah Batichelder. 
Nathaniel Batchelder. 
Jethro Bhilie. 
Jonathan Blake. 
Nathan Blake. 
Samuel Blake. 
W'» Branscombe. 
Moses Brown. 
Nathan Brown. 
Samuel Brown. 
Samuel Brown, jun. 
Zechariah Brown. 
Amos Coffln. 
John Crosbie. 
John Dearborn. 
Josiah Dearborn. 
Nathaniel Dearborn. 
John Dow. 
Joseph Dow. 
Samuel Dow. 
Simon Dow. 
Jonathan Dowst. 
John Drake. 
John Drake, jun. 
Robert Drake. 
Robert Drake, jun. 
Samuel Drake. 
Samuel Drake, jun. 
Henry Elkins. 



Jonathan Elkins. 
Moses Elkins. 
Anthony Emery. . 
Henry Fifleld. 
Stephen Fifleld. 
John Fogj;. 
George Freese. 
Joseph Freese. 
Jonathan Garland. 
Jonathan Garland, jun. 
Joseph Garland. 
Jonathan Godfrey. 
James Hobbs. 
Morris Hobbs. 
Joshua James. 
Richard Jenness. 
Thomas Jenness. 
Elisha Johnson. 
James Johnson. 
John Johnson. 
Joseph Johnson. 
Nathaniel Johnson. 
Amos Knowles. 
Amos Knowles, jun. 
Jeremiah Knowles. 
Daniel Lamprey. 
John Lamprey. 
John Lamprey, jun. 
Nathaniel Lamprey. 
Reuben Lamprey, 
Ebenezer Lane. 
Jeremiah Lane. 
John Lane. 



260 



HISTOKY OF HAMPTON. 



Josliua Lane. 
Josiah Lane. 
Oliver Wellington Lane. 
Simon I^ne. 
"Ward Lane. 
William Lane. 
William Lane, jun. 
Jonathan Leavitt. 
Thomas Leavitt. 
Jonathan Locke. 
Samuel Loclie. 
Andrew Mace. 
Elisha Marston. 
Epiiraim Marston. 
Jeremiah Marston, jun. 
John Marston. 
Jonathan Marston. 
Jonathan Marston, jun. 
Philip Marston. 
Samnel Marston. 
Simon Marston. 
Benjamin Mason. 
Edmund Mason. 
Josiah Mason. 
Micajah Morrill. 
Benjamin Moulton. 
David Moulton. 
Edward B. MoultOD. 
Elisha Moulton. 
Ephraim Moulton. 
Ezekiel Monlton. 
John Moulton. 
John Moulton, jun. 
John Mouiton, 3d. 
John Moulton, 4th. 
John Moulton, 5th. 
John Moulton, 6th. 
Jonathan Moulton. 
Jonathan Moulton, jon. 
Josiah Moalton. 
Josiah Moulton, jun. 
Josiah Moulton, 3d. 
Nathan Moulton. 
Robert Moulton. 
Small Moulton. 
William Moulton. 
John Nay. 
Joseph Nay. 
Samuel Nay. 



Simon Nudd. 
Thomas Nudd. 
Abner Page. 
Benjamin Page. 
Samuel Page. 
Shubael Page 
Stephen Page. 
Thomas Page. 
Jacob Palmer. 
James Perkins. 
Daniel Philbrick, jun. 
James Philbrick. 
John Philbrick. 
Josepii Philbrick. 
Samuel Philbrick. 
John Randall. 
John Redman. 
Abner Sanborn. 
Jeremiah Sanborn. 
John Sanborn. 
Jonathan Sanborn. 
Nathan Sanborn. 
Simon Sanborn. 
Winthrop Sanborn. 
Benjamin Brown Shaw. 
Edward Shaw. 
Gideon Shaw. 
Jeremiah Shaw. 
Jonathan Shaw. 
Joshua Shaw. 
Samuel Shaw. 
Henry D. Taylor. 
John Taylor. 
John Taylor, jun. 
Ebenezer Thayer. 
Christopher Toppan. 
Abraham P. Towle. 
Amos Towle. 
Amos Towle (tanner). 
Elisha Towle. 
James Towle. 
John Towle. 
Jonathan Towle. 
Joseph Towle, jun. 
Joshua Towle. 
Joshua Towle, jun. 
Josiah Towle. 
Nathaniel Towle. 
Philip Towle. 



IN THE REVOLUTION. 1774-1783. 261 

Philip Towle, jun. John Tuck. 

Samuel Towle. Jonathan Tuck. 

Samuel Towle, (jun.?) Jonathan Tuck, jun. 

Simon Towle. Cotton Waril. 

Benjamin Tuck. Thomas "Woodman. 

Colony of New Hampshire. Pursuant to the within Request, we 
the subscribers, Selectmen of Hampton, have Desired all males witli- 
in said Hampton, above twenty-one years of age (Lunatics, Idiots, 
and Negroes excepted) to sign to the Declaration on this paper ; and 
there are that have Refused to sign the same, viz. : Capt. Jeremiah 
Marston & Daniel Philbrick. 

William Lane, ") 
Given under our hands & Dated Joseph Dow, I Selectmen 

at Hampton aforesaid Josiah Dearborn, y Qf 

June y*^ 4th, 1776. Jonathan Garland, I Hampton 

Cotton Ward. J 

To the Honor'^ Committee of Safety of said Colony of New Hamp- 
shire. 

BOUNTIES AND ENLISTMENTS. 

At a town meeting holdeu in the latter part of Jul}', 1776, it was 
voted, "To give to each man who has enlisted to make up our propor- 
tion of men for this town, and who is gone under Capt. Samuel Nay, 
to join our brethren of the Northern Army, the sum of four pounds 
two shillings Lawful money, as an additional bounty to the bounty 
granted by the colony." Also voted, that the selectmen raise the 
money by a tax and pay it to the soldiers upon their return ; and in 
case any of them should not return, then their friends to be entitled 
to the same. 

In the spring of 1777, the town voted "To give each man that shall 
enlist, fourteen pounds, over and above what is allowed by the conti- 
nental and State bounty ; and that the selectmen be hereby impow- 
ered to assist the commissioned officers in enlisting the men." 

At an adjourned meeting, April 3, Joshua James aud Lieut. Josiah 
Dearborn were chosen as a committee to be sent out, to hire men to fill 
up the quota of the town in the continental army. 

Four days after, it was voted "to allow those persons that have 
done service in the war, so far as a committee shall judge proper to 
allow them." The committee chosen to make such allowance consist- 
ed of the following persons : LieuL. Cotton Ward, Mr. Josiah Moul- 
ton. Ens. Philip Towle, Joseph Dow, and Morris Hobbs. Voted, "to 
give each man that shall enlist, thirty pounds. Lawful money, as an 



262 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

addition to the State and continental bounty." Lieut. Jonathan Gar- 
land and Lieut. John Taylor were chosen a committee to hire men to 
enlist. 

A few weeks afterward the bounty offered was somewhat modified, 
and Lieut. Jonathan Garland, Lieut. John Fogg and Capt. Samuel 
Nay were appointed to enlist soldiers. At the same meeting the se- 
lectmen were impowered to raise two thousand one hundred dollars 
for the purpose of hiring soldiers. 

Pearly in Mny, another town meeting was holden, in relation to boun- 
ties and enlistments. It was found very difficult to procure seasona- 
bly as many men as the town was called upon to furnish for the war. 
The term offered to those eulisting into the service were altered from 
time to time, as their varying circumstances seemed to require. 

At this meeting, it was voted, "to give to each soldier that should en- 
list into the continental service in behalf of the town, for, and during 
the term of eight months, the sum of £17 6s. 8d., lawful money, in- 
cluding the continental and State bounty, if any should be allowed." 
Capt. Samuel Nay, Lieut. John Fogg and Mr. Micajah Morrill were 
chosen and empoAvered as a committee, to enlist soldiers in behalf of the 
town, for the term of three years, one year, or eight months, as might 
be agreed upon ; but they were to do it at the cheapest rate they could 
possibly procure them. 

Col. Jonathan Moulton and Capt. John Moulton were chosen to 
make application to the General Court, or the Committee of Safety of 
the state to have the town allowed for the soldiers enlisted into the 
continental army in behalf of the town, for tlie term of one year, or 
eight months, "the proportion of continental & state bounty, & other 
emoluments, for either of said terms, as are allowed to soldiers enlist- 
ing for three years." 

The same day, the Committee of Safety wrote to Colonel Moulton 
"to keep a Guard at the Boar's Head, of two persons constantly night & 
day." 

STAMPEDE OF THE CHILDREN. 

It was probably a little earlier than this, perhaps in the first year 
of tlie war, that the stampede of the children occurred. 

The people, as has been said, were in constant fear of an invasion 
of the British by way of the sea ; and, there is little doubt that false 
alarms were sometimes given. This time the cry, ''The regulars are 
coming!" was made just as the cliildren were dismissed from school. 
Panic-stricken, they fled, not to their homes, but back towards the 
country, anywhere, away from the sea and the terrible red-coats. 



IN THE REVOLUTION. 1774-1783. 263 

On they sped for three or four miles, as far as the " 'Hio meetino" 
House"^ (as one of them related years afterwards), till overtaken by 
friends and brought back, with the assurance that it was not, after all, 
"the regulars," but some lishermen clad in red tlanuel shirts, that had 
caused the alarm. 

Committees were appointed, to request the presence of Hon. Me- 
shech Weare and Josiah Moulton, Esq., members of the Committee of 
Safety. 

A committee was chosen, to wait on the Committee of Safety, with 
a petition, setting forth the exposed condition of the seaboard, and 
praying that a thousand men or more be raised at once, for its defense ; 
and also, that some field pieces, firearms, ammunition and other mili- 
tary stores be sent with all speed. If the Committee of Safety did 
not feel authorized to act upon this petition, then that body was de- 
sired to call together the General Court as soon as possible, for that 
purpose. 

The committee thus chosen at this meeting appear to have acted 
very promptl}^, for in the Journal of the Committee of Safety for the 
Monday following — this meeting was on Saturday — is the following 
entry : 

"Rec*^ a petition preferred by the Selectmen & Committee of Hamp- 
ton, Greenland, &c., &c., to raise a Regiment to be Stationed on the 
Sea Coast." 

Two days later the Committee of Safety "agreed to raise 3 compa- 
nies, to consist of 80 men each, officers included, for one month, to 
guard the Sea Coast of this State." They issued their orders to Gen- 
eral Folsom accordingly. 

At their meeting on the 12th, they "ordered Gen. Folsom to deliver 
the Selectmen of Hampton two barrels of Gunpowder, & to the Se- 
lectmen of North Hampton, one barrel, they to be account"^'*^ there- 
for." 

DEPRECIATION OF THE CURRENCY. 

At the end of the first month of the year 1777, £100 of the conti- 
nental money, paper currency, was equal to £100 silver. Soon after, 
it began to depreciate in value, and in six months it had depreciated 
20 per cent. A little before that time, July 14, there was a town meet- 
ing in Hampton, at which it was voted "to choose a committee to affix 

'A nickname for the new meeting-house at Hampton Falls— where the Unitarian churcli 
now stands. The origin of the term is lost, but it still clung to that locality well into the 
present centur3', when Salisbury teamsters, liaulmg timber thence to Newburyport for ship- 
building, were accustomed to speak of their trips as "going to 'Hio" (Ohio), and.made fre- 
quent uicutiou of *• 'Uio meeting-house." 



264 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

and settle the prices of all kinds of goods and articles enumerated in 
an act of the State," that had recently been passed. There had been 
for some time a gradual rise in the prices of manj' articles needed in 
every family, and it was a prevalent opinion that the persons selling 
those articles had raised their prices so that they might grow rich at 
the expense of others. Jt "was thought that this course should be 
checked by law. Hence the origin of the act bj' virtue of Avhich the 
town voted as is above stated. 

The committee chosen to determine at what prices the articles enu- 
merated should be sold, consisted of the following persons : Lieut. 
Josiah Dearborn, Mr. Josiah Moulton, Jun., Lieut. Cotton Ward, 
Lieut. Jonathan Garland, Benjamin Batchelder and Capt. Morris 
Hobbs. 

The meeting was adjourned, to meet again in one week. 

At the adjourned meeting, the following preamble and resolution 
were presented : 

"AVhereas it is represented that there are some persons in this town, 
who have behaved very disorderly, and that their conduct tends greatly 
to injure our endeavors to maintain the American Cause : — Therefore 
Resolved, That it is our earnest desire that such persons should be 
brought to their proper duty, or otherwise dealt with according to the 
laws or Resolves of the State or General Congress ; and that we will 
aid and assist all officers, both civil and military, in carrying the same 
into execution." 

This Resolution was adopted by the town, but no evidence is found, 
that any persons were molested in consequence of this act. 

At a town meeting, January 19, 1778, Lieut. John Fogg, Lieut. Jo- 
siah Dearborn, Lieut. Cotton Ward and Col. Jonathan Moulton were 
chosen a committee to procure the men that were wanting of the town's 
quota, to fill up the continental army. 



CONSTITDTIONAL CONVENTION AT CONCORD. 

In the summer of 1778, a convention met in Concord, to form a 
new constitution for the state. The Avhole number of delegates was 
seventy-three, two of them from Hampton — Capt. Josiah Moulton 
and Col. Jonathan Moulton. A Bill of Rights and Plan of Govern- 
ment were drawn up and agreed upon and the convention closed its 
labors in June of the following year. The proposed constitution 
was submitted to the people in the couise of the summer, and wholly 
rejected. In this town, however, only tico votes were given against 
it, while there were forty -three for its adoption. 



IN THE REVOLUTION. 1774-1783. 265 



EFFORTS TO REGULATE PRICES. 

One of the chief sources of embarrassment during the war, was 
the disordered state of the currency. Soon after the commencement 
of hostilities, Bills of Credit began to be issued, with no other fund 
than taxation for their redemption. For a while these bills passed 
very currently ; but when counterfeits were found to be in circulation 
— to what amount none could tell — and when it became doubtful wheth- 
er even the genuine bills would ever be redeemed, it is not strange 
that gold and silver were preferred to bills of ci'edit, and that the lat- 
ter were received with reluctance. Their value then began to depre- 
ciate. Attempts were made by individuals and by government, to 
check the depreciation. In New Hampshire, they were made a legal 
tender, evgn for debts previously incurred ; and any creditor refusing 
to take them lost the whole debt. Dishonest persons took advantage 
of this law to swindle their creditors, offering paper money which was 
nearly worthless, in payment of debts contracted in good faith, to be 
paid in specie or its equivalent. 

Instances of this kind were not wanting in Hampton. In one case, 
if tradition can be relied on, the depreciated paper was tendered at its 
nominal value, in payment of a note given for valuable real estate — 
the sum named in the note being the cash value of the estate. In 
another instance, a man who had hired money and given his note for 
the same at its just value, went, after the passage of this law, to the 
person to whom the note had been given, for the purpose of tendering 
depreciated paper in payment, taking with him another man as witness 
of the tender. But the holder of the note was too shrewd for him. 
Suspecting the purpose of his visitor, he did not wait for him to make 
known his business, but immediately said to him: "You know that 
the note which you gave me, was a negotiable one ; you must, therefore, 
find the note before you tender payment for it." The bills were not 
tendered. 

As the value of the paper money depreciated, there was an increase 
in the price of labor, and of articles of merchandise. Another ex- 
pedient to prevent a further depreciation was to fix the prices of va- 
rious articles, and to make it a penal offense to take a higher price. 
Associations were also formed, the members engaging to sell goods 
and produce, and to perform labor at stipulated prices. Town meet- 
ings were holden and votes passed for the same purpose. 

In the latter part of June, 1779, there was a meeting of the mer- 
chants and traders of Portsmouth, at which they agreed, for the space 
of one month to sell no articles, by wholesale or retail, at a higher 



266 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

price than such articles were then selling at — the prices of some im- 
portant articles being enumerated^ — and at the close of the month, 
and of each successive month, to reduce their prices, on condition that 
similar measures should be adopted in the other towns in the state, 
respecting merchandise and produce. They also resolved that they 
would not directly nor indirectly sell any kind of merchandise or any 
property whatever, for hard money, because the direct tendency of 
selling goods for hard money would be to destroy the credit of the 
paper currency. 

The town of Portsmouth ratified the action of its merchants, and 
circulars containing their resolves were sent to all the towns in the state. 

On the 9th of August a town meeting was holdeu in Hampton, at 
which it was voted — 

"That we will adopt measures similar to those agreed to by the mer- 
chants in Philadelphia, Boston and Portsmouth, in regard to reducing 
the prices of the necessaries of life, and for supporting the credit of 
our currency." 

But whatever the expedients resorted to, they all failed to provide 
a remedy. The state of the currency grew worse and worse. In 
August, 1779, £100 silver were equal in value to £1G30 of the paper 
currency, and in September, to £1800. 

August 16, 1779, the town voted that the selectmen should make up 
to John Lane one hundred dolhirs per month, including his wages, for 
enlisting into the service at Portsmouth. On the 2oth of July, Lane 
had been drafted to serve as a soldier for two months, unless sooner 
discharged. His compensation was, in appearance, very large; but 
100 dollars — £30 — of the depreciated currency were of less value 
than £2, silver. A year later, Joshua James and Jonathan Marston, 
Jr., received twelve hundred ninety- five dollars, in the currency of the 
time, for services as constables. 

About the middle of August, the town voted, "to join the other 
towns and parishes in the State to hold a convention at Concord on 
the 22nd of September for the purpose of carrying into effect the 
several interesting and important measures recommended by Congress 
to the inhabitants of the United States, in their late wise, seasonable 
and animating address."- Capt. Josiah Moulton and Mr. Josiah 

1 Here is a specimen of prices: Molasses, £5 per gallon : Brown Sugar, 20 shillings i)er 
poiiiKl: Coffee, '22 sliillings and Tea. £!). 

^ Among the towns invited was Andover, which, at the date ot" the convention, had been 
only two months incorporated, under its new name. It was originally New Breton, n;iined 
in honor of the captors of Cape IJreton, in 1745; most of the grantees having been in tliat 
expedition. Of the grantees. Dr. Antliony Emery, John Marston, .Simon Marston, Josliua 
Towle, Daniel Marston, John Leavitt, Joualhuu Leavilt and Natlianiel IJalolielder were 
llaniptou uieu. 



IN THE REVOLUTION. 1774-1783. 267 

Moiilton were chosen delegates, and lujth or cither of them empow- 
ered to act in behalf of the town, in accomplishing the objects for 
which the convention had been called. 

The war was still in progress, bnt after the battles of Saratoga and 
Stillwater, and the surrender of General Burgoyne, military opera- 
tions had been chiefly confined to the middle and southern states. In 
the latter, they were carried on with considerable activity till the surren- 
der of Cornwallis, in October, 1781. This act virtually closed the war. 
But the return of peace did not bring to the country all the blessings 
that had been anticipated. Danger from a foreign foe had ceased, 
but this very danger, as long as the war continued, had been one of 
the strongest cords to bind the people together. That bond was now 
severed. 

CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION AT EXETER. 

The plan of government, adopted in New Hampshire in the early 
part of the Revolution, had served a good purpose, though it was far 
from being perfect, and several attempts had been made to alter it, 
or to establish a new system. The convention of 1778, having failed 
to form a plan acceptable to the people, delegates to another conven- 
tion were chosen by the towns, three years afterward. 

They met at Exeter in' the early part of the summer of 1781, and 
continued more than two years. In September, 1781, having matured 
a plan of government, they sent it forth to the people, by whom it 
was rejected. The action of Hampton in the matter was set forth in 
an address of some length, signed "•Christopher Toppan, Moderator, 
on behalf of the town," in which the following reasons are given for 
rejection : First, that so small a part of the state had a voice in it, 
there being but few of the towns that sent delegates; Second, that 
the existing war agitated people's minds and rendered them unfit to 
frame a suitable form of government ; Third, that the disaffection of 
Cheshire and Grafton counties threw them out of the convention, and 
it would be better to wait till they should return to their allegiance. 

After the rejection by the towns, the convention revised their work ; 
but before they were ready to send it out again, the Treaty of Paris 
was concluded, and the existing form of government, adopted for the 
period of the war, expired by limitation. By vote of the towns it 
was continued for one year longer ; and within that time the new plan 
of the convention was ratified, and became the constitution of the 
state, going into operation on the 2nd of June, 1784. 



268 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

HAMPTON MKN IN THE WAK. 

Such fragmentary infoi'matiou as can be obtained concerning the 
service rendered by Hampton men during the war, is here appended : 

In Congress at Exeter, Aug. 24, 1775 : 

"Voted That Col' Jonathan Moulton be colonel of the Third 

Regiment of Militia iu this colony & Christopher Toppan Esq. his 
Lieut*^ Colo' & John Lane Esq. his lirst Major." Colonel Toppan de- 
clined. 

In 1775, there were, belonging to Hampton, of 

Males, under 16 years, . . . 190 

" from 16 to 50 yrs., not soldiers, 147 

" over 50 years, . . . 62 

" in the army, .... 20 

Females, ..... 440 

Negroes & slaves for life, . . 3 



Total, 862 

Firearms, fit for use, . . . 192 

Powder, priv., 94f ; pub. stock, 50, — 144^ lbs. 

"After the battle of the 17"^ of June (1775), Col. Poor's regiment 
was ordered to the seat of war. Capt. Elkins' company — the last 
to leave — being on duty at Hampton was not ordered off until 
Aug. 1." 

Soldiers who went to Portsmouth in October, 1775. 

Lieut. Jolin Dearborn, . 2 days Noali Lane, .... 2 days 

Lieut. Cotton Ward, . 2 " Moses Brown, . . . 2 " 

Abuer Page, . . . 2 " Jonatli. Moulton, . . 2 " 

Benj". Page, ... 2 " Jacob Pahuer, . . . 6 " 

Kob'. Drake, . . . 10 " John Dow, . . . . 5 " 

Jethro Blake, . . . 2 " Daniel Tilton, . . 5 " 
Corpi. Joshua ToAvle, 19 days & 3 
mos. at Peekskill. 

In 1775, "Joshua Wingate, of Stratham, was appointed Colonel of 
forces in the harbor" (Piscataqua) , and "Jonathan Moulton, of 
Hampton, was appointed Colonel of the troops for guarding the sea- 
coast." 

In Colonel Wingate's regiment were Hampton olficers : Henry El- 



IN THE REVOLUTION. 1774-1783. 269 

kins, a captain ; Thomas Leavitt and James Perkins, lieutenants ; 
stationed at Pierce's Island. 

March 23, 1776 : 

"Voted, to choose a committee to agree with Col' Toppan for the 
Purchase of Seven Cannon belonging lo him, now at our Batterys at 
Piscataqua Harbour, not to Exceed Twenty pounds for each cannon, 
and that Mr. Sherburne and CoP Evans be the Committee for that 
purpose to make report to the Com*^® of Safety." 

In Committee of Safety, April 11, 1776 : 

"Ordered the Receiver General to pay Christopher Toppan Esq"" 
one Hundred and Ninety Pounds for 8 six Pounders at £20 and for 
Two Ditto at £15." 

A list of men that went to Ticonderoga in July, 1776 : 

Samuel Nay, Captain. 

David Moulton. Micajah Morrel, Jun"". 

John Moulton. Simon Philbrick. 

Samuel Lamprey, 5 mos. Edmund Philbrick. 

John M. Moulton. Jonathan Palmer. 

John Murphy. Zaccheus Brown. 
Josiah Moulton, S'^^. ■ John Drake, Jun"". 

Samuel Marston. James Hobbs. 

In an account of the payment to these soldiers, there are also the 
names of Paul Long, Ciesar Small and Bradbury Green. Jonathan 
Palmer died at Ticonderoga in 1776, after serving 5 months ; 18 years 
old. 

Additional at Ticonderoga : 

Capt. John Moulton, 5 mos. & 15 days at Portsmouth. 
Paid Co". Toppan £3 12s. 
" Daniel and Reuben Lamprey, £4 10s. 
" John Shaw, £1 10s. 
" Simon Sanborn £4 10s. 

At PeekskiU: 
Sergt. John Drake, £1 16s. in 1776 "towards hiring to goto Peeks- 
kill the first time." 

Abraham P. Tow e, £1 16s. ditto. 
James Leavitt, 3 months. 

Sept. 13, 1776. "Lieut. Col' Abrah"i Drake of Col. Moulton's Reg' 
is app*^ to take the command of the Reg* made up by detachments 
from Col' Wentworth's, Col Moulton's & Col' Bartlett's." 



270 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Ill Colonel Drake's regiment, Nathaniel Batchelder was adjutant 
and Thomas Leavitt, quartermaster. 

Sept. 25, 1776, a regiment was organized of the companies at Ports- 
mouth (then reenforced), and placed in command of Colonel Long. 
Hampton officers : Nathan Brown, captain ; Benjamin Batchelder, 
ensign. This regiment was stationed at Newcastle; and in Nov., 1777, 
marched, under orders, to Ticonderoga. 

In Sept. '76, two additional regiments were raised for the continen- 
tal army in New York, in which Nathan Sanborn was a captain. 

In Dec. '76, still another regiment for New York — Josiah Dearborn, 
a lieutenant. 

May 28, 1776. The Committee of Safety "ordered Col' Moulton to 
dismiss the Guard of four men placed at the Boars head." 

Dec. 14, same year, "ordered the Receiver Gen^ to pay Col' Jon* 
Moulton £23 12s 8d. to discharge the Roll of a Guard kept on the 
Sea Coast." 

The state paid the selectmen of Hampton £4 8s. 9d. in the year 
1776, for the defense of the coast. 

Benjamin Tuck, Jr., died in the army Oct. 20, 1776. 

In a detachment of twenty-six men out of the 3d N. H. Regiment 
of militia, tov service in New York, eight were from Hampton, as is 
shown by the muster and pay roll, signed by Col. Jonathan Moulton, 
muster-and-pay-master, aud dated Dec. 18, 1776. Travel to New 
York is reckoned at 2£ 10s. for each man. One month's pay in ad- 
vance, as follows : 

Josiah Dearborn, Lieut., £5 8s. Samuel Drake, £3 

Simon Sanborn, Sergt , £3 8s. John Marston, £3 

Jonathan Leavitt, Sergt., £3 8s. Thomas Woodman, £3 

Josiah Moulton, Fifer, £3 4s. John Sanborn, £3 

May 6, 1777. "Appointed Nathaniel Leavitt of Hampton, Ensign in 
Cap'. Weare's company." [Committee of Safety.] 

June, 1777, — Simon Marston was a captain, and Jonathan Leavitt, 
an ensign in Col. Senter's battalion, for the defense of Rhode Island. 

In the summer of '78, Captain Marston and Lieutenant Leavitt were 
in Colonel Peabody's regiment in Rhode Island. 

Served in Capt. Moses Leavitt's company from Sept. 8 to Dec. 16, 
1777: 

Jeremiah Batchelder. 2'^^ Lieut. John Taylor. 

Daniel Philbrick. Jonathan Towle. 






m THE REVOLUTION. 1774-1783. 271 

Hampton men who went as volunteers to Saratoga with Col'. Moul- 
ton, October, 1777 : 

Adju. Josiali Moulton, Jr. Jaboz Towle. 

Capt. John Dearborn. Benj». Page. 

Lieut. John Taylor. Samuel Drake. 

Clerk, Josiah Lane. Jacob Palmer. 

Serg'. John Sandborn. Jacob Moulton. 

Serg'. Moses Elkins. Noah Lane. 

Corp'. Abner Page. John M. Moulton. 

Corpi. Joshua Towle. Jabez James. 

Corpi. Nathan Brown. Joseph Nay. 

Jonathan Pliilbrick. Josiah Mason. 

Batchelder Brown. James Lane. 

Abner Sanborn. Jonathan Godfree. 

Jona. Marston. Jethro Blake, f time. 

Samuel Marston. Jere''. Ballard, }i do. 

Jan. 22, 1778. "Ordered the Receiver General to pay the Roll of 
Col. Jon^ Moulton, for a guard at the beach, amounting to £53. 

Also, to pay the Roll of s*^* Moulton for his company of Voluntej^s 
that march'd to Saratoga to Reinforce Gen' Gates last fall, amount- 
ing to £533 15s. 8d." 

Aug. 6, 1778. Each of the following named men acknowledged 
the receipt of £10 lawful money from the town of Hampton, and en- 
gaged to go to Providence, under command of General Sullivan : 

Jon*. Garland, Ens. Jabez James. 

John Garland. Josiah Towle. 

Thomas Moore. John Drake. 

Josiah Dearborn. Snmuel Marston. 

Joseph Freese. John Batchelder. 

John Marston. James Hobbs. 

Jon*. Marston, 3d. Eliphalet Towle. 

James Sanborn. Jeremiah Tuck. 

Simon Ward. Amos Garland. 

May 29, 1779.— £180 to the selectmen of Hampton for 18 vokm- 
teers in the Rhode Island Expedition in 1778. 

July 17, 1779.— To Lieut. Jon*. Leavitt, £33 6s. for one month's 
advance pay for the R. Island service. 

"State of \ North Hampton, 

New Hampshire \ July 25*1*, 1779. 



Sir; I have receiv'' Orders from the Honour^ 
Committee of Safety to Raise six Able Bodied effective Men in this 
Reoiment for the Defence of the Forts at Portsmouth. You are there- 



272 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

fore without loss of time to raise or draught one Able Bodied Man out 
of Your Company for said service for Two Months (unless sooner 
discharged) from his joyning the Company now there under the com- 
mand of Co^** Dame and you are to make return and send tlie Man to 
CoUon^ Moulton (if he is at Home, if not, to me) , to be muster** . 
These Soldiers are to have thirteen Pound Ten shillings p"" Month and 
two shillings p"^ Mile Travel from there Jlomes to Portsmouth to be 
made up in the Role. 

N. B. He need not cary his arms or accoutrements as there is suf- 
ficient in the Forts. 

Abraham Drake, Lieu* Collon' 

To Cap'. John Dearborn, Hampton." 

[A copy from the original.] John Lane was drafted. 

March 27, 1780, the town voted "To give the back rates of all 
those young men that went to sea and were taken with Capt. Moses 
Brown." 

April 13, 1780. "Ordered the Naval Officer of the Port of Piscat- 
aqua to permit Ezra Johnson to Export for New Meadows [Tops- 
field] in the State of the Massachusetts Bay forty Bushels of Indian 
Corn &c. &c." 

July 13, 1780. The selectmen paid an order of £270 lawful money 
to Samuel Drake, Juu. drawn on them by 

Samuel Marston 
in part payment John Marston 

of their bounty to serve Zacclieus Brown 

three months in the army Batchelder Brown 

for Hampton. Simon Ward 

Joseph F'reese Dearborn 
/ John Dearborn and 

Amos Brown. 

At Cambridge :, 
Capt. John Moulton, 2 months. 

Josiah Mason, 4} months. 

Nathan Smith Moulton, 4^ " 

Tlieodore Brown, 1 j " and 18 das., at Portsmouth. 

David Moulton, 4^" 

Jeremiali Tuck, 3 months in 1775 and 4 months at the island in 1776. 

James Hobbs, 4^ " 

James Tuck, 7 " " " " " " " " " " " 

Simon Philbrick, 4^ " 



IN THE REVOLUTION. 1774-1783. 273 

Jabez Towle, 7 months in 1775. 

Ziiccheus Brown, 4 J " 

Jonathan Marston 7 " " " 

Simon Monlton, 4^ " 

Capt. Henry Elkins, 7 months' service at Cambridge. 

The town cliarged the state with 13,008 pounds of beef, delivered 
to Captain Giddings in 1780, between July 19 and November 3. 

Jan. 11, 1781 — A resolve to raise 1354 able-bodied men to serve in 
the army during the war or for three years, including those already 
in said service from this state — Hampton, 16. 

July 4, 1781 — 650 men besides officers &c. — to be held in readi- 
ness to march in a week after they shall be called for by the com- 
mander-in-chief, for the defense of the United States. Out of Colonel 
Moulton's 3d regiment, 35 men. 

Proportion for £1000 —Hampton, £10 9s. 2d.— Apr. 17, 1784. 

A considerable number of soldiers' receipts, on the town records, 
give the names and wages of Hampton men, or men serving for 
Hampton. Some of them show the depreciation of the currency. At 
ditferent dates, from 1778 to 1783, receipts are given, as follows: 

By Amos Brown £46 4s. for 7 months' service! 

" John Taylor, 3d " " "6 " " 

" John Alman ^ ;t u 7 u u 

" Daniel Taylor of Exeter, $8500, for 6 months' service. 

" James Kelle}'^ of Kingston, 40 silver dollars and 3500 paper dollars 

for 6 months' service. 
" Dole Pearson of Kingston, " " " " 1615 " " 

for 6 mos. service. 

" Jeremiah Rollings £2400 for 6 months' service. 

" John Jack— June, 1780, $605. in part; July, 1780, $600. in part, 

for 6 mos. service. 
" Jonathan Eaton, of P^xeter — 18s. 8d. on account of being a soldier 

for Hampton. 
" John Russell, of Exeter — £16 7s. 6d. in money & Clothing and a 

note of hand for £28 12s. 6d. in full for three years. 
" Samuel Batcheler -j ^^g ^^^j^ ^^^ g months, in defense of Rhode 
" Ti-istram Godfrey ^ j^j^^^_ 

" William Moulton ; 
" John Lane, May 4, 1779, $80. in part for service in Rhode Island 

at £30 per month: 
" John Lane, Dec. 6, 1779, £9 in full for 2 mos. at Portsmouth. 
18 



274 



HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



"Hampton, March 20"', 1781. 
"Tlion Roc*' of the Select men of Hampton, two Hundred and 
Seventy Pounds Lawful money in Cull for a Suit of Cloths said town 
promised my son Jeremiah Tuck for twelve Months Service in the 
3'ear 1777. Rec^ by me 

John Tuck." 

Hampton, May 11, 1782. 
Rec'd £6 lis. 4d.— also note for £7 10s.— "being in full Satisfaction 
for money the Parish of Seabrook paid Jonathan Eaton as a Continen- 
tal Soilder, who is now Deemed a Soilder for the Town of Hampton 
by the Committee of Safety During the war. 

Elisha Brown 
Winthrop Gove." 

There being some dispute to what towns certain soldiers belonged, 
it was decided that the following belonged to Hampton, viz.: W™ 
Moulton, James Allard, Jon^ Eaton, 

Names of soldiers hired by Hampton : 
Benj° Dockam, Jos. French, 6 mo. 

James Allard, Sam'. George, 3 " 

Jon*^ Eaton, • Moses Morril, 3 " 

W" Moulton, John Page, 3 " 

Chas.Branscomb, April 13,1781. John Russell, 1782. 
John Mann, 6mo. Nath'. Smart, July 19, 1782. 

By Elisha Towle — £15 in part for wages and bounty at £30 per month. 
" Simon Towle — " " " " " " " " " " " 
" Thomas More — " " " " " " " " " " " 
" Isaac Godfrey " " " " " " " " " " " 
" Levi Francis — 70 silver dollars and note for 60 silver dollars. 
" Elisha Towle, — £3, in full for service as soldier in Portsmouth. 
" Simon Towle " " " " " " " " " 

'' Charles Branscomb — 250 silver dollars in full for 3 yrs. service. 
" Caleb Kimball — 50 silver dollars. 
" Amos Garland , ^ 

" Thomas Churchill joint receipt of note to each for twenty- 

" Zadock Sanborn five bushels Indian Corn per month, 

'• William Batchelder } "which when paid is in full for 3 months' 

" Josiah Dearborn, Jun. service in the army." 
" Simon Dow, Jun. July 16, 1731. 

" Isaac Godfrey 



I 



IN THE REVOLUTION. 1774-1783. 275 

"In Committee for | Exeter, April 8, 1783. 

settling depreciation. J 

By the Books it appears that Hampton hired in May, 1777 Seven 
Soldiers to serve in the New Hampshire Line, Continental Arni}^ and 
gave them Twent\'^ six Ponnds each. — And four Men to serve ei<'-lit 
months and gave them Eighteen Pounds each. — And Two Men in 
June, 1777, to serve eight Months, and paid them Twenty four 
Pounds each. — And in March, 1778, Three men for Two years, viz. : 
paid Isaac Mitchel one Hundred & Twenty Pounds — ; paid Eleazer 
Ferginson Ninety Ponnds — in Nov'' 1779 Forty Pounds, and five 
pounds three shillings & sixpence in Sundries at the regulated prices — 
paid Joseph Burle}^ in Mar. 1778 Ninety Pounds. 

The Hon'^'*^ Court have not allowed any depreciation to the above 
Soldiers, and the Town has no credit for the above Sums. 

Attest Josiah Gilman Jun. (one of the Com^^*^) 
N. B. 

1777, April, Hampton hired James Allard for 3 years and gave 
him Thirty Pounds. 

1778, May, John Spring for Thi;^e Years and paid him Thirty 

Pounds." 

(From the Original, in Town Clerk's office.) 

At the adjourned annual town meeting, March 21, 1791, "Voted: 
to allow Lieut. Nathaniel Leavitt thirty-one pounds in full, on account 
of a bounty he paid Asa Crosson as a Soldier for s^^ town, but after- 
ward was taken away by claime of Richmond." 

CENSUS OF HAMPTON, OCT., 24, 1783. BY THE SELECTMEN : 

Inhabitants, 866, Houses, 137. 

Blacks, 5, Barns and other Buildings, 146. 

Acres of Land, 6857. 



T' 



CHAPTER XV. 

IN THE EARLY YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE. 1784-1814. 
CLAMOR FOR PAPER MONET. 

I HE new Constitution was now safely launched, but troubles con- 
\ sequent upon the war were not over. The country and the sev- 
eral states were deeply in debt, and the people were called npon, both 
by Congress and by the state governments for means of liquidating 
these debts. Being heavily burdened, some of them conferred to- 
gether that they might find means of redress. Various schemes were 
proposed for lightening their burdens ; some of them wild and agra- 
rian, proposing the canceling of debts, and an equal distribution of 
property among the people ; others more rational, seeking only to ease 
the burdens which they could not wholly remove. A favorite plan 
with many was, that the government should order a new emission of 
paper money, funded on real estate, and loaned on interest. Peti- 
tions for this object were sent to the General Court. Competent per- 
sons, after a careful examination of the subject, were confident that 
no relief could be gained by such a course ; but many people clam- 
ored for its adoption. The state endeavored to apply a remedy, by 
issuing certificates to be received for taxes at par, in lieu of silver and 
gold ; but nothing short of unlimited paper money would satisfy the 
malcontents. The insurrection in Massachusetts encouraged like pro- 
ceedings in New Hampshire. 

In September, 1786, a mob, consisting of about two hundred men, 
principally from the towns in the western part of Rockingham county, 
marched into Exeter, armed with muskets, swords and clubs, and en- 
deavored to overawe the Legislature then in session there, so as to 
procure the enactment of laws in accordance with their views and 
wishes. That body, though held prisoners by the mob, that stationed 
sentinels with fixed bayonets at each of the doors of the meeting- 
house, in which they were convened, far from being intimidated, re- 
fused to legislate, under such circumstances, on the subjects wliich the 
insurgents desired, and proceeded, calmly and coolly to transact otiier 
business. In the dark evening which followed, a drum was heard at 
(27G) 



m THE EARLY YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE. 1784-1814. 277 

some distance from the meeting-house, and a shout — "Hurra for gov- 
ernment!" — strong and hearty, as from many voices. The mob, 
alarmed, beat a liasty retreat. The Legislature, being thus released 
from durance, desired President Sullivan to issue a proclamation, call- 
ing for the power of the state to suppress the insurrection. 

Orders were issued at eleven in the evening; and by sunrise the 
next morning, strains of martial music heralded the incoming of the 
militia. All the generals in the state, except one, who lived remote 
from Exeter, were assembled early in the raorning,i and a formidable 
force was soon collected to march against the insurgents, who were 
now drawn up in order, about a mile from the meeting-house. The 
opposing forces met, expecting battle, when suddenly Major-General 
Cilley charged on the insurgents, ^ seized the leader and bore him 
back to the lines, a prisoner. His party of horsemen, following his 
example, captured each a man in like manner. The rest fled. The re- 
bellion was quelled without bloodshed. Through the clemency of the 
government, all the prisoners taken, about forty in number, includ- 
ing the principal officers of the mob, were pardoned, except the ring- 
leaders, who were tried and punished, as rioters. 

The people generalh' were now more enthusiastic than before for 
the support of government. Two thousand men under arras had 
stamped out rebellion in New Hampshire. Three thousand unarmed 
citizens had witnessed and applauded the deed. The loyalty of the 
state was demonstrated ; the dignity of the government, sustained. 

It is safe to assume that the streets of Hampton were deserted that 
day. Col. Christopher Toppan, our representative in the beleaguered 
Legislature, was no laggard. Strong, resolute, accustomed to meet 
emergencies promptly, it is reasonably certain that he lost no time 
after the order was given ; but, vaulting into his saddle, sped home 
through the darkness and aroused the soldiers with the too familiar 
signal, to arms! It was in the midst of the marsh haying, and the 
farmers had retired for a few hours' sleep, awaiting the night tide, to 
float them down to their work. Lights still glimmered here and there, 
as careful housewives spread the midnight lunch and packed the freshly- 
cooked food for to-morrow's fare on the marsh. 

Hark ! the alarm breaks upon the still night air. Instantly all is 
tremor and excitement. Men hastily don their uniforms scarcely yet 
tarnished from disuse ; while women substitute the best of to-morrow's 
store for the cold lunch on the tables. No boats float down the river. 
At dawn, soldiers and civilians alike are ten miles away from Hamp- 
ton marshes. 

1 N. II. Hist. Soc. Coll. m : 130. ^ Adj. Gen.'s Report, 1866, n : 372. 



278 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Anxious wives and mothers listen in painful suspense through the' 
long hours of the day, for the booming of cannon which may write 
them widowed, childless. The unexpected silence becomes ominous, 
as neither sound nor smoke reveals the happenings at Exeter. Im- 
agine, then, the revulsion of feeling, when another evening brings 
back the men, with cheers and peals of laughter, as they recount the 
ludicrous scenes. 

GENERAL MOULTON. 

Gen. Jonathan Moulton was an active participant in that bloodless 
fight. Foregoing the comforts of his easy competence, he had spent 
many long years of ludian warfare aud the Revolution in the defense 
of his country ; and now, his native New Hampshire on the threshold 
of a new and glorious career, could he stand tamely by and see her 
very life threatened by a contemptible mob of two huudred? 

We have met General Moultou often in these pages ; but here let 
us pause and take our leave of him, for we shall meet him no more- 
Though he knows it not, the first anniversary of this time shall l)e 
his buiial day. We have seen him a prominent business man at home, 
energetic and public-spirited. We have seeu hiu) honored year after 
year to represent his townsmen in the Legislature. Wc have seen him 
the intrepid commander, in responsible positions, amid the perilsof war. 
We have never seeu him false to his trustor incompetent in its execu- 
tion. A certain reticence and lofty bearing in the mast ship affair^ once 
aroused the displeasure of fellow-citizens ; and perhaps the same quali- 
ties, with his general characteristics as a man in advance of his age, 
and shrewd in business may have held the envy and dislike of many 
through life. It is said that news of his death was carried to the hay- 
makers, on the marsh; and the cry : "General Moulton is dead !" was 
passed along from mouth to mouth for miles in no regretful tones. 
And yet one cannot believe he would have been so honored and trusted 
through a most critical period of our history, had he been unworthy. 
Let us rescue his memory from the opprobrium with which tradition 
has invested it. 

General Moulton was rich in lands. In a descriptive circular, 
dated "Hampton, in the State of New Hampshire, one of the United 
States of America, Jan. 24, 1785," he announced "his advertisement 
of lands pultlished in Ireland, of tliis date," said lands '"consisting 
of about 80000 Acres, half of which are now offered for sale;" and 
set foi'th inducements for purchase and settlement. Eight towns, he 
said, contained the principal part of his land — Moultonborougli, New 

' p. '211. 



IN THE EARLY YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE. 1784-1814. 279 

Hampton (tlie "small gore," adjoining his township of Moultonbor- 
ougli, which he had modestly asked of Governor Wentworth, after pre- 
senting him a fat ox), Tamworth, Eaton, Barton, Ciiatham, Orford 
and Pierraont. Especially was he desirous of forming a new town, 
Center Harbor, from parts of the two first mentioned. "Should any 
gentleman or Company be induced from the foregoing proposals to 
embark for America," everything needed would be supplied on reason- 
able terms. 

The circular is ancient in typographic appearance, but very mod- 
ern in brag. 

TOW^N KECORDS AT SALEM. 

February 4, 1788. — Under this date is a singular entry in the town 
records, not to be explained by any known act of the town previously : 
"Christopher Toppan Esq. is appointed in behalf of this town to ap- 
ply for & receive [the Records] from the town Clerk of Salem or any 
other persons who may have the ancient Records belonging to this 
town in keeping in order that they may be Deposited with the Clerk 
of this town." A hundred years earlier, the records were carried 
away for a time, for safe keeping ; but why they were now out of the 
state, is not evident. 

At the same meeting, Christopher Toppan was also chosen delegate 
"to sit in convention to be holdeu at Exeter the second Wednesday 
of February instant." 

THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION. 

This was the convention of delegates from the various towns, called 
to consider and act upon the adoption of the Federal Constitution, 
which had already been ratified by eight states, and required the con- 
currence of one more. The decision of New Hampshire was there- 
fore awaited with much solicitude. 

After a ten days' session in Exeter, the convention adjourned to 
meet at Concord in June. Debate was then continued till the 2P*, 
Avhen the decisive vote was taken- The painful silence of intense anx- 
iety prevailed during the count ; but the vote had passed — the Consti- 
tution was safe. 

RETROSPECT. 

Here, then, we find the new life of the nation fairly inaugurated ; 
and on this hill-top we rest for a moment, to glance backward over 
the changes since the Winnacunnet wilderness first resounded with the 
axe of the pioneer, just a hundred fifty years ago. Strangely enough. 



280 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

though the face of the countiy is altered beyond recognition, the faces 
of men and women on every hand are familiar ; for the lineaments of 
Batchelder, Moulton, Page and the rest of 1638 are strongly marked 
in many of the ancestral homes in 1788. The dusky forms that once 
glided stealthily through the forests are seen no more. Practically, 
they ceased to be a factor after the treaty of Paris, in 1763. Civili- 
zation has crowded them out. 

The forests themselves have crept backward, step by step, at the 
point of the all-conquering plow. Populous villages and productive 
farms cover the ancient territory. Hampton-built vessels ply the seas ; 
mill wheels Avhirr ; stability is written everywhere. 

Hampton has long since ceased to exert the influence formerly 
wielded. From her proud position as one-fourth of the province, she 
has become only one of 167 towns' ; but on the other hand, out of her 
territory have sprung six flourishing towns and parts of three moi'e. 
The balance may, after all, be in her favor. By the state census or- 
dered in 1786, returns from 138 towns gave a population of 95,801. 
Kingston was one of those that failed to report. Reckoning her 
population the same as in 1775, and making no deduction for the dis- 
trict south of the Shapley line, we find the growth of old Hampton 
in the foUowino- fio-ures : 



Population 


of Hampton, 


. 


864 






" Kingston, (census of 1 


775), 


961 






" East Kingston, 




420 






" Hawke (Danville), 




301 






" Sandown, . 






521 




" Hampton Falls, 




569 






" Kensington, 




798 






" Seabrook, 






668 




" North Hampton, 




659 






" Rye, 






653 



Totals, . . . 4572 1842 

How large a number to add to the four and a half thousand out of 
Sandown, Seabrook and Rye, it is impossible to tell ; probably but 
few from the first ; the most thickly settled part of Seabrook ; and 
no inconsiderable population along the beach and on the fertile soil of 
Rye. 

The "silent city," laid out in "the Ring," about 1653, has also be- 
come populous, and a new enclosure will soon be needed ; while many, 

'McClintock's New Hampshire. 



IN THE EARLY YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE. 1784-1814. 281 

who used to walk these streets and bear their part in the affairs of town 
and province, lie in unmarked graves on battle fields, or beneath the 
ocean waves. 

The province has become the state. The seat of government, first 
at Portsmouth, on several occasions in Hampton, latterly at Exeter, 
is now permanently removed toConcord ; and, though financial distress 
is still apparent, the towns have repudiated the paper currency scheme, 
and, by an honest policy, laid the foundation for future prosperity. 

To crown all, the British flag no longer waves over the land ; the 
colonies have burst their fetters, and have become a nation. 

Washington's tour of new England. 

From the Revolution on, to the close of the century, the town rec- 
ords are singularly devoid of information concerning the progress of 
affairs other than ecclesiastical, the annual election of town officers, 
the care of the public lands, an occasional lawsuit, proprietary meet- 
ings and such war measures and public acts as have been already no- 
ted. We find enough, however, to be assured that the people of 
Hampton were keeping pace with the times, while taking sedulous 
care of all local and private interests. 

The most notable public event of 1789 was Washington's tour of 
New England, in October. Minute accounts are given of his entry 
into Portsmouth and his four days' stay there, coming by way of Salis- 
bury and Hampton. We know something of his later progress through 
North Hampton to Exeter; but to the imagination, mainly, it is left 
to depict his reception here. Loyal and enthusiastic it surely was, 
though we are onl}' told with certainty, that the people gathered at 
Toi)pan's corner to see him pass, and that he bowed pleasantly to 
right and left. And so the brilliant cavalcade was a vision and a 
memory, and the loved face of Washington, a benediction. 

Once before, he came into the neighborhood, riding on horseback 
from Cambridge to Hampton Falls sometime during the war, on a 
personal visit to President Weare. The Weare mansion still stands, 
unaltered except by time, and the room in which Washington slept 
is pointed out. It is now owned by the heirs of Zebulun Dow. 

CONTINENTAL SECURITIES. 

At the adjourned annual town meeting, March 31, 1790, it was 
voted "that the Committee who were chosen to Dispose of Land be- 
longing to this Town & purchase Continental Securities for the town, 
be & hereby are fully authorized and Impowered if Congress should 
fund the Continental Debt, to take out New Securities in Lieu of those 



282 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

now in their hands, or that they may hereafter purcliase, and to trans- 
act every other matter Relating thereto in sucli manner as they may 
think will be most for the interest of the town." Congress did fund 
the continental del)t, and the above vote was carried into effect. 

CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION OF 1791. 

In 1791, seven years after the adoption of the state constitution, 
a convention was called to meet at Concord on the first Wednesday 
in September, for the purpose of revising it. Col. Christopher Top- 
pan was the delegate from Hampton, one of many able men who com- 
posed the convention. In due time, their work was submitted to the 
people, and the convention then adjourned, to meet again in Ma}'^, 
1792. On the 7th of May, a town meeting was held in Hampton, 
and a committee of fifteen chosen, to examine the constitution, with 
the proposed amentlments, and r(![)ort at an adjournmeiit, whether, in 
their opinion, they ought to be adopted. The committee reported on 
the 21st of the same month, and the town voted strongly against the 
amendments. 

On the reassembling of the convention, a committee was appointed, 
to examine the returns, ascertain what amendments had been adopted, 
and eml)ody them in the constitution, which was again sent out to 
the people. In this town, it was "put to vote, to see if the town will 
receive the Constitution with the amendments." Only twenty-five 
votes were cast, but they were all in the negative. The amendeci con- 
stitution, however, was ratified by a majority of the people, and de- 
clared, September 5, 1792. 

DR. HALL JACKSON. 

On the 28th of September, 1797, occurred in Portsmouth the sudden 
death of an eminent sou of Hampton, Dr Hall Jackson. His father, 
Dr. Clement Jackson, a native of that part of Portsmouth, now 
Greenland, came to Hampton, and settled on the original John San- 
born estate, now known as the Alvin Kmery place. He married, in 
1731, Sarah, daughter of Thomas Leavitt, and resided here many 
years, but eventually removed to Portsmouth. Of his seven children 
born in Hampton, Hall, the eldest son, was the third. The seventh 
was born in 1747, so that Hall, though probably young, could not 
have been less than eight years old at the time of their removal, as he 
was born November 11, 1739. He studied medicine with his father, 
and afterward went to London, to attend lectures in the hospitals 
there and perfect himself in surgery. On his return to Portsmouth, 
he soon acquired a large practice and became famous, both as phy- 



IN THE EARLY YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE. 1784-1814. 283 

sician aud suro-eon. He was especially skillful in the treatment of 
small-pox and the malignant throat distemper, which, iu those early 
days of their ravages, had battled ordinary skill. No important sur- 
gical operation was performed in this region without consulting Dr. 
Jackson. Harvard College conferred upon him the degree of M.D., 
and the Massachusetts Medical Society made him an honorary mem- 
ber. At the time of his death, he was Grand Master of the order of 
Free Masons in New Ham[)shire. 

For some cause, on which our records are silent, Dr. .Jackson, iu 
1771, brought a suit against the town of Hampton. February 3, 1772, 
Capt. Josiah Moultou and Capt. Jeremiah Marston were chosen agents, 
to defend the town in the case. Soon after, however, the agents 
were authorized to settle with the Doctor, on such terms as they might 
think proper. 

During the Revolutionary war. Dr. Jackson was not only a true 
patriot as army surgeon, but a facile workman in various depart- 
ments. The Congress at Exeter desired him to procure some suitable 
person to mount some field pieces on his return to Portsmouth. Fail- 
ing to find any one, he emploj^ed himself, from sunrise to suuset every 
day for some tune in mounting brass field pieces. Again, he devoted 
himself to laying out fortifications at Kittery and New Castle, in mak- 
ing cartridges, cannisters and Port fires for the field pieces, and iu 
attending to the "• innumerable complaints of the soldiers in regard to 
their health." He raised a company of artillery and exercised them 
in the use of brass field ordnance ; and he wrote Colonel Lee : "Could 
it be thought advisable for us to leave the seaports, I should long be- 
fore this have been with you at the head of a company as good as 

ever twanged a bow, inferior in military discipline to none 

You well know that the art military has been my liobby-horse for a 
long time past." 

After the war. Dr. Jackson devoted himself to his profession. His 
death was caused by tlie ui)setting of his carriage, while making 
professional visits. Several ribs were fractured ; fever resulted ; and 
thus terminated a brilliant career. 

The beginning of the nineteenthcentury saw the country plunged in 
grief for the recent loss of its Father. There was not a corner so ob- 
scure that the shadow did not darken and sadden it; and if no record 
remains of any public demonstration in this town, we are none the less 
sure that the loyal hearts of our peoi)le mourned their personal loss, 
the universal loss. Thenceforth, the name of Washington was set 
amouij; the stars. 



284 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

The same month that Washington died, the home of Samuel Palmer 
was gladdened by the birth of liis son, Jonathan. Tlie next spring 
the liappy event was celebrated by the planting of a willow tree, 
which grew, and to-day stretches wide branches over the liome where 
Jonathan Palmer's great grandchildren are being reared. 

The winter of 1801-2, till near its close, was unusually mild ; but 
in the latter part of February, 1802, there occurred one of the most re- 
markable and long-continued snow storms, known for twenty years. 
Into the midst of the ecclesiastical strife, then disturbing the peace 
of our town,^ was thrown this war of the elements, like a fiown upon 
the face of Nature. 

FINANCIAL AFFAIRS. 

The town accounts seem to have gotten into a tangle ; for, at the 
annual town meeting in 1803, five auditors were chosen to examine 
the selectmen's accounts for "four years back," while the selectmen 
were chosen to examine the town treasurer's "back accompts," The 
next year it was voted, "to make an addition to the old committee 
for examining selectmen's accounts ;" and Joseph Tovvle, Josiah Shaw, 
John Dearborn and John Dow were chosen. It was also voted, "to 
raise no sum of money until the selectmen's accounts are settled for 
the last year." 

The invested funds of the town were discussed at both these meet- 
ings, and subsequently. In 1803, voted, "That Major Benjamin Shaw 
be impowered to receive of Mr. Gardner, Commissioner of Loans for 
the state of New Hampshire, the dividend of interest and principal 
of the stock standing in the name of the town of Hampton, on the 
book of the said Commissioner, that is now due, or that may become 
due hereafter, until this order be revoked." In 1804, voted, "That all 
the two per cents, which are already received, and the interest due 
thereon, which belong equally between the town and the Congregational 
Society, be let out by the selectmen, and that two bondsmen be required 
for all money loaned, and that interest be paid yearly." Voted, "To 
choose a committee, to see if the town will adopt any method with re- 
gard to the two per cents which have been received at the Loan Office 
by the town of Hampton, and interest due thereon, that may make it 
more productive tlian the present mode of loaning the money." Major 
Shaw, Elisha S. Moulton and James Moulton were chosen. Thoir 
report, which is not on record, was rejected, the vote being so close 
that a poll was demanded, when tliere were found to be forty- two 

•Cli;ii). XXIV. 




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IN THE EARLY YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE. 1784-1814. 285 

naj's to forty-one yeas. In 1816, voted, " That the treasurer be 
authorized to receive the treasury notes that may be offered him at 
the Loan Office, that are now due, or to become due the present year.'' 
And again, in 1817, the treasurer was instructed " to receive the 
dividend of interest and principal, due from the Loan Office, and the 
interest due from the Exeter bank the present year." 

THE CEMETERIES. 

Anew burying-ground was laid out in 1797, westerly of the present 
homestead of Nathaniel Johnson. The first interment was that of 
Joshua Towle, who died September 13th of that year. In 1802, the 
selectmen were instructed to have the ground "fenced with a stone 

wall to be done within eighteen months, with one good 

gate." It is difficult to understand the meaning of a vote, passed 
seven years later ; "that Abner Page have the use of the old burying- 
yard so long as he will keep the fences and gate in repair," and "that 
John Batchelder have the new burying-yard" — unless it is to be ex- 
plained by another vote, after the lapse of a dozen more years, "that 
the use of the old burying-ground be put up to the highest bidder, 
with this restriction, that no creature except sheep and calves shall 
go therein." John Towle, the highest bidder, at one dollar and fifty 
cents. If we seek for justification of a course so repugnant to our 
sense of fitness, as turning the hallowed ground into a pasture, let us 
find it in the close-cropped grass and absence of weeds, that might 
have made the deserted enclosure that dreariest of all places, a neg- 
lected cemetery. 

carrigain's map. 
By an act of the General Court, of December 30, 1803, surve3's and 
plans of all New Hampshire towns were required to be sent to the 
Secretary's office, in order that they might be used in making a map 
of the state. It was in obedience to this decree that Thomas Leavitt, 
Esq., of Hampton Falls, made a survey and i)lan of Hampton in 1806, 
a copy of which is given in this work. The state map, made by 
Philip Carrigain, and called by his name, was published in 1816, and a 
copy sent to each town. 

PAUPERS. 

"The poor ye have always with you." Scattered through the town 
records year after year, continually, we find provisions for their sup- 
port. 

Near the close of the 3'ear 1806, there was some discussion as to 
the method of supporting those who needed assistance from the town. 



286 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

As some of the citizens vrere in favor of providing a house, where all 
needing aid might be taken care of, it was thought advisable to have 
tlie matter discussed in open town meeting. A meeting was accord- 
ingl}' lield on the lOtli of January, 1807, "to see if the town will l)e 
of the mind to build a worlc-house" for the above purpose, and if so, 
"then to determine wliat method the town will take to build it." It 
was voted, to build a work-house, forty by thirty-two feet, one story 
high, and to cut the timber for said house on the parsonage land in 
the town — the timber to be cutunder the direction of Jeremiah Hobbs, 
Samuel Brown, Jr. and Jonathan Philbrick. It was also voted, that 
the boards purchased for the building be sawed under the direction 
of Edmund James. At an adjourned meeting, on the 9th of February, 
a building committee was chosen, consisting of the three men chosen 
to cut the timber, together with Josiah Shaw, Jonathan Marston, Jr ., 
Moses Perkins and Josiah Dow. They were directed to select a site 
for the house and to build it at the cheapest rate practicable. The 
meeting was then adjourned to the 10th day of March, at 12 o'clock. 
This was the annual town-meeting da}'. "Met according to adjourn- 
ment and voted, to dissolve the meeting." And so, after all this 
preparation, the plan fell through. 

It was then voted, "not to choose overseers of the poor for the 
present year, but that the poor be let out, as usual." This method 
of caring for them, designated on the records and in common speech 
by the heartless-seeming phrase, putting them up at auction.^ was pur- 
sued for many j'ears, and indeed, with some exceptions, until by act 
of the General Court, the county assumed the support of all paupers, 
and removed all but a few aged and infirm to a count}^ farm, at Brent- 
wood, purchased in 1868. By this method, the care of the poor was 
given to those who would receive them into their homes for the small- 
est week!}' payment. It was, in fact, an auction, generally at the an- 
nual town meeting, but sometimes, at the discretion of the selectmen ; 
but it was heartless only in name. People rendered dependent by 
reason of age, disease or misfortune, were more comfortably housed 
and kindl}' cared for in private families than they could have been in 
any other way. Sympathy for the unfortunate characterizes this 
people in a high degree ; and some of these poor being once received, 
were kept for 3'ears, and even through life, and then tenderly laid to 
rest. A few, not wholly dependent, had little homes of their own, 
with such assistance from the town as their needs required. 

In 1809, John Dow, James Leavitt and Jonathan Marston, Jr., were 
chosen a committee, to take the whole matter of the condition and 
support of the poor into consideration. They reported at some length 



IN THE EARLY YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE. 1784-1814. 287 

on individual cases, one of which is as follows : "As it respects Mrs. 
Burdoo, considering her advanced age and her exposedness to take 
cold, if she continue in her house, and the expense of hauling her 
wood, we think it best to put her in a family, where she can be taken 
proper care of till spring. Mr. Josiah Dearborn has offered to take 
her at four shillings per week. She has been at Mr. Dearborn's house 
about a fortnight." 

This Mrs. Burdoo was Dinah, widow of Philip Burdoo, among the 
last of the old-time negroes in this town. Dinah Small, perhaps 
widow or sister of Csesar, who died from exposure in the army, in 
1777, was married, on the 9th of January, 1783, to Philip Burdoo, 
of Moultonborough. It has been asserted that they were slaves of 
Gen. Jonathan Moulton, which may have been true of Philip, who 
came from one of the townships granted to the Genei'al ; but Dinah, 
certainly, was a slave of William Godfrey, of North Hampton, whose 
granddaughter, Mrs. Fanny Lane, now above ninety years of age, 
knows of her service there. Philip was afterwards emploj^ed at Dear- 
born's tavern. He died January 6, 1806. Dinah had a little house a 
few rods east of the centre school-house, where she spun and knit and 
lived contentedly. When she became enfeebled by age, she was cared 
for by the town, and died at Dea. John Lamprey's, January 11, 
1825, aged ninety-two years. 

SOME NEGRO AND INDIAN SLAVES. 

August 11, 1716, Captain Moody, in a conference with twenty- two 
Indians, informed them of an Indian girl, in captivity in Hampton, who 
was taken to ''Piscataqua," to be delivered to her kinsmen ; but no one 
coming for her in the space of a month, "she was returned back to her 
master again." 

Shirk, the negro of Stephen Hussey, found dead — inquest March 
17, 1672. 

"Jack, an Indian man," sold to Edward Shaw, by Dr. Edmund 
Toppan, September 30, 1731. 

A "Negro woman of Mrs. Freese's" died, January 15, 1736, aged 
30 years. 

A "Negro girl, her daughter," died January 16, 1736, aged 6 
years. 

"Cffisar, ye Negro of Widow Godfrey," baptized March 7, 1736. 

"Prince, a Negro boy of Mr. Griffith's," died February 4, 1738, aged 
10 years. 

"Simon, y** Negro boy of Dr. Jackson," baptized April 23, 1738. 

A negro boy of Mrs. Toppans died March 11, 1740, aged 2 years. 
— "fitts." 



288 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

"Flora, a Negro giil of Widow Toppan's," baptized June 7, 1741. 

"Jenny, a Negro girl of Ward & Joanna Cotton's," baptized June 
7, 1741. Jenny died April 5, 1751, aged 40 years. 

"'Jock, y*^ Negro Sen'ant of Doctor Sargent," baptized June 14, 
1741. 

"Fortuuatus, a Negro lad of Abner Fogg's," baptized October 11, 
1741. 

"Flora, a Negro girl of Dr. Emery," died March 27, 1756. 

"Caesar, a Negro man of Capt. Jeremiah Marstou," died of old age, 
April 10, 1766. 

CjEsar Small, a mulatto, died April 21, 1777, aged 50 or 60 — 
"camp disorder." 

Neb Miller, a negro slave of Col. Christopher Toppan. 

Ben Thompson, slave of Capt. Jonathan Marstou. It is said that 
Capt. Marston's father (Elisha) gave each of his children a slave. 

"Phillis White, colored, widow of Archelaus, died August 14, 
1830." The graves of Phillis White and three other negroes, probably 
her family, are in a field belonging to Mr. Aiken S. Coffin. 

THE RIOT OF 1808. 

In the summer of 1808, some of the people of the town went to 
Portsmouth to hear Ellas Smitli, who was then preaching, in the main, 
the doctrines afterward professed by the sect styled Christians. Mr. 
Smith was also invited to hold meetings at Hampton. A few indi- 
viduals here adopted his views, and disclaiming all denominational 
distinctions, called themselves Christians. Their sentiments were, 
however, afterward greatly modified, and the church originating with 
them became the Free Baptist church. 

A general meeting of the elders and brethren of the Christian per. 
suasion was appointed to be held in this town, on the 8th of September, 
1808, on the Meeting-house Green. This occasioned considerable 
excitement among the people. They had known something of 
Elder Smith's preaching, and they distrusted his doctrines. But this 
circumstance alone would not probably have led them to disturb the 
meeting. A more powerful reason urged them to action. Their own 
pastor. Rev. Josiah Webster, who had been installed only three months, 
had previously been settled at Chebacco parish, In Ipswich. His sit- 
uation there had been rendered uncomfortable through the agency of 
certain men who claimed to be Christians, and reformers. One of 
these, it was understood, would be present on this occasion. It was 
a foolish bravado of this man that was principally instrumental in ex- 
citing opposition to the meeting. He was reported to have said that 
he had driven Mr, Webster from Chebacco and he would now drive 



I 



IN THE EARLY YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE. 1784-1814. 289 

him from Hampton. In perfect keeping witli this threat was tlie hold- 
ing of the meeting on tlie coininon in front of the i)arsonage, wliere 
Mr. Webster resided, and so near that from liis study he couhl iiear 
what might be said against "the black coats and the standing order." 

The day of the meeting arrived. A great number of people as- 
sembled on the Green. Presently a company of imin appeared with 
muskets. Some of them were advanced in life and had belonged to 
the Alarm List in the time of the Revolution. With them were joined 
others, considerably younger. All were determined to protect their 
minister from insult at his own door. Such were their feelings, how- 
ever ill-judged or disorderly may have been their method of express- 
ing them. 

The elders who controlled the meeting thought it prudent to retire 
from the Green, to a field, at some distance, wiiich the owner had of- 
fered for the purpose. This was the field at Lane's corner, opposite 
the late Cotton Brown's house. Elder Smith, in his account of the 
transaction says: "As soon as the rioters found the people had gone 
to the field, they followed them, and when they were opposite the 
field, they began with hooting, firing guns, etc. After proceeding a 
fevv rods they marched back and began their pow-wow, firing their 

guns again Just after passing the assembly, they broke their 

ranks and rushed into that and the adjoining field, firing their guns, 
throwing ^joiatoes and dirt at the preacliers." Pulling the sword-pin 
from the ox-cart, which served as a pul[)it, they tipped Lhem all out. 
One of the elders then mounted a stump, and began preaching, but 
was soon pulled to the ground. 

Elder Smith says the rioters were fifty or sixty in number; that it 
was supposed that more than a hundred guns were fired ; and that the 
men claimed to be peaceable peoi)le, but declared that they meant to 
defend their reUgioyi and their minister. That they did intend to de- 
fend their minister, is ceitain ; that they appeared upon the scene in 
the name of religion, is not so clear. 

The meeting was broken up. Elder Smith left the field first, and 
the other elders, about an hour after the distuibance began. Mr. 
Smith's narrative goes on: "Soon after this, they came up to the 
house where I was (Mr. Joshua Lane's), and stood before it. My 
horse was harnessed at the back door, and I went down the back 
stairs, out at the back side of the house, got into my carriage with a 
brother, and rode away before they knew I was gone, glad to escape 
through the back door ; and through the good hand of God upon me, 
arrived safe at Portsmouth. Notwithstanding all the tumult, no one 
19 



290 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

was injured in tlie least, though some had their clothes scorched with 
the powder." 

The narrative quoted above, a prejudiced recital b}'^ one of the prin- 
cipal actors in the drarua, was sown broadcast over the land, carrying 
exaggerated impressions of riotous behavior and persecution. There 
was undoubtedly wrong on both sides. It was not a dictate of piety 
to attempt to breakup a connection which had just been harmoniously 
formed between pastor and people, by meeting before his own door to 
lail against him. It was not a mark of wisdom for a professed 
preacher of the gospel to proclaim his intention to drive this minis- 
ter from his parish. It was foolhardy, to come into the parish, among 
tiie friends of the pastor, to execute his threat. Had they not been, 
indeed, "a peaceable people," the attempt could hardly have been 
made, and "no one injured in the least." But the proceedings of these 
armed men were disorderly and in violation of law. Had they been 
content with their victor}^ on the Meeting-House Green, and allowed 
the elders undisturbed possession of the potato- field and the empty 
cart, all would have been well ; but the temptation to enact a comedy 
was too strong for the young blood in that mixed company to resist. 
Some of the leaders were prosecuted, but were discharged, on making 
a slight acknowledgment of their fault, which, after the excitement 
of the occasion had passed away, they could not fail to perceive. 



THE COLD FRIDAY. 

The 19th of January, 1810, was one of the most memorable cold 
days of the present century. ''From a mild state of temperature, 
the weather suddenlj'^ became cold, the mercury descending to thir- 
teen degrees below zero in less than sixteen hours. The change was 
accompanied with high wind, cold and piercing in the extreme, and 
of such force as to prostrate many trees and buildings."^ This is the 
general description for a wide extent of territory. In Hampton, the 
morning was so mild, several farmers set out for Newburyport, with 
ox-loads of potatoes, beguiling with neighborly chat the tedium of 
the slow progress. On the return, the cold became so intense and the 
wind so violent, all suffered extremely, and one man who had rashly 
left his overcoat at home was only saved from perishing, by wrapping 
hhnself in the blankets that had covered the potatoes. The next day 
it was announced in Hampton that, in the midst of all this severity, 

niiat. Soc. Col. v: 77. 



IN THE EARLY YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE. 1784-1814. 291 

a son had been born to the beloved pastor. He was named John 
Calvin. 

At the annual town meeting, in 1814, it was voted "that in future, 
the annual meeting shall be opened by prayer, by the minister of the 
town, after the moderator is chosen." This was no new thing, as the 
custom had prevailed from early times, but perhaps there had latterly 
been some laxity in that regard. The good old custom of opening 
the town meeting with prayer still holds. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

A WAR— A COLOKEL— A EEGIMENT. 1812-1860. 
THE WAR OF 1812. 

DURING the second war with Great Britain, declared by our 
government on the 18th of June, 1812, New Hampshire was 
called to double dut}', as often before, in the general service, and the 
protection of her own frontiers. In preparation for the war, Congress 
had passed an act in April, under which. President Madison made 
requisition upon Nev^^ Hampshire for its quota of militia ; and Govern- 
or Langdon issued orders on the 29th of May, for detaching three 
thousand five hundred men from the militia of the state, and organ- 
izing them, r-eady for instant action. The draft was made, and com- 
panies, battalionsand regiments duly organized ; but the completion of 
the work was left to Governor Plumer, who succeeded to the olUce 
only two weeks before the declaration of war. 

How far this first act affected Hampton, we do not know ; but a town 
meeting was held on the 13th of July, "to see if the town will vote to 
make any and what addition to the wages of the soldiers, lately drafted 
for the service of the United States." A committee often was chosen, 
to consider the matter, and report at an adjournment, a week later. 
The result renders it probable that, in Hampton, as elsewhere in New 
England, public sentiment, if not opposed to the war, was, at most, 
lukewarm ; for the town voted, "that the selectmen be authorized to 
pa}', in behalf of the town, to the drafted militia, such sum as shall 
make up their pay to ten dollars a month each, providing that no sub- 
stitute shall receive such compensation, and that no monej^ be paid 
to any one until his time of service be expired." In fact, we do not 
find that Hampton men were called to the front during the first two 
years of* the war. Meanwhile, Gen. Henry Dearborn, of North Hamp- 
ton, within the old town limits — of the fourth generation from Godfrey 
Dearborn, an early settler of Hampton — who had been raised to 
the chief command of the land forces of the United States, as senior 
major-general of the arm}', had taken York (now Toronto), in Can- 
ada, and Fort George, at the mouth of the Niagara river; but sub- 
sequent disasters to our arms in the nortli, had influenced President 
Madison to remove him — "an act which was generally looked upon 
as one of the great mistakes of Mr. Madison's administration." 
(292) 



A WAR A COLONEL A REGIMENT. 1812-1860. 2i)3 

As might be expected, tlie Navy Yard and tlie forts in Portsmouth 
harbor were early threatened by the enemy ; and indeed, tiie whole 
New Hampshire seaboard was exposed. British vessels were cruisin;'- 
off the coast, and had even entered the bay of the Piscatatpia ; but 
the defenses were found so strong, no attack was made. None felt 
secure, however, and rumors of the landing of the enemy and of vi- 
olent deeds, often struck terror into the hearts of the people. Still, 
affiiirs in Hampton went on much as usual. The town built up their 
new academy, created school districts, improved the meeting-house, 
built roads and tilled the farms, as in time of peace. On ''training- 
day," early in September; 1813, while crowds were gathered nearMaj. 
John Dearborn's (the old Neal house) , ominous sounds from the north- 
east, betokening battle, raised a fever of excitement and alarm. Had 
they known that the gallant brig, Enterprise, was sustaining the bril- 
liant naval record of the war, in the capture of the Bvxer, what a 
shout would have rent the air ! 

All through the war, and for several years later, Lieut. Col. Thom- 
as Lovering, of North Hampton, was in command of the Third Regi- 
ment, in which Major Dearborn was at the head of the First Battalion ; 
but only in detached companies was this regiment called to active 
duty. In April, 1814, under a proclamation of the British admiral, 
declaring the whole United States coast in a state of blockade, many 
of our coasting vessels were destroyed by the enem>', in Massachusetts 
Bay. Portsmouth became alarmed, and asked Grovernor Gilman for 
more men. Commodore Hull also sent an urgent appeal. On the 
20th of May, the governor issued orders for marching eight companies 
of the militia to Portsmouth, within five days. Among these, the 
Hampton men found service, in the company of Major Dearborn's 
brother, Jacob, as follows, enlisted on the 24th and 25th of Ma}^ and 
discharged July 6th : 

Jacob Dearborn, Captain. Jesse Knowles. 

Samuel Dow, Lieutenant. Daniel Lamprey. 

Shubael Leavltt, Sergeant.' John Lamprey. 

Jonathan Marston, 3*1, Sergeant. Jacob Marston, Jr. 

Jeremiah T. Marston, Musician. John Monlton, Jr. 

James Blake. Abraham Marston, 3<'. 

Levi Blake. Josiali Nudd. 

Perley Bartlett. James Perkins. 

Samuel Cutts. Benjamin Perkins. 

William Godfrey. Moses Perkins. 

Samuel Harden. Zachariah Roberts. 

J. James.* Willard Shaw. 

1 Drowned at Portsmouth, Juue il. ^ Prob. .losluia, son of Joshua (5). 



294 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

During this interval, a panic occurred, when, on the night of the 
21st of June, the alarm was raised, tiiat the British were landing 
forces at liye, to attack Portsmouth from that quarter. But it i)roved 
to be a false report, occasioned by the appearance of suspicious boats 
in the offing; and, as hitherto, the strong defenses saved Portsmouth 
from bloodshed. The people, however, were now thoroughly aroused, 
and, on the 7th of September, the entire militia of the state were or- 
dered to be ready to march, at a moment's warning ; while detach- 
ments from several regiments were sent with all speed to Portsmouth. 
Among these, Capt. Jacob Dearborn was again found at the head of 
a company, enlisted September 26th, for sixty days; among whom, 
were the following men from Hampton : 

Jacob Dearborn, Captain. James Godfrey. 

Jonathan Marston, 3'^, Sergeant. James Nudcl. 

John Towle, Corporal. Joseph Palmer, Jr. 

David iMarston, " Nathaniel Cotton. 
Jeremiah T. Marston, Principal Mu- Nathan Godfrey. 

sician. 

Jonathan Fhilbrick. John M. Blake. 

James Johnson. David Blake. 

David Pliil brick. Samuel Barker. 

Thomas Leavitt, Jr. Simeon Lane. 

John Lamprey, Jr. Jonathan Redman, Jr.' 

In Colonel Lovering's regiment (stationed at the South Ropewalk in 
Portsmouth, David Towle, Adj. and William Carroll, Quarter-Master) 
was Capt. Philip Towle's company, nearly all of whom were Hampton 
men, enlisting from the 11th to tlie loth of September, and discharged 
on the 29th. It is said that, in less than two hours after the order was 
received, the company was on its march. The roll is as follows: 

Philip Towle, Captain. Dearborn Lane. 

Samuel Dow, Lieutenant. Jonathan Blake, Jr. 

Richard Greenleaf, Ensign. James Blake. 

Willard Emery, Sergeant. Jethro Blake, Jr. 

Simon Towle, Jr., " Josiah Blake. 

Philip Towle, Jr., " Levi Blake. 

Samuel Cutts, " Nathan Blake, Jr. 

John Moulton, Jr., Corporal. Moses l3rown. 

Amos Towle, 3^, " Oliver Cilley. 

Jonathan I^eavitt, " Moses Dow. 

Abraham Fogg, " " John Cotton. 

J. T. Marston, Musician. Jonathan Daniels, 

Phili[) Towle, 3<i, " Nathaniel Drake. 

John Batchclder, Jr. Abraham Drake. 

1 Levi Rei)m:i!i, who died in tlie nrmy, a hrotlier of .JoiiMthan, Jr., was probably in tiiie 
company, Uiouali liis iiaiue does nut apiicariu llio Adj. Gcn.'s Ueport. 



A WAR — A COLONEL — A REGIMENT. 1812-1860. 295 



Ebenezor T. Drake. 
Daniel Drake. 
Anthony Emery. 
John Monlton. 
Samuel Garland. 
Nathan Garland. 
Jonathan Garland. 
Simeon Godfrey. 
Simeon Godfrey, Jr. 
William Godfrey. 
Samuel Harden. 
Asahel Johnson. 
Ziiccheus Roberts. 
James Lamprey. 
Jeremiah Lamprey. 
Josiah Lane, Jr. 
Jacob Marston. 
Meshech Lane. 
Ebenezer Leavitt. 
Daniel Lane. 
Thomas Lane, Jr. 
William Lane, Jr. 
Jonathan Perkins. 
Samuel Marston. 
Abraham Marston, 3'^. 



Jacob Marston, Jr. 
Jonathan Marston. 3<*. 
Caleb Mason. 
Abuer F. Mace. 
Joseph Moulton. 
Jacob Moulton. 
Charles Moulton. 
Josiah Nudd. 
John Perkins. 
Benjamin Perkins. 
Moses Perkins, Jr. 
Samuel S. Page. 
Jeremiah Philbrick. 
John D. Shaw. 
Samuel Shaw. 
John Garland. 
Willard Shaw. 
Henry Shaw. 
Josiah Shaw, Jr. 
Moody Stockman. 
Joseph Towle, 3d. 
William Tuck. 
Daniel Towle. 
Jonathan M. Locke. 
Daniel Towle, Jr. 



Capt. Samuel James also commanded a small company, in which 
were a few men from this town, namely : 



Samuel James, Captain. 
Amos Kuowles, Corporal. 
Samuel Locke. 
Reuben Lane. 



Taylor Weare. 
Jesse Kuowles. 
Joseph Philbrick, Jr, 



Of the troops tlins brought into Portsmouth from all points, some 
manned tlie forts; others were placed at the ''South Ropewalk," to 
repulse any of the enemy who might succeed in pushing past the bat- 
terj', towards the town ; while a third detachment was posted ou ''Tlie 
Plains," Commanding the countiy roads, to guard against an attack 
from forces landing at Hampton or Rye, whence danger was appre- 
hended. Tlie British, learning througli one of their officers, who 
rovved up the Piscataqua, disguised as a fislierman, that "the town 
was swarming with soldiers, and well defended," gave up their plan 
of destroying it, and withdrew toward the south. 

Governor Oilman's orders of September 9, requiring the militia to 
arm for instant service, contained the following paragrapii : "And, 
whereas, there are a large number of men, able to bear arms, who are, 
by our militia laws, exempted from ordinary military duties, they are 



296 



HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



l)ereby invited and requested, in the present alarming state of tlie 
country, to assemble in their respective towns, organize themselves 
into companies, and prepare for defense, in case it should become nec- 
essary." In com[)liance with this request, a company of Minute Men 
was at once formed in Hampton. Though they were never culled into 
service, they deserve grateful mention, as volunteers. The original 
muster roll, signed by P^dmund Toppan, Clerk, is now in possession 
of Mr. Chrisloper G. Toppan, wlio kindly furnishes the names, as 
follows : 



Jonathan Marston, Captain. 
Willard Emery, Lieutenant. 
Nathaniel Locke, Ensign. 
John Batchelder. 
Sanborn Batchelder. 
Jolin Blake. 
Jonathan S. Blake. 
Simon Blake. 
Zechariah Blake. 
Samuel BroAvn, Jr. 
Amos Cilley. 
Stephen Coffin. 
Theodore A. Coffin. 
Reuben Dow. 
Henry Elkins. 
John Green. 
Nathaniel Johnson. 
Daniel Lamprey. 
David Lamprey. 
Jeremiah Lane. 



Simon Lane. 
Thomas Lane. 
James Leavitt. 
A sa Marston. 
Isaac Marston. 
John Marston. 
John Marston, Jr. 
James Moulton. 
Joseph M. Monlton. 
David Nudd. 
John Fhilbrick. 
Thomas J. Rand. 
Joseph Redman. 
JosialiRobie. 
Benjamin Shaw. 
Josiah Shaw. 
Amos Towle, Jr. 
James Towle. 
Samuel Towle. 
Thomas Ward. 



No further duty was required of Hampton soldiers, for the war was 
drawing to a close. News of the Treaty of Ghent, though too late 
to prevent the battle of New Orleans, arrived the following winter, 
and peace once more returned, to bless the nation. 



COL. CHRISTOPHER TOPPAN. 

That "one generation passeth away and another generation cometh" 
is forcibly exemplitied, when a prominent citizen lays down his old 
activities, bends to the infirmities of age in the retirement of his 
fireside, and then passes awa}', to mingle no more in the scenes of 
earth. Hon. Christopher Toppan was such a man — for more than 
half a century, prominent in aUairs, until, enfeebled by age, he was 
worthily succeeded in public honors and trusts, by his son, Edmund. 

On the 28th of February, 1818, he died. 




^/i^-tff^^ ^/t^ayTX. 



A AVAR — A COLONEL — A REGIMENT. 1812-1860. 297 

Hon. Christopher Toppan, the only son of Dr. Edmund Toppaa 
that grew up to manhood, was horn January 18, 1735, O. 8., and was 
left fatherless before he had completed his lifth year. It was, however, 
fortunate for him, that he had a mother, capable of directing his ed- 
ucation and training him up in correct habits. Perhaps he Avas nat- 
urally inquisitive and fond of knowledge. Certain it is, he was even 
in early years fond of the company and conversation of persons, from 
whom he might acquire valuable information. This he often spoke 
of in mature life, mentioning particularly, Dea. Joseph Thilbrick, as 
one, from whose conversation he derived great benelil. He was ac- 
customed to make frequent calls upon the venerable deacon, and list- 
en with eagerness to his instructive words. By this and kindred hab- 
its, by the time he was twenty-one years of age, he not only had 
acquired rich stores of knowledge, but, by a well disciplined mind, 
was able to adapt himself to any emergency that might arise. In a 
word, he stood on high vantage ground. 

It is believed that the property inherited by Colonel Toppan was 
not large, but it was carefully husbanded. It was considerably in- 
creased by the business of ship-building, in which he early engaged, 
and which he carried on somewhat lai-gely. It is probable that he 
also made his commercial pursuits and the fishery profitable, though 
he met with some heavy losses, among which was that of a brig, on 
her return from the West Indies, and a few years later, of a schooner, 
upon the Banks of Newfoundland. 

Colonel Toppan's influence in the town was great. His superior 
knowledge, his well cultivated intellect, his great sagacity, his 
foresight and his wealth, all contributed to this result. While his 
superiority in these respects was admitted, however, there were many 
who believed him to be too much controlled by self-interest. Such 
was the prevalent feeling in the early part of the Revolution. For 
some time, it was considered doubtful, whether he would commit him- 
self in favor of the cause of freedom. This doubt was not removed, 
when, in October, 1775, he declined the office of Lieut. Colonel of 
the Third regiment, to which he had been appointed. Subsequently, 
however, he took a decided stand in favor of liberty and independence, 
and the confidence of the people in his patriotism, which for a time 
had wavered, was fully restored. 

Colonel Toppan was often elected to office. He was on the board 
of selectmen, five years. At the age of twenty-seven years, he was 
elected one of the representatives of the town, and served in that 
capacity thirteen years, before the Revolution, when the town was 
entitled to two representatives, and eight years, after its close, when 



298 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

the number was limited to one. He was also elected to that office on 
two other occasions, but did not accept, as he had at the same time 
been chosen councillor, to which office he was elected five times, and 
four times to the Senate. In 1774, he was appointed one of the jus- 
tices of the Court of Common Pleas, and held the office one yeaw 

Colonel Toppan was a prominent man in the ecclesiastical and pa- 
rochial dissensions, which agitated the people of the town for many 
years, after the death of Rev. Ebenezer Thayer, in 1792. He acted 
with the Congregationalists, and was forty-niue years a member of the 
church. 

For several years near the close of his life, he lived in retirement, 
though even at that time, he was often consulted, aud his advice sought, 
on matters of importance. 

He was eighty-three years of age when he died. 

[See Genealogies — Toppan.] 

THE THIRD REGIMENT. 

At the session of the Legislature, December 27, 1792, an Act 
passed, ''arranging the militia into regiments. Brigades & divisions & 
describing their limits," provided "that the companie in the towns 
of North Hampton, Hampton & Hampton Falls shall form a first 
battalion ; the companies in the towns of Seabrook, Kensington & 
South Hampton shall form a second battalion — which shall constitute 
the thh'd regiment."^ At this time, the law required that all free, able- 
bodied, v:hite, male citizens, from eighteen to forty years of age, 
should be enrolled. Each company was to be called out for inspection 
and drill, at least twice a year ; each battalion, once a year. In 1795, 
the limit of age was made from sixteen to forty. In 1805, company 
inspection was established for the last Wednesday in June, annually 
(changed afterwards to May), also, annually, in the mouth of August 
or September. Regimental musters were but once a year. 

In 18U8, the Third regiment was commanded by Lieut. Col. Ben- 
jamin Shaw, and the next year, by Lieut. Colonel (afterwards Colonel) 
Thomas Lovering, of North Hampton, who continued in command 
during the second war with England, and later, resigning in 1819. 

The war passed, but the militia service continued effective, for a 
long series of years. Regimental musters were gala days. Old and 
young looked forward to them, and joined with zest in the festivities. 
The muster field, with its eating-l)ooths, show-tents, auction-carts, 
candy-stands and plenty of New England rum at three cents a glass, 

» Adj. Gen's Reiit. 18G6, II : 375. 



A WAR— A COLONEL A REGIMENT. 1812-18G0. 2!I9 

presented a gay appearance, marred, too often, by the spectacle of 
men, with muddled brains and unsteady feet. In early times, little 
attention was paid to uniforms and equipments, a pitelifork or an 
ox-goad serving for drill, as well as a gun ; but later, mueli pride was 
taken in the personal appearance of the companies. Each town had, 
indeed, besides its uniformed company, a company of infantry, liable 
to do military duty, but not uniformed, no two men alike in dress, 
accoutrements or arms,- — a comical array, nicknamed the "Old Salt 
Hay." 

In 1827, a Rifle company was formed in Hampton, organized at 
the residence of JosiahDow, on the 21st of May. "Col. John Dear- 
born [now commanding the Third Eeginient] being also present, waKS 
chosen IModerator of the meeting," Josiah Dow, Jr., was elected Cap- 
tain ; WilliardE. Nudd, Lieutenant; and Frederic Towle, Ensign. In 
August following, Captain Dow received his commission ; and a few 
days later, he went to Boston, "in John Johnson's schooner," to pur- 
chase rifles for the company. It is recorded of them, "They are very 
handsome ones, and cost eleven dollars each." The first drill of the 
company was September 6 ; and from this time on, for many years, the 
Hampton Rifles were the choice company of the regiment. Of its 
early members, only Pxlward Shaw, Isaac Emery and Oliver Godfrey 
survive. The young captain subsequently became Colonel Josiah Dow, 
in command of the regiment. Mr. Shaw became Lieutenant of the 
Rifles, in 1832. 

Besides the Hampton Rifles, there were, in the regiment, the South 
Hampton Rifles, the Light Infantry of Hampton, a company of Ar- 
tillery, mostly from Hampton and North Hampton, and a company 
of Cavalry from the different towns. Rev. Josiah Webster was, at 
one time, chaplain ; and, on muster days, a detachment of cavalry es- 
corted him, a fine rider, superbly mounted, from his house to the mus- 
ter field. The first cannon of the Artillery company was only a three- 
pounder; but later they had a superior brass six-pounder, furnished 
by the State. This was kept in a gun-house, that stood on land, now 
a part of the Center school yard, and was in charge of Robert Philbrook, 
for many years. This gun was taken by the State, early in the late 
war, and put to active service. Ebeuezer Lane, Moses A. Dow, 
George W. Fhilbrick and others, were at different times, captains of 
the Artillery ; — David A. Philbrick, and many others, captains of In- 
fantry. 

A member of the Rifle company, in its later years, saj^s : " I well 
remember attending a muster, near the Lafayette tavern, in North 
Hampton; also one in Hampton, in the Toppan field, back of tiie 



300 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

town-house ; T remember tliem in Hampton Falls, in the Brimmer field ; 
in a field, where the Scotch settlement now is ; once, near the house 
of the late James D. Dodge ; once, near the house of General Nasou ; 
and in the Toppan field, near the late Moses Marshall's ; also ouce, 
near Lamprey's Corner, in Kensington ; and in some of these places, 
several times." Mr. 8haw remembers farther back, when the annual 
muster was in '"Dodge's pasture" at Hampton Falls, year after year. 

But the glory of those old musters passed away. Men grew weary 
of '"training" and" "great training." Many lamented the free flow of 
liquor, and other demoralizing features of the parade ; some grudged 
the expense. At length, the question was made a political issue, and 
in 1846, musters and trainings were abolished by law. The next 
year, however, a martial feeling prevailed, that law was repealed and 
the old law, reestablished, with amendments. This was in the midst 
of the Mexican War, when the Ninth (or New England) regiment, 
U. IS. Infantry, commanded by Brig. Gen. (afterwards President) 
Franklin Pierce, and containing two companies recruited mainly in 
New Hampshii'e, was in active and gallant service in that far-off field. 
But that war, though sharp, Avas short; — and still the military spirit 
declined, till in 1851, the Legislature enacted that, in time of peace, 
the militia of the State should be subject to no active duty. At that 
time, the Third regiment was officered by John M. Weare, Col. ; David 
Cotton Marston, Lieut. Col. ; Benjamin F. Hill, Maj. ; George A. 
Chase, Adj. ; Stephen A. Brown, Q. M. 

Five years later, the "Amoskeag Veterans," of Manchester, awoke 
the enthusiasm of the State, by their visit to Washingiou and Mount 
Vernon, and the continual ovation they received en route. This led 
to the adoption of a new system, whereby it was hoped that active 
military duty would be performed by volunteers. "The Governor's 
Horse-Guards," a battalion of volunteer cavalry, organized in 1860, 
was an outcome of this new system. Col. Stebbins H. Dumas, present 
proprietor of the Boar's Head hotel, but then resident in Concord, was 
commissary of that organization. 

Gen. Charles A. Nason, of Hampton Falls, was now Major General 
of the First Division, New Hampshire militia ; but the Third regiment, 
whose fortunes we have followed, had become defunct. Li fact, our 
forty-two regiments had dwindled to 0)ie, and twelve independent 
companies — and a stupendous civil ivar, close upon us ! 



CHAPTER XVII. 

THE CIVIL WAR 18G0-18G5. 

THE autumn of 1860 had been a time of intense excitement 
tluougliout the country, more especially in some of the south- 
ern states. The votes for electors of President and Vice President 
for the next four years were to be cast in November. Four candi- 
dates for the presidency were in the field, and the result was doubt- 
ful. 

With the election of Mr, Lincoln, treachery, which had long been 
preparing, broke into open rebellion ; state after state seceded ; Sum- 
ter was bombarded and taken April 14, 1861 — and then, and not till 
then, did the nation accept war as inevitable, and rush to the defense 
of the Constitution and the flag. 

In New Hampshire, before the close of that year, eight regiments 
had been created at the calls of the President, and six of them sent 
forward, the Seventh and Eighth soon following. Six more regiments 
for three years, and three for nine months were raised in 1862 ; but 
the last of these, the Seventeenth, was the following year consoli- 
dated with the Second, The Eighteenth infantry', one cavalry, one 
light and one heavy artillery, three companies of sharpshooters, five 
companies for garrison duty at Fort Constitution and an unknown 
number of men in the navy completed the quota of New Hampshire 
during the war. In fifteen of these New Hampshire regiments, in 
nineteen from other states, and in the navy, Hampton avowed her loy- 
alty. 

THE WINNACDNNET GUARDS. 
[From advance sheets of Adj. General Ayling's report.] 

In October, 1860, in response to a call, signed by Charles F. Dun- 
bar and others, several of the j^oung men of Hampton met and took 
the preliminary steps for the formation of a military company. Thirty- 
six signed the roll and all but three became active members of the 
new company, which was called the Winnacunnet Guards. They 
chose the. following officers : Captain, Charles F. Dunbar; First Lieu- 
tenant, Orriu M. Dearborn ; Second Lieutenant, Amos J. Towle ; 

(301) 



302 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

and Joseph Warren Dow was appointed First Sergeant. Arras and 
equipments were secured from tlie state, the town furnishing a room 
in tlie town-house for an armory. 

With the firing upon Sumter and the call from the President for 
troops, the company saw need of their services, and at a special meet- 
ing called for that purpose, April 17, 1861, passed the following vote : 
"That we, the Winnacunnet Guards of Hampton, N. H., hereby vol- 
unteer our services to the Governor of this state and are ready to en- 
ter upon such duty as he may direct at notice ; and that Captain 
Dunbar, Lieutenants Dearborn and Towle, with Sergeant Dow con- 
stitute a committee to so notify His Excellency, Governor Goodwin, 
forthwith." 

In accordance with this vote the committee visited Governor Good- 
win, at his residence in Portsmouth the next day, and presented him 
with a copy of the vote. He accepted tlie offer and promised that the 
company should be put upon the roster then forming for the First reg- 
iment; and he requested Captain Dunbar to report to Adj. General 
Abbott, at Concord, for further orders — which he did April 19, 1861. 
Captain Dunbar that day enlisted for three months, was appointed a 
recruiting officer and ordered back to Hampton, to enlist his company 
for the same period, add recruits thereto and await orders. 

For some unexplained reason they were not put into the First reg- 
iment but assigned to the Second, also organizing for three months, 
rendezvousing at Portsmouth and to be commanded by Thomas P. 
Pierce. Before the Second regiment was ready to take the field, or- 
ders came from Washington, for three years men, which resulted in 
changing the Second regiment's time to that period, and a change in 
its commander. 

Captain Dunbar was ordered to discharge his company that he had 
enlisted for three months and enlist one for three j^ears. Several who 
had enlisted for the former period refused to go further, although 
many of them were afterwards in service ; but the majority reenlisted 

for three years unless sooner discharged. May 13, 1861 This 

company was the foundation of Company D, Third regiment New 
Hampshire Volunteers, and was mustered into United States service, 
August 23, 1861. 

ROLL OF THE WINNACCNNET GUARDS, HAMPTON, N. H., OCTOBER, 1860. 

Captain, Charles F. Dunbar. 
First Lieutenant, Orrin M. Dearborn. Second Lieutenant, Amos J. Towle 

First Ser(jeant, Joseph Warreu Dow. 



THE CIVIL WAR. 1860-1865. 303 

Serfjeants. 

Jeftcrson C. Dunbar, Geoi-^e Perkins, David P. Marston, 

Josepli Warren Akerman, 

Corporals. 
Abrum Dow, William E. Lane, John Sanborn James, Jonathan N. Doav. 

Musicians. 
Adna B. Chase, Harrison Janvrin. 

Privates. 

Andrew J. Batchekler. Charles W. Lane. 

William H. Blake. George W. Marston. 

G eorge T. Crane. Joseph W. Moore. 

Lewis W. Dow, Lewis P. Nudd. 

Hale B. Dearborn. Andrew J. Philbrick. 

Jacob H. Eaton. Joseph A. Philbrick. 

Washington H. Godfrey. Thomas J. Phillirook. 

George W. Goss. ' Joseph E. Palmer. 

John F. Hobbs. David W. Perkins. 

George R. James. Samuel S. Page. 

Charles M. Lamprey. Benjamin F. Goodwin. 

IN THE country's SERVICE. 

Of the above company, all the officers except the musicians, together 
with privates Blake, Crane, Dearborn, Eaton, Godfrey, Goss, Hobbs, 
James, Marston, Palmer and Perkins and sixteen recruits, enlisted in 
Hampton, of whom James Fair was a resident, left Hampton for 
Portsmouth, May 25, 1861, and served three months at Fort Constitu- 
tion. Other enlistments occurred tliere, and two more Hampton men , 
Samuel W. Dearborn and William L, Dodge enlisted at Concord, when 
the company was mustered. 

This enlistment was but a beginning. As time passed and the ob- 
duracy of the Rebellion became apparent, men of all ages and con- 
ditions devoted themselves to the service of their country, while 
women bade tliem God-speed, and waited in anxiety and sometimes 
in stricken grief at home ; — serving likewise, as best they could, in 
"Soldiers' Aid Societies," for preparing camp and hospital supplies^ 
and in carrying alone the burdens and cares thus doubled upon them. 

The first war act noted on the town records was the calling of a 
meeting held November 7, 1861, when the care of soldiers' families 
was considered, and it was voted : "Tliat the selectmen be directed to 
furnish aid to dependents on soldiers, from this date." August 25, 
1862, tlie town first voted a bounty for enlistments, the earlier soldiers 
having enlisted without town bounty. From this date, for two months, 
town meetings were held frequently, by adjournment. Uri Lamprey 



304 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

was appointed to revise and correct the enrolment. Morris Hobbs, 
Jacob T. Brown and Uri Lamprey were chosen a war committee. 
The next March, the town voted to raise money for the benefit of re- 
turned, disabled soldiers, agreeably to the law of the state ; and the 
following summer, Charles M. Lamprey was appointed, to procure 
substitutes, "unmarried aliens preferred." Again, in 1864, Uri Lam- 
prey was chosen, to revise the enrolment, and this time, to fill quotas, 
and pay soldiers ; the selectmen to furnish him an amount not ex- 
ceeding three thousand dollars, in such suras and at such times as he 
might require for the purpose ; the agent to give bonds in the sum of 
ten thousand dollars. This office Mr. Lamprey held till Maich, 1865, 
when it passed by vote, to the chairman of the selectmen. 

Statistics of town bounties and of individual payments for substi- 
tutes are appended to this chapter. 

It were idle to attempt to follow the vicissitudes of the war. Writ- 
ten histories meet us on every hand ; and it is still too recent to have 
passed from the memor^^ of those who participated in its occurrences, 
or felt its adversity. Rather, let us turn the pages of personal ex- 
perience, and from pictures imperfectly drawn, take glimpses here and 
there, of scenes most nearly connected with our own town. 

The Third regiment having been assigned to Gen. T. W. Sherman's 
corps, for a supposed secret expedition, reached Port Royal harbor, 
South Carolina, on the 4th of November, 1861 ; and on the 9th, "landed 
in a large cotton and corn field, where cotton enough to have furnished 
clothing for the whole brigade was burned for the purpose of clearing 
camp and drill ground. "^ Here, at Hilton Head, began camp life in 
the enemy's country; and here, on the 20th of February, 1862, fell 
Hampton's first victim of the war — Color Sergeant Jonathan N. Dow. 
Not at the cannon's mouth, but by wasting fever, he laid down his life 
for his country. His brother came, and bore the remains to his native 
town, whose citizens sorrowfully laid them to lest in the cemetery. 

Near the last of March, the enemy attacked the Fifty-fifth Penn- 
sylvania, on Edisto Island. They were driven back, but the Fifty- 
fifth abandoned its position, and the Third New Hampshire was or- 
dered to reoccupy it. This was welcome news to the men, so long 
comparatively inactive at Hikon Head. The}' embarked, on the 3d 
of April, and landed on Edisto the same night. Hampton soldiers 
recall the appearance among them, while there, of a colored refugee, 
with a broad iron band around his ankle, placed there by a cruel mas- 
ter, so long liefore, that the flesh had grown over the edges of it. 
They remember his joy, when their efforts with iile and knife had 

^Atlj. Gen. Head's report. 



THE CIVIL WAR. 1860-1865. 305 

availed to remove the baud, lacerating the limb, but making the poor 
negro a free man. 

An experience occurred soon after, in which our men were suf- 
ferers. All the sea islands, so close to Charleston, "the hotbed of 
secession," were dangerous gn-und. On the 2nd of June, the New 
Hampshire Third and the New York Forty-seventh crossed under or- 
ders, to John's Island, marched seven miles, drenched with rain and 
short of rations, and, having awaited the assembling of the whole 
command, began another long march at two o'clock on the morning of 
the fourth, in dense darkness and a torrent of rain, through an un- 
familiar country, known to have been occupied but recently b^' the 
enemy. The}' reached Legareville at noon ; and after one day's rest, 
crossed to James Island, to report to General Stevens. Scarcely re- 
freshed by their day's halt, and with appetite but half appeased, could 
anything be more welcome than the sight of a drove of cows, coming 
out of a belt of woods? Our men shot several, took off their hides 
as best they could, with pocket knives, surrounded the carcasses and 
cut out generous pieces, to run on sticks ami take to the fire to roast. 

This episode recalls others, later on in the war; — as, when a stout 
Scotchman stole into the enemy's lines in the night and returned to 
camp at daylight, shouldering a barrel of flour. 

On James Island began "the perils of siege and skirmish, of assault 
and repulse," wherein the Third regiment gained a well-earned repu- 
tation for valor, which it held, untarnished, to the last; for in the 
spring of 1863, operations being recommenced for the taking of 
Charleston, this regiment was again put to active service. 

After the unsuccessful charge on Fort Wagner, on the 18th of July, 
the Union army sat down before that fort, to take it by regular ap- 
proaches ; and the Third New Hampshire was one of three regiments 
" to be at all hours in front of the army." Stealthily the rifle-pits 
crept up their zigzag course, almost to the very guns of the enemy. 
Ever}' da}^ the ranks were thinned, but not a man flinched. A single 
instance is given, to show the peril of the situation : 

Between Morris Island and the main land flows Vincent creek, down 
which the enemy's boats might pass, to flank the Union batteries. To 
prevent this, two of our Hampton meu^ and five others were detailed 
from headquarters to boom the creek. Only in the darkness of night 
could this be done. The whole region bristled with fortifications — 
Forts Wagner, Gregg, Moultrie, Sumter and Johnson ; numberless 
batteries; and, worse than all, for that detail, the rebel sharp-shooters 
along both banks. 

1 Samuel W. Dearborn and Washington H. Godfrey. 
20 



30G HISTORY OF HAMrXOX. 

The only hope of life, while taking the hewu logs down to the en- 
trance, where three booms were to be thrown across, was in hang- 
ing to the side of boat or boom, with only the head above water. 
Then, silently and cautiously, the men felt their way along the thnbers, 
in the darkness, to bolt them together — showers of hot shot whizzing 
incessantly around them, meanwhile, making the water seethe like a 
boiling pot. Again and again, the tide broke the fastenings asunder ; 
but after seven nights of jeopardy like this, having borne charmed 
lives, not a man was missing, when they reported their task accom- 
plished. 

No less perilous was the erection of the masked batterj', known as 
the "Swamp Angel," in which some of our men participated. This 
also was night work ; and its successful achievement helped to the oc- 
cupation of Wagner and Gregg and the bombardment of Sumter. ' 

After the taking of forts Wagner and Gregg, the Third did provost 
duty on Morris Island, till the reenlistment of many of its members, 
for three years or the war, who went home on furlough ; when the re- 
mainder, with recruits, repaired to Hilton Head, were mounted aVid 
went to Florida, serving there till the latter part of April, 1864. as 
mounted infantry. They then went to Virginia, where they were joined 
on the 29 th, by the reenlisted men, being accompanied by the other 
regiments of their corps, who had served with them in the South, form- 
ing the Tenth army corps, of General Butler's Department of the 
James. 

Who could know that, in a fortnight, two Hampton men who shook 
hands with their comrades that day would be killed in battle ;- and 
that three mouths later, two more, with term of service almost ex- 
pired, would likewise be cut dowu?^ In the terrible battle of Drury's 
Bluff, which followed the return of the veterans, the Third New Hamp- 
shire led the van the first day, and Company D was in advance of all. 
The victory of the 13th, the constant fire of the next two days and the 
retreat of the 16th, are well remembered. Here, on the night of 
the 15th, our soldiers threw up earthworks, some using tin dippers, 
for want of better tools, preparing for a charge on the morrow. The 
night was thick with fog. No object could be discerned at a distance 
of ten feet ; and yet the men toiled on. It was a fruitless task. Under 
cover of the fog, the enem^^ had made a flank movement, a general 
engagement followed, our army was overpowered and a retreat oi'dered. 
Having reached an opening through the woo Is, they re-formed, and 



' Lieut. William L. Dodge was one of the first twenty, of the "forlorn hope," who en 
tered Fort Wagner. 
- David W. Perkins and J. Eldredge Palmer. 
3 Cjeorge Perkins and Simon N, Lamprey. 



THE CIVIL WAR. 1860-1865. 307 

once more, the post of greatest danger was given the gallant Third. 
"Charge the enemy, advancing on the left !" said General Terry, The 
charge was made and the enemy driven back, while the main arni}^ con- 
tinued its retreat. 

The remaining daj^s' of the three years' men were eventful ones, 
including part of the siege of Petersburg. Necessary to this, was 
the cutting off of communication with Richmond, by the Richmond 
and Petersburg railroad, — which was accomplished several times, it 
having been repeatedly restored by the rebels. In one of these expe- 
ditions, a detachment came to a halt, on a hot, dusty June day, want- 
ing water. On a shelf outside a little cabin by the wayside, stood a 
brimming bucket, temptingly, and a gourd, hanging near. "Fill j-our 
canteens, boys!" said Lieutenant James. At this instant, a rebel 
woman emerged from the house and vainly tried to carry off the prize, 
demanding angrily : "What are you uns down here, fighting we uns 
for?" 

On the 23d of August, 1864, such of the surviving Hampton sol- 
diers of the Third regiment as had not reeulisted, and, a little later, 
three from other regiments, whose term had expired, were mustered 
out, and came home to their expectant families, bronzed, battle-stained 
and full of honors. 

Our town had still its soldiers in the Third regiment ; — and one more 
picture shall be drawn. It is a winter scene, on the eve of the expe- 
dition to Fort Fisher, and the soldiers have bivouacked on the banks 
of the James, waiting for transportation. Rolled up in their blankets, 
they are sleeping on the ground ; the silent snow has fallen, and every 
soldier is a white mound. It is like graves — and the stillness of death 
prevails. But morning breaks ; the men spring up, and, tossing the 
snow aside, with jest and badinage, prepare the coarse, and not over- 
appetizing breakfast. It is not alone in battle that one need be brave, 
to be a soldier. 

Next the Third regiment, the navy contained more Hampton men 
than an}^ other department of the war. These were assigned to differ- 
ent ships. Even brothers were separated. Some served on the gal- 
lant steam frigate, Colorado ; some, on the swiftly sailing double-ender, 
Miami, pluckily fighting at close range ; some, on the Agawam, the 
Jamestown, and perhaps other war vessels, whose exploits are kuown 
in history. Cooperating, generally, with land forces, they participated 
in engagements on the Atlantic and Gulf coasts, and, notably, on the 
Mississippi river, mingling bravely in those fearful scenes. 

In point of numbers, though not in order of time or length of ser- 
vice, the Heavy Artillery stands third, as regards the Hampton men 



308 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

employed in the war. Ou the 17th of September, 1864, twelve went 
in a body from this town to Portsmouth, and enlisted for one year, 
in Company K of that department, under Captain Houghton, of Man- 
chester. As fast as the companies were organized, they wei'e sent on 
to Washington, and assigned chiefly to garrison duty. Company K 
was stationed at Fort Kearney, men being detailed for special service, 
as occasion required — not called to the perils and fame of battle, but 
to the tedium of defense, or the exhaustion of manual labor. 

Eleven Hampton men went into the Fifteenth regiment, in October, 
18G2. After a month's encampment on Long Island, they embarked 
on a secret expedition. By Christmas, the whole regiment was at New 
Orleans ; and soon joined other regiments in camp near Carrollton, 
in swampy and unhealthy ground. Successive removes brought the 
Fifteenth, by the last of January, to Camp Parapet, seven miles west 
of New Orleans, as a part of Gen. Neal Dow's brigade, in Gen. T. 
W. Sherman's division. Company I, to which all but one of the Hamp- 
ton men belonged, was for a time detailed to take charge of some pa- 
roled prisoners ; but heavier work was in store. Port Hudson must 
be reduced, and deadly was to be the conflict. 

On the 23d of May, 1863, began the cautious advance of General 
Sherman's division upon that rebel stronghold. Oh ! the agony of 
those waiting days, in the far-off northern homes ! Oh ! the carnage 
of the terrible 27th of May, when General Sherman lost a leg and 
General Dow was severely wounded, and thousands of brave soldiers 
were strewn dead upon the field ! One Hampton name was stricken 
that day from the roll of Company I, of the Fifteenth New Hampshire^ 
and one from the naval service,- and sad-hearted comrades wrote home 
the news and nerved themselves for further conflict. Not till July 
did Port Hudson surrender. 

There is still one more regiment, the Fourteenth, in which a consid- 
erable number of men of our town entered the country's service. The 
rest were scattered singly or in very small numbers among the various 
commands, sometimes crossing each other's paths, perhaps unknow- 
ingly in the same engagements ; but all inspired with thought of loyalty 
and purpose of devotion. The Fourteenth, enlisted in September, 
1862, was brigaded with regiments of Massachusetts, Vermont and 
Maine, and spent the following winter in picketing the Potomac river. 
The next year, it did provost duty in Washington. Early in 1864, 
after a short, blessed furlough at home, it went to New Orleans, ar- 
riving on the 20th of March, and proceeding at once to Camp Parapet, 

1 John D, Lamprey, ^ Daniel Godfrey. 



THE CIVIL WAR. 1860-1865. 309 

whence the Fifteenth had gone out the year before, to the blood-bought 
field of Port Hudson. 

In June, the soldiers were removed to the malarious Red river coun- 
try, hot and dank, where were planted the seeds of consumption, of 
which two Hampton members of Company D (Perkins and Page) 
have since died ; and of chills and fever, of which others are victims 
to this day. In July, however, the regiment returned to Virginia and 
joined Sheridan's army, taking a conspicuous part in the memorable 
battle of Winchester. In the soldiers' cemetery on the battle field, 
there rises a monument inscribed : "New Hampshire erects this Mon- 
ument .to the memor\ of her brave sons of the Fourteenth Regiment, 
who fell in battle September 19th, 1864, upon this field ; and are here 
buried in one common grave." Among the names inscribed thereon 
is "Private, M. Marston.''^ 

Perhaps no regiment had harder fortunes than the Sixteenth New 
Hampshire, in which four Hampton men were enlisted. Though the 
term of service was short, the regiment was rapidly depleted by the 
miasma of its camping-ground, as well as in the desperate struggles 
on the Mississippi, in which the Eighth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth also 
participated. So fearful was the havoc of disease. General Emory 
once telegraphed to General Banks, that there were "only a few skele- 
tons of the Sixteenth New Hampshire left." Death or crippled lives 
resulted for Hampton men as for others. 

In different regiments, five other Hampton men,^ and how many 
substitutes none will ever know, laid down their lives on battle fields. 

There is yet another form of sacrifice, for which time brings no 
soothing thought. Meu died in camp, in exposure and privation, in- 
deed, but watched over by sympathizing comrades ; and men fell in 
battle ; and men came home, with broken constitutions ; and for all 
these woes there are compensations ; but who can recall Avith calmness 
the atrocities of rebel prisons? At any distance of time, one stands 
aghast, in view of them. Yet these did some of Hampton's sons en- 
dure, for a time ; and one, after months of untold suffering, died of 
starvation, at Andersonville.^ A stranger, too, accredited to Hamp- 
ton, somebody's substitute, suffered a like fate.^ 

Thank God ! the horrors of war ended at last ; and, with the stars 
and stripes again waving over all the states, the great army vanished, 
and peace reigned over a nation saved. 

1 Melbern Marston. 

2 Jeremiah Batchelder, James Fair, Charles W. Niidd, Edward S. Perkins, David T. Phil- 
brook. 

3 George Dearborn. ^ Outon Saingele. 



310 



HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



MEMORIAL RECORD. 

A list of the Soldiers and Sailors, in the war of the Rebellion of 
1861 to 18G5, from and of Hampton, N. H., with date of enlistment 
and disciiarge, also- rank at each period, reiinlistments and deaths. 
Those marked * are dead. 

SECOND REGIMENT, N. H. VOLUNTEERS — THREE YEAKS. 



*Joseph Samuel Gillespie 



RANK WHEN MUS- 
XEKKD. 



Co. B.Piiv. June 1,1861 



RANK AAHEN DIS- 
CHARGED. 



Sergeant, June 13, 1865 



Keen! i s ted; 
Drowned In, 
Jiimes river, 
Va. 



THIRD REGIMENT, N. H. VOLUNTEERS — THREE YEARS. 





RANK WHEN MUS- 


RA>."K WHEN DIS- 


CAUSE. 




TERED. 


CHAKGED. 


♦Charles Franklin Dunbar 


Captain. Aug 


. 22, 1861 


Captain, June 20, 1862 


Resigned. 


(*?) Orrin Mozart Dearborn 


•2nd Lieut. " 


" " 


Feb. 11, 186.1 


" 


♦.lefl'erson Clinton Dunbar 


Ist Sergt. " 


2.3 " 


IstSergt. July 31.186-2 


Disability. 


*lJeorge Perkins 


Sergeant, " 


23 " 


Sergeant, Aug. 16, 1864 


Killed in ac- 
tion. 


*Davi(l Pickering Marston 


" " 


23 " 


" Mar. 11, 1862 


Disability. 


*Josepli Wiirren Akermau 


" '• 


23 " 


2nd Lieut. July 28, 1S63 


Itesigned. 


Aliram Dow 


Corporal " 


23 " 


Sergt. Nov. n, 18(i2 


Disability. 


William Eldredge Lane 




23 " 


" Aug. 23, 186i 


Ex p i ration 
term of ser- 
vice. 


.Tohn Sanborn James 


<i (< 


23 " 


Captain, July 20, 186.5 


('lose of war. 


♦William Henry Blake 


Private, " 


23 " 


Private, Aug. 23, 1861 


E xp 1 ration 
term of ser- 
vice. 


*Georgc Tyler Crane 


" 


23 " 


Sergeant, June 26, 186? 


\V u n d e d. 
Di.sability. 


♦Jonathan Xudd Dow 


it it 


23 _" 


" Feb. 20, 1862 


Died of dis- 
ease. 


*HaIe Bradford Dearborn 


" " 


23 " 


Private, July 20. 186.5 


(Jlose of war. 


Samuel Wesley Dearborn 




23 " 


" Aug. 23, 1864 


iC xpiration 
term of ser- 
vice. 


William Ladd Dodge 




26 " 


1st Lieut. Oct. 19, 1864 


Expiration 
term of ser- 
vi(;e. 


♦James Fair 


" " 


23 " 


Private, June 16, 1862 


Killed in ac- 
tion. 


♦George Washington Goss 


*' ** 


23 " 


Sergeant, May 20, 1865 


W o n n (led. 
Disability. 


Washington Hobbs Godfrey 




23 " 


I'rivate, Aug. 23, 1864 


E X piration 
term of ser- 
vice. 


♦John Franklin Ilobbs 


it K 


23 " 


Corporal, Mar. 15, 1865 


Died of dis- 
ease. 


♦George W^ashinston Marston 


tl 14 


23 " 


Private, Julv 20, 1865 


(^lose of war. 


♦David Warren Perkins 


" it 


23 " 


l^t Sergt. May 13, 1S64 


Killed in ac- 
tion. 


♦Joseph Eldredge Palmer 


(( it 


23 " 


I'rivate, May 16, 1864 


Killed in ac- 
tion. 


•Simon Xudd Lamprey 


Corporal, " 


22 " 


1st Lieut. Aug. 16, 1864 


Died next 
day from 
wounds. 


Amos Jackson Towle 


'2nd Lieutenant, 


Not mustered. 




Joseph Warren Dow 


Sergeant, 




Hejected at Concord. 
N, H 


Disability. 



THE CIVIL WAR. 1860-18G5. 



311 



Excepting Simon N. Lamprey, who enlisted from Exeter, in Co. 
B, the above went ont as part of Co. D. Lieutenant Towle was 
counted out by additions from other phices, and not mustered. Ser- 
geant J. Warren Dow couhl not pass tiie medical examination ; both 
served with compan}' three months while at Fort Constitution, N. II., 
previous to its joining tlie Third. Sergeant Dow was afterwards twice 
drafted, and rejected both times. He thereupon served as a recruit- 
ing officer in New Hampshire. 

John S. James, George T. Crane, Hale B. Dearborn, George W. 
Goss, John F. Hobbs and George W. Marston reenlisted in 1864. 

Of the twenty-five, four were killed in action ; one died of wounds ; 
two died of disease, in service; and two were wounded. Twelve 
served three years ; and three were with regiment at final muster. 
Seven out of the twenty-five are alive at mid-summer 1892, five of 
whom served three 3-ears or more. 



FIFTH REGIMENT, N. H. VOLUNTEERS — THREE YEARS. 



Oliver Wasliing-ton Blake 
Alonzo Whipple Slmw 



RANK WHEN MUS- 
TERED. 



BANK WHEN DIS- 
CHARGED. 



Co. D Priv. Oct. 2,3, 1801 Private, Oct. 2.i, 1862 
" " " "■ 23, •' " Nov.20, 18(;2 



Disaliility. 
Wounded, 



SIXTH REGIMENT, N. H. VOLUNTEERS— THREE YKARS. 



Thomas Horace Dearborn 



James Elkins 
Andrew Jackson Davis 



BAKK WHEN JIUS- 
TEKED, 



Co. C, Sergt. Nov. 27, 1861 



" Musician, '• 27, 
" Private " 27, 



RANK WHEN DIS- 
CHARGED. 



Captain, Nov. 27 1864 



Musician, June 24,1862 
Private, Nov. 29, 1864 



Expiration 
term of ser- 
vice. 

nisaliility. 

Ex|ii r alio n 
term of ser- 
vice. 



On the call for troops in 18G1, T. H. Dearborn joined the Second 
Company of Boston Fusileers, and also entered a school for military 
instruction, under Fi'ench officers ; but, soon after, enlisted at Sea- 
brook, in tiie Sixth regiment. He was never avv^ay from his regiment 
during active service; was wounded at Chantilly, September 1, 1862. 

SE\'ENTH REGIMENT, N. H. VOLUNTEERS — THREK YEARS. 





RANK WHEN MUS- 
TERED. 


RANK WHEN DIS- 
CHARGED. 


CAUSE. 


Wyman Dearborn 


Co. K, Priv. Dec. 11. 1861 


Private, June 26, 1862 


Disability. 



312 



HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



EIGHTH REGIMENT, N. H. VOLUXTEICRS — THREE YEARS. 



RANK WHKX MCS- 
TEKEU. 



RANK WHEN DIS- 
CHAKGED. 



John Carr Davis 
♦Charles Henry Davis 



Co. B, Priv. Nov. 22, 1861 Private, Jan. 17, 1865 



Dec. 26, " 



1864 



Expir a tic n 
term of ser- 
vice. 

Missed. 



As nothing has ever been heard from C. H. Davis, it is supposed 
be was captured, and died, while in the enemy's bands. 



NINTH REGIMENT, N. H. VOLUNTEERS — THREE YEARS. 



*David Godfrey 



RANK WHEN MUS- 
TERED. 



Co. G, Priv. May 17, 1864 



RANK WHEN DIS- 
CHARGED. 



Private Oct. 22, 1864 



Died of dis- 
ease. 



ELEVENTH REGIMENT, N. H. A'OLUNTEERS — THREE YEARS. 





RANK WHEN MUS- 
TERED. 


RANK WHEN DIS- 
CHARGED. 


CAUSE. 


Frank K. Stratton 
David Allen Aioulton 

•Jeremiah Batchelder 


Chaplain, Sept. 3, 1862 
Co. 1, Corp. " 3, " 

" " Priv. " 3, " 


Chaplain. May 5, 1863 
Sergeant, June 4, 1865 

Private, July 30, 1864 


Resigned. 
\V () u n d e d. 
Close of war. 

Missed in ac- 
tion, at bat- 
tle of the 
Mine. 



FOURTEENTH REGIMENT, N. H- VOLUNTEERS — THREE YEARS. 





RANK WHEN MUS- 


RANK WHEN DIS- 


CAUSE. 




TEKED. 




CHARGED. 


*John Calvin Perkins 


Co. D, Sergt. Sept 


23, 18(52 


Sergeant, May 22, 1865 


Disability. 


*Samiiel >lierbiivne Page 


" " Corpl. " 


23, " 


Corporal, July 8, " 


Close of war. 


Parker Alviu Emery 


" " Priv. " 


23, " 


Private, " IS, " 


W o u 11 d e d. 
Close of war. 


Jacob Tallant Godfrey 


U II II (1 


23, " 


" " 8, " 


Close of war. 


Oliver Hobbs Godfrey 


" " " " 


23, " 


" " 8, " 


" '' '• 


*Janies Albert Gillespie 


.1 11 11 (1 


23, " 


" " 7, " 


Wounded, 
Close of war. 


Patrick Heffron 


II « II II 


23. " 


" " 8, " 


Close of war. 


Otis Horace Marston 


" " " " 


23, " 


II - 11 g^ i< 


.1 11 (1 


*Melbern Marston 




23, " 


" Sept. 19, 1664 


Killed in ac- 
tion. 



THE CIVIL AVAR. 1860-1865. 



313 



John C. Perkins was absent, sick, and discharged from liospital, 
May 22, 1865. Samuel S. Page was captured and confined, for a 
time, in Libby prison. Parker A. Eaiery and James A. Gillespie 
were wounded and transferred to Veteran Reserve Corps, and thence 
discharged. 

FIFTEENTH REGIMENT, N. H. VOLUNTEERS — NINE MONTHS. 



David Frank Nudd 

Aitlinr Batchelder Blake 
*Tlionias Dun brack, Jr. 
♦Jonathan Elkins . 
Jei-eniiali Leavitt Godfrey 
Chavles Godfrey 
Bcnj. Frnnklin Goodwin 
George William Leavitt 
Robert Bruce Laird 
*Jolin Dow Lamiirey 

Charles Gregg Perkins 



KANK WHEN MUS- 
TERED. 



Co.I, 



Sergt. 
Priv. 



Oct. 24, 1S62 

" 24, " 

" 24, " 

" 24, " 

" 24. " 

" 31, " 

'• 31, " 

" 24, " 

" 24, '• 

" 31, " 



" K, 



RANK WHEN DIS- 
CHARGED. 



Sergeant, Aug. 13, 18G3 



Private, 



" 13, 
" 13, 
" 13, 
" 13, 
" 13. 
'• 13, 
" 13, 
13, 
May 27, 

Aug. 13, 



Exp't'n terra 
of service. 



Killed in ac- 
tion. 

Exji't'o term 
of service. 



C. G. Perkins also served, during the war, in the First Regiment, 
Maine Cavalry. 



SIXTEENTH REGIMENT, N. H. VOLUNTEERS — NINE MONTHS. 



Edwin .Jolinson Hobbs 
♦Theodore Fisher 
*Charles Moses Perkins 

Josiah Darwin Perkins 



RANK WHEN MUS- 
JERED. 



Co.K, Sergt. Oct. 25, 1862 
" " Priv. " 25. " 
" " " » 25 " 

" " " Nov. 13, " 



RANK WHEN DIS- 
CHARGED. 



Sergeant, Aug. 20, 1863 
Private, June 15, " 
" Aug. 20, " 
" " 20, " 



Exp't'n terra 
of service. 

Died of dis- 
ease. 

Exp't'n term 
of service. 



SEVENTEENTH REGIMENT, N. H. VOLUNTEERS — NINE MONTHS. 



. 


RANK WHEN MUS- 
TERED. 


RANK WHEN DIS- 
CHARGED. 


CAUSE. 


James Warren Perkins 


Sergt. Maj., Dec. 18, 1862 


Sergt.Maj.,Apr.l6, 1863 


Regt . not 
mustered. 



J^. W. Perkins enlisted first, June 24, 1862, for three months, in 
First Squadron, R. I. Cavalry. The Seventeenth N. H., not being 
completed, was not mustered, and he finally enlisted in the Sixtieth 
Mass., Nov. 30, 1864, for 100 days. 



314 



HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



EIGHTEKNTH REGIMKNT, N. H. VOLUNTEERS — ONE YEAR. 



Orlando Lawrence Blake 
John Wesley Mace 
John Wyinan Lewis 



ItANK WHKN MUS- 
TEUED. 



Co. G, Priv. Jan. «, 1865 
" D, " Sept. 20, 1804 



RANK WIIKX DIS- 
CHARGED. 



Private Jnly 29. 18(55 
" June 10, " 



Close of war. 



NEW HAMPSHIRE BATTALION, FIRST REGIMENT, NEW ENGLAND CAVALRY; 
AFTERWARDS, FIRST N. H. CAVALRY — THREE YE.VRS. 



*George Dearborn 



♦Morris Hobbs Godfrey 



John Wynian Lewis 
Kdwiii Dearborn Lamprey 



RANK WHEN MUS- 
TERED. 



RANK WHEN DIS- 
CHARGED. 



Troop M. Priv. Dec, 24. Piivate, missed in ac- 
1861 tiou Oct. 12, 1863 



Troop M, Priv. Jan.8, 1862 Private, July 2, 1864 



Troop M. Priv. Jan .20,1862 Private, June 25. 1862 
" '• Feb. 17, '• 1 " Nov. 17, " 



Died at An- 
derson vi lie 
Pri-on, July 
25, 1S64. 



Recnl't'dJan. 
5.1S64. Died 
f r o ni s 11 n - 
stroke in V^a. 
July -i, 1804. 



Disability. 



FIRST RKGIMENT, N. H. VOLUNTEER HEAVY ARTILLERY— ONE YEAR. 





RANK WHEN MUS- 


RANK WHEN DIS- 


CAUSE . 




TERED. 


CHARGED. 


Hor'itio Nelson T. BUike 


Co. K.Priv. Sept. 17, 1864 


Private June 15, 1865 


Close of war. 


♦Willoughby Topi)an Blake 


" '• " •' 17, " 


" 15, '• 




Arthur B;itchelder Blake 


" " " " 17, " 


" 15, " 




Charles Warren Brown 


" " " " 17, •' 


" 15. " 




♦Charles William Drake 


" " " " 17, " 


" 15, " 




*George Odioriie Leavitt 


.. U ,i .. J7^ u 


" " 15, " 




Daniel Young Moulton, Jr. 


" " " " 17, " 


" " 15, " 




*Daviil Brainerd Johnson 


•' '• " " 17, " 


" 15, « 




Joseph Averill Philbrick 


" " •' '• 17, " 


" 15, " 




Jeremiah <;ilnian Mace 


" " " " 17, " 


" 15, " 




Alonz'i Whipple Shaw 


" •' " " 17, " 


" 15, '« 




David Amos Towle 


" " " " 17, " 


" 15, " 





UNITED STATES NAVY AND MARINE. 



♦Everett Dearborn Blake. 

George Eldredge Blake. 

Thomas Seavey Blake, 
♦Jefferson Clinton Dunbar. 

C harles Godfrey. 



Enlisted for three years, 



" " one year. 



Died of disease in service, 

July 29, 1S02. 
Served full term. . 



THE CIVIL WAR. 1800-1865. 



315 



UNITED STATES NAVY AND MARINE. (^Continued.) 



*Daniol Godfrey. 


Enl 


isted (01 


thice 


years. 


Killed inaction, May 27, 1SC3. 


Charles Morris Hobbs. 






'• 




Served full term : Hei-nlisted. 


Jason Lamprey. 






i( 




11 II li 


Lewis Swett Lamprey. 






" 




U H i( 


John Sherburne Locke. 






two 






Joseph Warren Mace. 






" 






*John Hale Nudd. 






three 




" " " Ileenlisted. 


Joseph Everett Riley. 






" 




" 


*Aloiizo Mericam Stevens. 






" 




" " " 


•Frederic William Stevens. 






" 




Remained in the marine ser- 
vice and died of disease in 
Panama, 1867. 



THOSE SERVING IN OTHER THAN NEW HAMPSHIRE REGIMENTS. 



Jesse Alonzo Blake. 

♦Jonathan Tuck Monltou. 
*John Dole Palmer. 
Samuel Palmer. 

Josiah Page. 

*Edward Shaw Perkins. 
Andrew Jackson Philbrick. 

*David Towle Philbrook. 

*George Berry Wingate. 

*Samuel Bagley Shaw. 
John Towle. 



George Edwin Palmer. 
♦John Walter Moore. 
*Charles William Xudd. 

Thomas Leavitt Perkins. 



REGIMENT AND COMPANY. 



8th Mass. and a detached Co. 
Mass. Vols. 

1st Maine Cavalry. 

12th Mass. 

26th Mass. Co. I, Oct. 14,1861, 
to Nov. 7, 1864. 

23d Mass, Co. A, Jan. 4, 1864, 
to June 25, 1865. 



2d District of Columbia, three 
years. 

22d Mass. 



1st Mass. Cavalry. 



Enlisted Aug. 28, 1861. in Co. 
F., 19th Mass. for three 
years; transferred to Vet- 
eran Reserve Corps, Sept. 
17th, 1863. 

Enlisted Nov. 29, 1861, in Co. 
E., 24ih Mass. 

Enlisted Oct. 17, 1861, in Co. 
D, 30th Mass. 

Enlisted under name of 
Ch.irles Williams, in the 
69th New York. 

Enlisted in Co.C, U. S. Bat- 
tnlion of Engnieers, at West 
Point, N. Y., Dec. 3, 1861. 



Lost an arm. 

Died in service, Jan. 17, 1864. 



Killed in action, July 13, 1863. 



Missed in action, at Gaines's 
Alills, Va., June 22, 1862. 

Died in service, from disease 
contracted in Libby Prison, 
Va. 



Discharged, expiration term 
of service, Nov. 30, 1864. 

Died in service, July 19, 1862. 



Missed in action. 



Honorably discharged, Dec. 
1864. 



316 



HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



THOSE SERVING IN OTHER TUJlS NEW HAMPSHIRE REGIIMENTS. (Continued.) 



NAME. 


REGIMENT AND COMPANY. 


REMARKS. 


George Warren Towle. 


Enlisteri Oct. 9, 1862, in Co. 


Honorably discharged, Sept. 




F, 47th Mass. for nine 


1, 1863. 




months. 




(* ?) John Moulton Dow. 


Enlisted .Jnly ."5, 1801. in Co. 


Honorably discharged for 




K, 14tli Mass. Uegiment; 


disaViility. Aug 8, l!S64, with 




afterwards the Ist Keg't 


rank of "2d Lieut. 




Mass. Heavy Artillery. 




Jacob Harrison Moulton.i 


Enlisted Sept , 1857, in Co. 


Honorably discharged. Jan. 




B. First Dnigoons. U. S. 


1871, at reduction of the 




Army. In 18(51,' the regi- 


army. 




ment was railed First Cav- 






alry Regiment. July, 1862, 






was appointed 2d Lieut, in 






the same Co., and Reg't. 






Breveted 1st Lieut, for gal- 






lantry in action. .June, 1863, 






and commissioned 1st 






Lieut., July. 1864. Ap- 






pointed Adjutant, May, 






1865; Post Quarter-master, 






June, 1866; and Captain of 






Co. C. same regiment, 






April, 1867. 




Jeremiah Hobbs. 


Enlisted Aug. 2, 1862, in Co. 


Discharged, exi>iration term 




E, 8th New York, Heavy 


of service, Aug.. ISJo, with 




Artdlery. 


rank of 2d Lieut. 



The foregoing memorial record of our soldiers and sailors, in the 
war of the Rebellion, was prepared by Lieut. William Ladd Dodge, a 
Hampton soldier of the Third Regiment, now of Topsfield, Mass. 

His Recapitulation gives a total of one hundred eleven, in the 
army and navy for Hampton — of whom seventy-eight enlisted for three 
years ; thirty-one were in service three years or more ; twentj'^-six 
were killed or died in service; fifty-one are now dead (July, 1892). 



a list, as far as CAN 
SOLDIERS, 

Walter Adams. 
George Allen. 
Jacob Becker.* 
Eichard Clark. 
Thomas Daley. 
Peter Donley. 
John Duffle. 
Luke Eagan. 
Garret Farrel. 
Edward Flagharly. 



BE ASCERTAINED, OF THE NON-RESIDENX 
ACCREDITED TO HAMPTON. 

Frederick Frank. 
John Garrigan. 
George Gilsa. 
Peter J. Goble. 
Richard Granville. 
Michael Hallan. 
Charles J. Hart. 
George Hill. 
George W. Hough. 
WiUiam W. Johnson. 



J His name appears always as Harrison Moulton. [See Genealogies— Moulton (61)], 
* Missing at Poplar Grove Church, Sept. 30, 1864. 



THE CIVIL WAR. 1860-18G5. 317 

Samuel Jonson Gille Eichel. 

Thomas Knights. Juel Richel. 

Henry Lawrence. Stephen Rice.'* 

Josepli Lewis. Lorenzo A. Rogers.* 

Jon Loes. Onton Saingele.® 

Joliu Lucas. Cliailes Sanford. 

Sclialer Lj^an. Joseph Shannon. 

Michael McGnire. Daniel Sheely. 

AVilliamMellen. James Stuberflelcl. 

Wallace F. Minton. John Tracy. 

Jeremiah Mnrphy.' William Wattear.* 

Theodore S. Nimes.* John West. 

Patrick Nolan. Charles Williams. 

Francis Nugent. Peter Williams. 

Edmund P. Palmer. John Wilson. 

Jacob L. Pike.* Charles W. Winship. 

Julius Pradiin. Michael J. Woods.'' 

William Quinn.^ Ira E. Wright. 
David Rees.* 



STATISTICS OF THE EXPENSE TO HAMPTON AND CITIZENS FOR BOUNTIES 
AND OTHER PUBLIC COSTS, FOR THE CIVIL WAK.^ 

In 1862. The town of Hampton furnished 16 citizen 
volunteers for army and navy, for three 
years, giving to each a bounty of S250, 
amounting to $4000.00 

Also, 19 men for nine months, at S200, 3800.00 

In 1863. Under call of July, 12 citizens were drafted, 

and each received a town bounty of $300, 3600.00 

In 1863. Under call of Oct. 16t'i, 16 volunteers were 
procured by J. F. Williams, recruiting 
agent, at bounties, varying from $525. to 
$590, amounting in the aggregate, to 9310.82 

In 186-4. Under call of March, 6 reenlisted soldiers 

each received a bounty of $250, 1500.00 

Under same call, 4 citizens were drafted, 
and each received a bounty of $300, 1200.00 



• Deserted. 

1 Killed at Cold Harbor, June 7. 1S64. 

2 Missing at Cold Harbor, .June 3, 1864. 
s TMissing at Cold Harbor, -June .3, 1864. 

4 Killed at Petersburg, June 17, 1864. 

' Died of wounds, Jan. 23, 1863. 

« Died of starvation, in Andersonville Prison, July 14, 1864. 

' Missing at Poplar Grove Churcli, Sept. 30, 1864. 

8 Furnished by Jacob T. Brown, Cbairmau of Selectmen, in 1805. 



318 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

In 1864. Under call of Jul}', 4 enrolled citizens fur- 
nished substitutes, each receiving a bounty 
of 8300, S1200 00 

Under same call, 3 volunteers each received 

a bounty of S300, 900.00 

Under same call, 17 citizens each received 

a bounty of $600, 10200.00 

In 1864. Under call of Dec. 16, enrolled men each put 
in a substitute, and received a bounty of 
$300, 4800.00 



Total town bounties paid to 113 men, 40,510.82 

The town agent was paid for military purposes, in 

1863, 30.00 
The town agent was paid for military purposes, in 

^864, 242.02 

The selectmen were paid for services occasioned by the 

Rebellion, in 1863, 57.00 

The selectmen Avere paid for services occasioned by the 

Rebellion, in,1864, 255.00 

Total cost to town, $41,094.84 

The town also advanced, for the United States boun- 
ties, due from the United States Govern- 
ment, $3740. 

The 12 drafted men, under the call of July, 1863, each 
put in a substitute, at an individual cost, 
varying from $100 to $110, amounting in 
the aggregate, to 1250.00 

Three of the drafted men, under the call of March, 

1864, put in substitutes at a cost of $300 

each, 900.00 

The four men, under the call of July, 1864, who put in 
substitutes, were at an individual cost, in 
the aggregate, of 865.00 

The 16 men, imder the call of Dec , 1864, who put in 
substitutes, were at an individual cost, 
varying from §100 to $110, amounting to 1878.00 



Total cost to individuals, $4893.00 
Thirty or more volunteers enlisted for Hampton, without bouutj', 25 



THE CIVIL WAR. 1860-1865. 31!) 

of whom were in Co. D, 3d N. H. Reg't ; 2 in the Cavalry ; and 2 or 
more, in the 5th N. II. Keg't. 

The four enrolled citizens, who, not being drafted, furnished substi- 
tutes, under the call of July, 18G4, were : 

Jacob T. Browu. Jacob T. Wallace. 

John A.James. James P. Williams. 

The sixteen enrolled citizens, who, not being drafted, furnished 
substitutes under the call of December, 1864, were : 

Da-'icl A. Bean. Horace Hobbs. 

Albert D. Brown. Washington H. Hobbs. 

Harvey Brown. John P. Hoyt. 

Horace Brown. Morrill M. Lamprey. 

John Brown, Jr. Samuel J. Philbrick. 

Aiken S. Coffin. Thomas Philbrook. 

John H. Fogg. Christopher G. Toppan. 

Edwin J. Hobbs. Samuel A. Towle. 

Joseph F. Williams was a Special Recruiting Agent^ during the 
war. His commission, for the First Congressional District of New 
Hampshire, dated November 19, 1863, was afterwards extended to 
cover the state. It was signed, Fdwaud W. Hinks, Provost Marshal 
General of New Hampshire. Mr. Williams also became an Author- 
ized and Registered Recruiting Agent for the state of Massachusetts — 
Commission dated, November 30, 1864 ; signed, F. INI. Clarke, Acting 
Assistant Provost Marshal General. 

PERKINS POST, NO. 78. G. A. R. 

The surviving soldiers of Hampton and the adjoining toAviis, for 
the purpose of preserving the friendship formed amid the scenes of 
war ; to assist their disabled and suffering comi-ades ; to perpetuate 
the memory of the heroic dead ; and to care for their widinvs and 
orphans, were organized as a Post of the Grand Army of the Repub- 
lic, on the 12th day of May, 1884, with twenty-five charter members. 
Subsequent additions brought the membership up to forty-seven. 
Eighteen of these members were comrades from Seabrook, who, owing 
to their long distance from the place of tlie Post meetings were, in 
1887, honorably discharged, to institute a Post in their own town, thus 
reducmg tlie number to twenty-nine. The Post has lost one by death, 
but recent additions make the present membership thirty-three, of 
whom three are residents of Salisbury, Mass., and three, of North 
Hampton. 

This Post is designated "Perkins Post," in honor of nine comrades 



320 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

of that name fi'om this town, three of whom died in the service. Past 
Connuundors are William PI Lane, William J. Breed, Samuel W. 
Dearborn, Andrew J. Philbrick ; present Commander, John W. War- 
ner. 

"Fraternity, Charity, Loyalty" are the broad foundation-stones 
on which this order rests. 

Memorial Day was first publicly observed in Hampton, in 1882. 
Since the institution of the Post, this anniversary has ever been helci 
sacred to the memory of her sons, who, having served their country in 
the arm}" or navy have passed away from earth, to live henceforth in 
the hearts of a grateful people. The town appropriates seventy-five 
dollars annually, towards the cost for the ceremonies. 

Three members of the Post have become citizens of Hampton, since 
the war, and are not mentioned in the foregoing record of Hampton 
soldiers. They are as follows : 

John S. Oilman, enlisted at Portsmouth, Aug. 19, 1861, in Co. D, 
Third N. H. ; mustered out, Aug. 23, 1864, at Bermuda Hundred, Va. 

Samuel P. Sargent, enlisted from Salem, N. H., Nov. 7, 1861, in Co. 
F, Seventh N. H. ; reenlisted, Feb. 28, 1864 ; mustered out, July 22, 
I860. 

Samuel T. Emery, enlisted for three years, from Lowell, Mass , May 
11, 1861, in Co. A, Second Mass. ; discharged, sick, Dec. 19, 1862. 

PERKINS RELIEF CORPS, NO. 46. 

After the establishment of the Post, soldiers' wives and sisters and 
other patnolic women rendered such offices as they were able, in- 
formally, for several years; and on the 15lh of Jul}", 1887, nineteen 
charter members became auxiliary as a Relief Corps. Mrs. Arabella 
S. Dearborn has been President from the beginning, except that in 
1891, Mi-s. Alfie L. Godfrey was President. The Corps has grownto 
a total membership of fifty-six, of whom one has died. 

Wliile this organization responds to the call of soldiers and their 
families, of the Post to which it is auxiliary, it seeks to reach a help- 
ing hand toothers also, as opportunity otfers. 



CHAPTER XVIir. 
OTHER NINETEENTH CENTURY HAPPENINGS. 1800-1892. 
THE LIQUOR QUESTION. 

PREVIOUS to the j'ear 1800, veiy little stress was laid on the 
proper use or avoidance of intoxicating liquors. License to sell 
had indeed been required. As early as 1715, an Act of the General 
Asseml)ly, in relation to licensed houses decreed, ''That, to prevent 

Nurseries of Vice and Debaucher}'^ there shall be a Limitation 

of Taverns or Ale-houses within the respective Towns or Parishes, 
to say: the town of Portsmouth, six; the town of Hampton, three; 
the town of Dovei', three ; tlie town of Exeter, two," and several 
others named. There is no doubt, that in former times," much liquor 
was used. On all public occasions, from house-raisings to military 
musters and even religious convocations, it was drunk more or less 
freely. During the Revolution, immense quantities were consumed 
and no voice protested ; and down through the years, licensed mer- 
chants and inn-keepers sold, and all classes bought and drank openly. 
Hospitable matrons mixed the bowl of toddy, to regale the minister 
on his parochial calls ; children shared the tempting beverage with 
their elders. In 1801, there was an article in the warrant for our 
town meeting, "to see what the town will do relative to retailers ;" and 
the meeting "dismissed that article." 

But there came a time, when men began to see the demon in the 
cup. Rev. Mr. Webster, early in his ministry, espoused the cause 
of total abstinence. It is said, that his decisive stand was taken, on 
learning from his wife, that a brother minister, with whom he had ex- 
changed pulpits, was almost too drunk to preach. Rev. Mr. French, 
of North Hampton, joined hands with Mr. Webster; others enlisted in 
the cause; and, though license was still granted, year after year, a 
temperance sentiment gradually took root and grew. 

In 1820, in town meeting, a committee was chosen, to consult with 
the selectmen, as to "regulating taverners and retailers." Tliey gave 
a regulated license, in accordance with the law of the state, which is 
on record : "To all persons" etc., "Know ye, that we, the undersigned, 
selectmen of Hampton, give and grant hereby, license to Maj. John 
21 (321) 



322 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Lovering, of said Hampton, Trader, to sell b}^ retail, wine, rnm, gin, 
brandy a))d other spiritnous liquors, that is to sa}-, in less quantities 
than one gallon, but not less than one Quart, excepting brandy in 
case of sickness, to one pint, and not otherwise, but not to sell any 
mixed liquors, part of which are spirituous. Note, if the above-named 
Maj. John Lovering shall sell any spirituous liquor or suffer it to be 
sold within his precinct, to any person intoxicated, and diminishing 
their property by excessive drinking, or to an}' person wliom the 
above-named selectmen or committee for that purpose shall forbid, or 
to children and young persons, in the habit of drinking to excess, those 
persons belonging to the town of Hampton, this license to [be] void 
and of none effect ; othervtrise, to remain in force one year from the 
date hereof." A special license, with larger lil)erty, was granted 
Major Lovering for Thursda}-, September 7, the same year, this license 
"to be of none effect before, neither after said day." This seems to 
have been a public occasion ; possibly, "the great training." A license, 
the next year, "to David Nudd and Tristram Shaw, Traders," con- 
tained the further prohibition to sell to any persons, residents of 
Hampton, whom the selectmen should post as common tip[)lers. 

Two young men, students in the Academy, son and nepliew, respect- 
ively, of influential men, becoming iml)ued with the total al)stinence 
idea, and by Mr. Webster's advice and co6i)eratioii, exerted themselves 
to obtain signatures to a pledge against the use of intoxicating drinks. 
Beginning with the father and the uncle and other men of the highest 
standing, they were enabled to advance the growing temperance senti- 
ment of the community, and to obtain many names, from among all 
classes. To sign the pledge, in those days, "vvheneverjbody drank," 
was a severe test of devotion to an untried social reform. 

At a town meeting, in July, 1830, the selectmen weie instructed not 
to license any one as a retailer. It was voted also, "to enjoin it up- 
on the selectmen, to prosecute every person whom they shall know to 
violate the laws of the state." The law, at this time, permitted the 
selectmen of towns to grant licenses, under certain specified restric- 
tions. This vote to prosecute created an excitement, which resulted 
in the calling of a special town meeting the next month, wlien the 
opposition carried their point, in the votes, "That the selectmen be 
directed to license' the store-keepers in this town to sell spirituous 
liquors in as small a quantity as a pint, provided they call for a license," 
and "That the town will not be answerable for any expense which 
ma}' accrue in consequence of au}' prosecution, which maj' be brought 
by the selectmen or any other person against any store-keeper in the 
town, for selling spirituous liquors." 



OTHER NINETEENTH CENTURY HAPPENINGS. 1800-1892. 323 

In 1833, the temperance party again prevailed. Tlie granting of 
license was prohibited, and a formidable committee, to prosecute all 
violators of the law, elected, viz. : Jeremiah Hobbs, Amos Towle, 
Samuel Drake, Josiah Dearborn, Simon Towle, Jr., Edmund W. Top- 
pan, James Leavilt and Josiah Dow, Jr. Further than this, a reward 
of five dollars was offered, for information leading to the conviction 
of any person for selling ardent spirits, contrary to law. 

For several years, the scales vari Hated between license and no 
license. In 1843, David Knowles was chosen agent, and dollied 
with ample i)owers to prosecute offenders. 

The next year, on the fourth of July, a temperance convention was 
held on Boar's Head. The order of exercises, printed on an elabo- 
rately' bordered sheet, two feet long, contains entire, several songs 
written for the occasion; announces an address "by I\Ir. Kellogg, the 
Buck-Eye Orator," with other speeches and band music. 

But the greatest temperance convention ever held in this town 
was in 1849. This also was on the fourth of July. Tlie Sunday- 
schools of Hampton, North Hampton, Hampton Falls and Seabrook 
gatheied at the Congregational church, where pastors, French, Merrill, 
Fay and Abbott entertained them with short s|)eeches, for a half-hour. 
Then they formed in procession in front of the church, joined by many 
citizens. Meanwhile, the Hampton and Hampton Falls Division 
of the Sons of Temperance had formed at their hall, in the Academy,, 
and now, headed by the Newburyport biass band, with Dr. SewalL 
Blown, of Seabrook, for chief marshal, they marched to the church 
and escorted the long procession to an oak grove on Mr. Thomas 
Ward's estate, where a bountiful collation was served. Addresses 
were made by John Hawkins, a famous temperance orator from Balti- 
moie, Rev. S. P. Fay and others. Nearly two thousand people par- 
ticipated in the day's exercises, which were closed by a display of 
firewoiks. 

The Sons of Temperance retained their organization here several 
years, dating from 1848, revived in L86G, and flourished a few months, 
till broken up by internal differences. In later years, temperance- 
woik has been somewhat spasmodic, but on the whole, progressive. 
A Woman's Christian Temperance Union was organized in 1883,. 
which has held some influence, particularly in its chosen W( rk of dis- 
seminating temperance principles among the young. 

St. John's Council, No. 50, Knights of Temperance, composed 
of young men and boys, under the leadership of Dr. William T. Mer- 
rill, their generous patron, obtained their charter in May, 1888; 
and removed to their new hall, provided by Dr. Merrill,, in. Oxjtober, 



324 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

1889. From a charter raembeiship often, they have come to num- 
ber forty-eight, in 1892. None are admitted under fourteen years of 
age. Weekly meetings are held for members onl}'^, and a public meet- 
ing once a month. The hall is warmed and lighted, su[)plied with 
books and papers, and open to meml)ers at all times. 

Covenant Council, No. 5, Royal Templars of Temperanck, for 
both sexes and all ages, obtained their charter in June, 1889, and 
steadily increased in numbers, till, in 1891, there were one hundred 
members. The removal of the shoe business has diminished the num- 
ber to about seventy. Their weekly meetings, in Odd Fellows' hall, 
are well attended, with good results. Life insurance and sick bene- 
fits are taken at option. During the epidemic of diphtheria, in the 
winter of 1890-91, the Council purchased a lot in the cemetery, and 
much grateful aid was rendered, in sickness and death. 

THE COLD TEAR. • 

The 3'ear 1816 is remembered for its severity', characterized by frost 
every month of the year, and a snow-storm in .June. Over a wide 
territory this condition prevailed, and the general description answers 
well for this locality. 

According to the best records, the first two montUs were mild ; 
March, cold and stormy. In April, a new winter set in. Sleet and 
snow fell on half the days of May. In June there was frost nearly 
every night. The snow was five inches deep for several days in suc- 
cession in the interior of New York, and from ten inches to three feet ^ 
jn Vermont and Maine. Mr. Jonathan Perkins of Hampton had a field 
of corn up high enough for the first hoeing; but not a blade was in 
sight above the snow, when he went out the morning after the storm. 
July was cold and frost}^ ice forming as thick as window panes in every 
one of the New England states. August was still worse, for ice formed 
nearly an inch in thickness and killed much vegetation in the United 
States and Europe. 

In the spring of 1817, corn that had been kept over from the crop 
of 1815, sold for from five to ten dollars a bushel, for seed. Mr. Elisha 
Johnson, being a large dealer in grain, had corn on hand, but he re- 
fused to take the enormous price, preferring to share the loss with the 
producers. This was characteristic of the man. 

THE PROPRIETORS OF THE HAMPTON LIBRARY. 

Under this name was incorporated, in 1807, what has sicce been 
familiarly called the old library. It had already been established sev- 
eral years, the first meeting for choice of officers having been held 



OTHER NINETEENTH CENTURY HAPrENINGS. 1800-1802. 325 

January 2, 1804. "Convinced that a social Library in this town may 
be attended with important benefits, both to the risen and rising gen- 
erations," the originators had circulated a subscription paper, placinji- 
the terms of membership at two dollars a share, an annual tax of 
fifty cents, and in all affairs of the society, one vote for each share 
owned. 

On that basis, the society was organized ; and, at the meeting above 
mentioned, Kev. William Pidgin. Rev. Jesse Appleton and Dr. Kbeii- 
ezer Lawrence were chosen a committee, " to form regulations and 
purchase books for the library." Joshua Lane was elected treasurer ; 
Col. Jonathan Garland, clerk ; and Dr. Lawrence, librarian. 

'•Voted, to bind the books with leather." 

"Voted, to give Samuel James twenty shillings and sixpence for 
a book-case." 

Of the ninety- two proprietors, representing ninety-six shares, not 
one remains at this day. The memory of the old library is passing 
away ; but, in its day, it was an active force, in a literary and relig- 
ious influence, which, however, was limited, as a fine of fifty cents 
was exacted of any member, who should "lend a book to any person 
not dwelling in the same house." 

The rules were not cumbersome. They provided for an annual 
meeting on the first Monday of January, and such other meetings as 
the committee should call, on nine days' notice, "by a paper athxed 
at each meeting-house" (Cong'l and Presb'n). The duties of officers, 
rights of proprietors, transfer of shares, fines, forfeitures and taxes 
were determined, and filtered from time to time, as seemed expedient. 
In 1812 occurred a revision of the by-laws, from which date the li- 
brarian was also clerk. No treasurer was chosen after 1817, that 
office also, apparently passing to the librarian. Meetings were held, 
as convenient, at the houses of proprietors, and the stores of Stock- 
man and Seaward. Votes were passed, year by year, that the precep- 
tor of the Academy and "all the settled ministers of Hampton" have 
the free use of the library. 

It was a modest little library, the first year's purchase being less 
than seventy volumes ; but the modern public would deem it "heavy," 
and give it slight patronage. History and biography held a conspic- 
uous place, but the books were largely theological and devotional. 
Only one volume of poems (Cowper's) appears in the whole cata- 
logue ; while Rohinson Crusoe is the only book that can be called a 
novel till 1830, when the directors launched out into fiction, in the 
purchase of Scott's novels — forty-five volumes, for eighteen dollars. 

Where the library was at first kept, is not now known — probably 



326 



HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



at the house or store of the librarian in charge. AVhile Mr. Seaward 
was librarian, it was kept at his store, which stood by the road, on 
the corner of the Perry field, next to Christopher G. Toppau's home- 
stead. That building, by the way, was afterwards moved to Boar's 
Head, and is now the cottage, connected with the Hampton Beach Ho- 
tel. When Mr. Seaward left town, in 1845, the library was removed 
to the store of John Mason, who filled out Mr. Seaward's term as li- 
brarian, and the next year was himself chosen to the ortice. Librari- 
ans Knowles and Batchelder had it at their homes ; and the last move 
was to the house of Jesse Lamprey, in 1853. 

Judging from the records, a lively interest was maintained in the 
lilirary, for a good many years ; but at length, payments of taxes and 
fines began to lag, till, in the course of time, arrearages amounted to 
more than individuals found it convenient to pay, while their neglect 
crippled the society and lessened the yearly addition of new books. 
Then interest flagged ; and so it came about, that, from 1848, tlie li- 
brary slumbered for nearly six years. Then an effort was made to 
revive it ; but in 1854, the society closed up its affairs and sold the 
books by auction. Some of them are still seen in private libraries, 
in their leather covers and printed labels. 



c 

V 

o 


Librarians. 


13 


c 

00 

2 
o 


Trk.^svrers. 


-a 
? 

03 


1804 


Ebenezer Lawrence. 


1809 


1804 


Jo-hua Lane. 


1809 


1809 


Edmund Toppan. 


1811 


1809 


Dr. Ebenezer Lawrence. 


1812 


1811 


Richard Greenleaf. 


1814 


1812 


Jeremiah T. Marston. 


1814 


1814 


Josiah Page. 


1817 


1814 


Josiah Dow. 


1S15 


1817 


David Pase. 


1818 


1815 


Jel'emiah T. Marston. 


1816 


1818 


Moody Stockman. 


1827 


1816 


Josiah Page. 


1817 


1827 


John M. Seaward. 


1830 


1817 


David Page. 




1880 


Edmund W. Toppan. 


1834 








1834 


Jesse Knowles. 


1837 








1887 


John Batchelder. 


1838 




Clkrks 




1838 


John M. Seaward. 


1846 


1804 


Col. Jonathan Garland. 


1806 


1846 


John Mason. 


1848 


1806 


John Carroll . 


1807 


1848 


Jeremiah M. Lamprey. 




1807 


Dr. Ebenezer Lawrence. 


1812 


1853 


Jesse Lamprey. 


1854 


1812 


Richard Greenleaf. 





FIRE COMPANY. 

In Januaiy, 1833, a fire company, then recently organized, consist- 
ing of Josiah Dearborn, Edmund W. Toppan, Samuel Garland. Jr., 
Josiah Dow, Jr., David Marston, Thomas Ward and their associates, 
filty in all, bought an engine, of the American Hydraulic Company, 
of Vermont, for two hundred twenty-tive dollars, in shares, of five 



OTHER NINETEENTH CENTURY HAPPENINGS. 1800-1892. 327 

dollars each. At the annual town meeting that year, liberty was 
given the company, to build an engine-house, on the school lot, in 
the center district. This house remained long after the (ire company 
had become extinct and the engine abandoned, which result occurred 
after a few years, in which little service was required. 

No public means of extinguishing fires now exist. Tlie town did 
have, for some years, several sets of fire-hooks, in different localities, 
but even these are lost, for any practical use ; and the bucket and 
well are mainly depended on in case of fire, which, happily, is of rare 
occurrence. 

Under this state of tilings, the town has now and then trembled 
for its Records and valuable papers ; but never to any practical pur- 
pose, till, in 1891, a fire-proof safe, weighing four tons, was placed in 
the town-house, at a cost of three hundred seventy-five dollars. 

PRINTING OF TOWN ACCOUNTS. 

In March, 1834, was the first record to have the town accounts print- 
ed, itemized. This was to be done immediately, and a copy given to 
each legal voter, "on or before September 20, next." Two years la- 
ter, voted, " that the accounts for the current year be printed, before 
the next March meeting." This was probably the beginning of the 
present custom, of printing and distributing (one to each family) a 
few days before the annual meeting. Since 1860, the report of the 
superintendent of schools has been printed in the same pamphlet 
with the town accounts. 

A FINANCIAL CRISIS. 

The financial panic of 1837, though a national issue, belongs to 
the history of every town in the land, for none escaped its baleful 
effects. A surplus of nearly forty million dollars of government 
money, after the national debt had been liquidated, was distributed 
among the states, and, in New IIam[)shire, at least, loaned to the towns 
willing to receive it. Hampton at first voted not to receive the sur- 
plus money ; but at a special town meeting, April 19, 1837, that vote 
was recalled and the town voted to receive their proportion of the 
public moneys of the United States, assigned to this town, by act of 
the Legislature of this state, approved January 13, 1837 ; and that 
the town pledge its faith for the safe keeping and repayment of the 
same, according to the terms of the act. 

Voted, "that Daniel Towle, town treasurer, be agent, to receive of 
the state treasurer this town's proportion of said public moneys ; and 
then, he is to loan it in sums not exceeding five hundred dollars, nor 



328 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

less than one hundred dollars, to individuals, with satisfactory secu- 
rity ; and all money remaining in his hands sixty days after the recep- 
tion thereof, he may loan to some bank, for not less than five and one 
half per cent, or buy bank stock, as he may think proper." 

After loaning to nine or more individuals, the remainder was invest- 
ed in the Exeter bank, as indicated in Chapter XXV. The selectmen's 
accounts for that year are not now available ; but the accounts pre- 
sented at the annual town meeting in 1839, give the following figures : 

Amount of notes in the treasury, . . . S3395.00 

Cash in Savhigs Bank at Exeter, . . . 220.00 

Stock in the P^xeter Bank, estimated at, . . 1200.00 

Cash on hand, being part of the principal, . 16.01 



Total, $4831.01 

With 'money so easily obtained, men eveiywhere grew careless; 
speculation, especially in real estate, became rife ; and, from the sale 
of public lauds, the surplus continued to accumulate, till people were 
crazed with the golden visions dancing before their eyes. But this 
very measure of withdrawal of the public money from the banks and 
distribution among the states caused a general suspension of specie 
payments, paralysis of trade, business failures and universal distress. 
There were hard times in Hampton, as elsewhere. 

In 1837, there were two hundred forty-one ratable polls in this town. 

The Two Hundredth Anniversary of the settlement of Hampton 
was observed on Tuesday, the 25th of December, 1838, by a public 
gathering in the meeting-house, with commemorative services. Joseph 
Dow, then preceptor of the Academy, delivered an historical address, 
which was afterwards published ; and the ministers of Hampton, North 
Hampton and Greenland took part in the exercises. 

PLAN OF HAMPTON. 

At the annual town meeting, March 14, 1837, the following vote 
had been passed : "That Josiah Marston be employed to make a sur- 
vey of the roads in the town, and to draw a plan of the same, to be 
deposited with the town clerk, for the use of the town." Accordingly, 
all the roads were surveyed by Mr, Marston, assisted by Edmund VV. 
Toppan, who kept the minutes of the survey, and drew a [)lan of the 
work, which was lodged with tlie town clerk. At the annual meeting 
in 1840, the selectmen were instructed to make such corrections as 
they might think necessary in this plan, and have two hundred fifty 
copies engraved, for the families of the town. The selectmen having 



OTHER NINETEENTH CENTURY HAPPENINGS. 1800-1892. 329 

applied to Joseph Dow, to aid in the revision, it was soon decided 
tliat a further survey was necessary, so that all the boundaries of the 
town and the miles of rivers should be shown upon the map. INIr. 
Dow was employed to make the surve3's and drawings, and to prepare 
the map for the lithographer. The copies were procured and distrib- 
uted among the families in 1841. 

THE EASTKKN RAILROAD. 

It is only by comparison with earlier times, that we, of the present 
day, can be made to understan<l the revolution wrouglit by tlie rail- 
road. The first attempt to facilitate the transportation of freight 
was by the slow-going canal. After the war of 1812-15, the people of 
New York, realizing tiiat disasters had fallen upon us in consequence 
of inadequate means for transporting troops and supplies, and deter- 
mined that no such exigencies should ever again be possible, set 
about the construction of the Erie Canal, which was opened in Novem- 
ber, 1825. Other states followed, and the endeavor to obtain better 
intercommunication was thus inaugurated. In this same year, 1825, 
a steam locomotive began to be used on a short line in England. Soon 
after, the first railroad in the United States was built, about three 
miles long, for the purpose of transporting granite to the Neponset 
river, near Boston. On the fourth of July, 1828, ground was broken 
for the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, the first long line undertaken. 
The first act in the ceremony was performed by Charles Carroll, of 
CarroUton, who said: "I consider this among the most important 
acts of my life, second only to that of signing the Declaration of In- 
dependence, if even second to that." This road was at first operated 
by horse power. An attempt to propel the ti-ains by means of sails 
having failed, the company invited proposals for the construction of 
a steam engine, not to exceed three and one half tons in weight, and 
to be capable of drawing fifteen tons, on a level road, fifteen miles 
an hour. The first locomotive built in this country, and the second 
in use in it, was for the South Carolina Railroad, opened in 1833 ; and 
was named "The Best Friend of Charleston." All the early roads 
had tracks of wood, thinly covered with iron, laid on longitudinal 
sills; but from these rude beginnings have grown the mighty railway 
systems of the world. In New England, there were no considerable 
lines till, in 1835, the Boston and Worcester (forty-four miles), the 
Boston and Providence (forty-one miles), and the Boston & Lowell 
(twenty-six miles), were opened. 

Now we begin to comprehend the excitement, when the construction 
of the Eastern Railroad reached Hampton. Many of our people had 



330 HISTORY OF HAMPTOX. 

never seen a locomotive ; the reports in the papers inspired some with 
curiosity and some with awe ; while many opposed the coming of the 
infernal thing, with superstitions fear. It is said, tliat a woman re- 
fused to allow workmen to leave tools at her house, lest the}- "get 
agoing in the night." Landholders fought stoutly against the sup- 
posed ruin of their property. Progressive citizens, however, hailed 
the advent of the railroad, as the beginning of a new era. 

The route of the road, as built through the town, is not the one 
first favored. Another route was surveyed, farther east in crossing 
the marshes, running through l-oth Perkins fai-ms, near the tide 
mill, intersecting the beach road just east of Mr. Uri Lamprey's house, 
and so to pass on through Little River and Rye, to Portsmouth. 
Various reasons are assigned for the change. 

The road-bed over the marsh was begun with wheelbarrows and 
horse-carts, till enough gravel was deposited, to bear up a temporary 
track, when a gravel train was run to the source of supply, the cut 
above Capt. David A. Philbrick's house. The engine for this train, 
Dearborn Shaw brought, on the deck of a vessel, from Boston, sail- 
ing up the river to Birch Island bridge, whence it was hoisted to the 
track. 

The crossing of the driftways and highways demanded care. In 
March, 1840, the town left to the discretion of the selectmen, the 
manner of crossing at Thomas Ward's and at James ToAvle's, as far 
as the town had control, but insisted on a bridge at the Drake Side 
crossing (which, however, was not obtained), and chose the select- 
men and Capt. John Johnson, a committee, to treat with the railroad 
company, for the construction of a drawbridge at Birch Island, that 
the navigation of the river might not be impeded. 

The year 1840 is memorable for the opening of the railroad to 
travel, though it was not completed till a year or two later. In 1844 
the town demanded a bridge over the crossing near James Towle's, 
which was built and continues to the present day. The crossing on 
the Exeter road was never safe, till gates were erected in 1889. 

With. the advent of the railroad, travel inci'eased, ideas broadened, 
trade advanced, property became more valuable. It is difficult now 
to realize the old order of things, when our farmers rode mostly on 
horseback. Sleds sometimes conveyed their families to church in 
winter, and horse-carts without springs, in summer. Abraham 
Marston owned the first cart on springs, which he sometimes let for hire. 
Wagons were introduced by James Leavitt and Richard Greenleaf. 
The two-Avheeled chaise followed, then the carryall. The lumbering 
stage-coach was the only public conveyance. Into this primitive 



OTHER NINETEENTH CENTURY HAPPENINGS. 1800-1892. 331 

order was suddenly introduced the railroad, and its dizzy rate, of 
tioenty miles an hoar ! 

In 1850 the town voted to raise twelve hundred dollars for town 
expenses, which Avas more, hy two hundred dollars than had ever been 
voted before. In 1854 the amount was increased to sixteen hun- 
dred. 

Hon. Uri Lamprey was chosen delegate to the Constitutional Con- 
vention, which met at Concord. November 8, 1850. Several amend- 
ments were framed, and submitted to the people in 1852, but all 
were rejected, except those relating to property qualifications for 
office-holders. Hampton voted yea. on these articles. 

During the two decades, from 1840 to 1860 (in which two Presi- 
dents died in office), the settlement of the northern boundary, the 
acquisition of California and the discovery of gold, the annexation of 
Texas, the Mexican war, the ascendency of the slave power, the Kan- 
sas troubles, the rise of the Republican party, were some of the issues 
which excited the nation at large ; and in all these, the people of 
Hampton took intense interest. The children of those days, now in 
mature life, remember well the highly wrought feelings of their elders 
as they made haste to open the newspapers and discuss their contents. 
The spread of the "gold fever" and the quick sympathies of the com- 
munity, on the arrival of letters from the adventurers ; the sad news 
of death in the mines ; the return of the majority, some poorer, some 
richer than they went : — all these pass in review, with the clearness 
of recent scenes. As for the political questions of those exciting 
times, then, as now, men arrayed themselves warmly on one side 
and the other ; but the greater number stood for the oppressed. 

Meanwhile, men toiled as usual, on land and sea ; churches were 
built and religious societies grew ; the Academy was burned and re- 
built; Mr. Norris closed his twelve years' preceptorate, and "Squire" 
Edmund Top|)an, his twelve yeais as postmaster, the one by removal 
from town, the other by death ; the Ocean House was built and pat- 
ronized ; the telegraph came, with its astounding powers ; the new 
cemetery, now, after the lapse of thirty-three years, white with marble 
memorials, witnessed its first interment \^ the little world of town 
affairs moved on. Another year would see the renovation of the old 
meeting-house. 

August 8, 1860, the old Marston house, the paternal homestead of 

^Charlotte Ann, aged nineteeu, daughter of Meshech S. Akerman, buried January 3, 
1859. 



332 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Mrs. Uri Lamprey, who iuherited it, was struck by lightning and in- 
jured beyond repair. "The lightning struck on the west end, near 
the roof, and ran down to the ground, ripping off the clapboards, 
passing out and in, and completely riddling the end of the building. 
A child, abed in one of the cluunbers wliose walls were shattered, 
miraculously escaped uninjured." Mrs. John Brown, an Irish tenant, 
was killed, at prayer. Having just remarked that, if she must die 
by lightning she would die praying, she dropped upon her knees. 
While in that attitude, the bolt fell. The house was built in 1690. 

Land for the new cemetery, alluded to above, Avas bought in 1858, 
by Enoch P. Young, Uri Lamprey and Samuel D. Lane, committee 
for tlie town. A portion of it was laid out in 1859, and the remainder, 
in 18G6, the fence being extended, to include the whole. Jn 1868 
maple trees were set out on all sides. The western gateway was 
opened, asid the hearse-house built in 1874. The next year, anew 
hearse was procured, for five hundred dollars ; and a hearse for winter 
use, in 1883. ^ 

THE PUBLIC LIBRARY. 

Scarcely was the war ended, when the great task was given the 
nation, to educate the three millions of emancipated negroes, hith- 
erto kept in ignorance. Various commissions sprang up. societies al- 
ready existing enlarged their work, the federal government established 
a Freedmen's Bureau ; and, mostly from the North, teachers entered 
upon the new field. The first volunteers from Hampton were Misses 
Ellen A. Leavitt and Sarah E. Gillespie, both successful teachers at 
home, who were soon under commission for labor at Harper's Fei-ry, 
on the Governor Wise plantation. While waiting for orders, they 
exerted themselves, in conjunction with Mr. B. H. Weston, principal 
of the Academy, to establish a social library in Hampton. Though 
others heartily cooperated, to these three, principally, is due the exist- 
ence of the library, whose benefits reach to the present day, and whose 
story we are now to trace. 

The movement began early in 1865, and met with such ready re- 
sponse that one hundred fourteen shares were taken at three dollars 
each. The town gave free use of a room in the town-house, which 
was fitted up at the expense of the shareholders. The first purchase 
comprised about two hundred volumes, which number was more than 
doubled by donations, chiefiy from Mr. Joseph Ballar.l, of Boston, long 
a landed proprietor and summer resident of Hamplon. Before August, 
the Hampton Library Association was officered, domiciled, equipped 
and well started on its useful career. Simple rules and a small an- 



OTHER NINETEENTH CENTURY HAPPENINGS. 1800-1892. 333 



nual assessment made membership easy, and every Saturday evening 
saw the lihrar}^ well patVonized. Jacob T. Brown was the first presi- 
dent and P^noch P. Young, the first librarian. 

Assessments and fines being insufficient, the association instituted 
courses of lectures, in the winters of 1867-8 and 1870-1, to add to the 
book purchasing fund ; and in 1875 6, the "spelling match" mania, 
which was epidemic in New England, attacked this town for the same 
end. 

But alas ! the library was too limited in its privileges and in 
course of years it declined. Very wisely, therefore, in the spring of 
1881, the association voted to offer its books as a gift to the town, 
for the foundation of a free public librar}' ; very wisely, the town 
voted to accept the donation and fulfil the trust. George W. Brown 
and S. Albeit Shaw on the part of the association, and a committee 
appointed by tiie selectmen of the town, completed the transfer, and 
framed the regulations, which have ever since prevailed. 

The town annually appropriates one hundred dollars, appoints a 
purchasing committee, pays the librarian as a town officer and prints 
the financial report, with other town accounts. An attractive room 
in the remodeled town-house is a favorite resort on Wednesday even- 
ings ; and the Frek Public Library may justly be reckoned one of 
the educational institutions of the town. There are now about seven- 
teen hundred sixty volumes. 



Librarians. 


Assistaiit 


Librarians. 


Terms of Office. 


Enoch P. Young. 


John P. 


Towle. 


1865. 


Joseph Johnson. 


David 0. 


Leavitt. 


1860. 


SaniuelJ. Philbrick. 


Henrj^ J. 


I'erkins. 


1867. 


Lewis Perkins. 


Chas. M. 


Batchelder. 


1868. 


George W. Bro"mi. 






1869-1871. 


Henry J. Perkins. 






1872. 


S. Albert Shaw. 






1874-1877. 


Edward W. Leavitt. 






1878. 


S. Albert Shaw. 






1879-present. 



THE TOWLE LEGACIES. 

Mr. John Philip Towle, a lifelong resident of Hampton, who died in 
1870, gave, by his last will and testament, certain legacies to the town 
as follows : 

"I give and bequeath to the Town of Hampton, as a permanent fund, 
the income of which shall be used in maintaining forever a convenient 
public watering-place, near the house of Cotton Brown, the sum of one 
hundred dollars. 



334 HISTORY OF HAMrXOX. 

"I also give and bequeath to the Town of Hampton, the sum of 
two thousand dollars, as a permanent fund, the principal of which 
shall be kept intact forever, and the income be annually expended, 
under the direction of the selectmen, or a committee appointed by 
tliem, for the benefit of deserving poor persons (who are not paupers), 
without distinction of sex, color or creed." 

At the annual meeting, in March, 1871, the town passed resolutions 
of thanks and acceptance, and also, the following : 

'■'■liesolved, That the selectmen be authorized to invest the money 
thus received,- in such a way as they may consider safe and profitable ; 
and that they be required to keep a full and accurate account of all the 
receipts and expenditures from each of these funds, separately, in a 
suitable book, procured and used for that purpose exclusively ; and 
that, for convenience' sake, the larger fund be called The Towlk Fund 
and the smaller. The Watek Fund; and that, if the selectmen make 
any charges for their services in managing these funds, and appropriat- 
ing the income, they shall not be paid from the income of said funds, 
but in the way as for other services." 

These trusts have ever been sacredly kept ; the selectmen have 
managed the Towle Fund with judgment and delicacy ; and in the 
twenty years that have elapsed, many a family, in permanently strait- 
ened circumstances or temporarily unfortunate, has h:id cause to bless 
the generous donor. The good deed will reach forward into the re- 
mote future. 

Mr. Towle was long an invalid ; and, as he sat by his window, his 
sympathies were often awakened, on seeing thirsty horses led to the 
public watering-place near by, and turned empty away, because of a 
broken pump. The "water fund" is the outcome of those sym- 
pathies. 

HAMPTON COURTS. 

In 1875 a Police Court was established in Hampton, Charles M. 
Lamprey, Esq., Justice — which continued ten years, with occasional 
sittings ; but, in 1885, the inhabitants having become convinced that 
a tribunal of this kind was not needed in Hampton, it was abolished 
by laAV. 

In 1889 the Rockingham County Probate Court, held hitherto al- 
ternately at Exeter and Portsmouth, was established to be held also 
at Hampton, namely, on the fourth Tuesday of December and Febru- 
ary, annually. 

CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTIONS OF 76 AND '88. 

In 1876 the town voted, fifty-four to forty-one, in favor of revising 



OTHER NINETEENTH CENTURY HAPPENINGS. 1800-1892. 335 

the State Constitution. Joseph Dow was elected delegate to the 
Constitutional Convention, which met at Concord, December 6. In 
the sliort space of ten days, its work was completed, and thirteen 
amendments submitted to the people ; all but two of which were rati- 
fied at the annual town meetings the following spring. Hampton 
gave large majorities in favor of the eleven amendments. This was 
the convention, which made elections and sessions of the Legislature 
biennial, and changed the time of state elections, from March to No- 
vember. All the towns have been visibl}' affected by these changes. 

The only Constitutional Conventiun since 1876, was the one in No- 
vember, 188S, also in Concord, to which Joseph Johnson was chosen 
delegate from Hampton. As one result, our farmer representatives 
have the busy month of June at home, and exercise the function of 
law-makers when the farm sleeps under winter snows. 

TRAMPS. 

The year 1878 is memorable, for the passage of General Marston's 
"tramp-law." For many years, our domain had been infested with 
hordes of vagabonds, strolling idly from town to town, begging or 
stealing their support, and often committing deeds of violence and 
lust. No picnic grove or berry pasture, no secluded road or lonely 
house was a safe resort for the unprotected. In Hampton, these va- 
grant tramps began to appear, about the year 1850. As transient 
paupers, they were provided by the selectmen, with food and lodging, 
and sent on their way. They were not numerous, however, the aver- 
age annual cost to the town being but nine dollars and twenty-eight 
cents, for fourteen years. But, as in other countries, so here, war 
brought lawlessness and crime in its train. Tramps increased in 
numbers, banded together, instituted marks and signs, by which the 
whole fraternity might know at what houses to beg, where to plunder 
and what to jivoid, had their regular "beats" and their fixed rendez- 
vous, and were so well pleased with their fare in Hampton, that fiom 
1864 to 1874, the average annual cost to the town was a hundred 
twenty-six dollars and thirty-one cents. Especially after the open- 
ing of what was facetiously called "the tramps' retreat," in 1870, where 
they were housed and fed so comfortably, that the fame thereof was 
signalled to remote points, the influx of tramps was so increased, 
that, in the one year, 1874, the town paid three hundred sixty-three 
dollars and seventy-five cents, for the entertainment of these guests. 
Then men rose up in their wrath, and said : it shall not he! The "re- 
treat" was closed, and a tramp-house (somewhat better than a dog- 
kennel) substituted. This had a wonderful effect, and for the four 



336 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

years, to 1878, brought the average down to forty-four dollars and 
forty-four cents. Then, through the efforts of Gen. Oilman Marston, 
the well known law which bears his name was passed, and our tramp- 
house was sold for five dollars. The effect of the law was immediately 
apparent throughout the state ; but the pest is not wholly extermin- 
ated, even now; and vagrancj^ of this kind has cost our town ten 
dollars and seventy-eight cents per year, since 1878. 



THE TOWN FARM. 

A sister and brother, in the nortli part of the town, Betsey and 
Samuel Dearborn, sole survivors of the family of Levi Dearborn, 
having become incapable of providing for themselves, were taken 
under guardianship, and Hon. Uri Lamprey ap|)ointed the town's 
agent, to manage their farm and their support. After the removal of 
the unfortunate wards, the town took possession of the Dearborn 
farm, in 1868, and received the revenues from it ; and thereafter, it 
was called the Town Farm. This was sold for thirteen hundred dol- 
lars, to Mrs. Mary E. Ames, in 1879. The same ye:u- the town 
bought of James Lane, for one hundred fifty dollars, one acre of laud 
for gravel for highways. 

THE YELLOW DAT. 

By this name is designated Tuesday, September 6, 1881, when all 
nature took on a glaring yellow hue, unlike anything ever before known. 
The epithet correctly describes the condition, and yet, paradoxical as 
it may seem, it was a dark day. The sun's disc was not visible. A 
smell of smoke pervaded the air. One could not discern the hands 
of a clock across an ordinary room, nor see to read away from the 
window. The glare produced pain in the eyes and an indescribable, 
sickly sensation. Though business was not generally suspended, it 
was carried on with difficulty. The next day was cloudless and in- 
tensely hot. The phenomenon was supposed to be due to forest fires 
in Canada, sending down smoke through peculiar atmospheric condi- 
tions, not to be explained. » 

ARBOR DAT. 

The new festival, "Arbor Day," was first publicly observed in 
Hampton, in 1886, an act for its establishment having been passed the 
year previous. The governor's proclamation for its observance, 
Thursday, April 29, met with a somewhat hearty response in this town. 
Maples were set in the high-school yard and by the roadside along the 



OTHER NINETEENTH CENTURY HAPPENINGS. 1800-1892. 337 

f , nn,l niues on the avenue on which the high-school 
SrjsS. iLS-U ..ve planted u-ces ou eao. suoeeeO.g 

Arbor day. 

THE OLD MEETING-HOUSE. 

Situated on the north side of -The Ring," encircling the ancient 
uMetr. house Green," still stands, though renovated and n.odern- 
• / ;, ^hnildincr erected for a house of worship by the Congrega- 
lilllts : m7, afte: the Presbyterians had appropriated the old 
tionalists, in 1/ , ^^^ opposite side of the 

r "" vZ r ZX a':;. ..tea, a. .elatea io o,,. Z.C* 

::;:ari 'r .r:, rjedtea .;. t.e «... ....e,. o, t.e 

*Th«met t glass was ta.en out and the windows boarded „p ; 
JX Zli the old house, built in 1719, was torn dowu most of 
thl be7thv„;n into lots aud sold by auction, and the gvonud clear d^ 
Mc nwhk, the new meeting-house was altered somewhat to sml^c 
^ewCivements; the owners of the "long pews" were g-- *«ty 
tolhau' e theur into "square pews," at their own expense = tte -ng- 

^"-'-^:;rrse:rLc;trrrr::2:;r;^ 

the use of '''«/;"=™= '" t, ;7";„„7re' made uniform with the 

?::::t;t"tHh' nt::l," a^ "tLt l men shaU set in the front 

foui tuint wii ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^^ according to 

:!v' TheT- ' tL/oo: of the house, and running around three 

•^ ; at the balk of the galleries, were occupied by families, as a the 

sides, f^^^}'^^ ^; - ^^^,,,1 fr,,,, the first, the long gallery 

present ^-y^^^'fj^ ^ ^J^ ,,,, ^ balustrade, were free ; and the 

""!lok to note when a luckless hat dropped over and startled 
^erc quick '» °°'<^ ^^ „( ^^,, ,tem tithing-men generally kept the 
some one below but fear of t _^^ ^^^_^^^^ ^^^^^,^,.^^ 

r:;"" tli" ts'ou the west end; the women, on theeast. 



22 



338 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

the few negi-oes, in their allotted northwest corner; and the "singing- 
pews," facing the pulpit, complete the picture of the galleries, as pre- 
sented to us by memory or tradition. Winding stairs on either side 
led up into the high, urn-shaped pulpit, under the great sounding- 
board. 

Not until 1811 was the steeple built. Two years before the old 
house was taken down, Colonels Garland and bhaw were chosen in 
town meeting, to exchange the old bell for a new one, to be not 
lighter than five hundred pounds nor heavier than six hundred ; but 
we find no further action in regard to a bell, until this year 1811, when 
a committee of five were chosen, to make apian and receive proposals 
for building the steeple, and also to ascertain the cost of a new bell, of 
not less than six hundred pounds nor more than eight hundred, the old 
bell to be turned in towards the payment. It is probable, therefore, 
that, for at least three years, there had been, for the only long intei'- 
val since the settlement of the town, no bell to call the people togeth- 
er. Jeremiah Hobbs contracted to build the steeple, for eight hundred 
ninety dollars ; and from a vote on the 2ud of December, "that the 
bell be I'ung at nine o,' clock at night till next March meeting," we 
know that the purchase was promptly made. The ringing of the bell 
was put up to the lowest bidder, and secured by John Brown, for 
seven dollars. 

From that time on, the nine o'clock bell became an institution, with 
the exception, for some years, that on Saturday and Sunday nights it 
should be rung at eight. Year after year, at the INIarch meeting, the 
office of "saxon" was put up, with varying results, till, in 1839, it settled 
permanently on Samuel Harden, usually at from twenty five to thirty 
dollars. "Grandsir Harden," as he came to be called, in his old age, 
was long a familiar figure in his daily visits to the station, to keep his 
thick, old-fashioned watch regulated by railroad time. Let a tribute 
be here paid, to his twenty-three years' faithful service, as sexton for 
the town. 

The noon bell was inaugurated in 1825, but on\j for the summer; 
later it was rung at noon from April 1 to November 1 , and at nine from 
November to April. But in 1838, and thence onward, both noouand 
nine o'clock were signalled from the belfry, the year round. 

In March, 1821, behold — an innovation ! John Dow, James Leav- 
itt, Esq., and Dr. Lawrence were chosen a committee, "to place the 
stove in the meeting-house, so as not to injure the meeting-house or 
any person who sits therein." Two months later the same committee 
were requested to "remove said stove out of the meeting-house, until 
next fall." Oh, the endurance of former generations ! Who, of the 



OTHER NINETEENTH CENTURY HAPPENINGS. 1800-1892. 339 

pi'esent day, would or could sit through the loug service, Tnoruing and 
afternoon, each Sabbath day, from autumn to summer, in an abso- 
lutely unwarmed house? Tlie little foot-stove of perforated tin, with 
its dish of live coals, brought from liome or from a neigliboring fire- 
place, kept the fortunate possessor from benumbing cold for a little 
while, and as long as the fire lasted, was sometimes slipped along 
from one to another in the pew ; but it could have been but a sorry 
makeshift, against the rigor of a New England winter. 

A vote of the town in 1831 is significant, as showing that the old 
denominational stiffness was relaxing. It was voted, "to give the 
ministers of other denominations liberty to preach in the meeting- 
house when not otherwise occupied." But, a poll being demanded, 
it was found to have passed by the somewhat narrow margin of fifty- 
seven to forty- three. 

After the Congregational society removed to their new church, in 
1844, it became necessary to renew the lease of the ground on which 
the old house stood, or make some other provision for a legal tenure. 
As a result of negotiations with Edmund W. Toppan, who owned the 
land, the town bought the site, for four hundi'ed dollars. The next 
year, liberty to open the house for any other than town purposes was 
refused, and as tliese occurred but seldom, the building soou came to 
be a prey to vandalism, for the detection of which, rewards were offered. 
The temptation to ring the bell at improper times had always been a 
fniitful source of trouble, — so much so, that fines of considerable 
amount had been occasionally imposed ; and at one annual meeting,. 
the town had specified the days and hours on which the bell should be 
rung, b}^ the sexton only, or by his order, ''and at no other times, un- 
der penalty of fifty cents for each offense or neglect." Included in 
this order was : "on July 4, at sunrise, twelve and sunset," whence it 
seems, that it was a patriotic principle, not a "jolly lark" to ring for 
Independence. Gradually, however, the boys captured the situation, 
when new rules were made and large fines required for violation. 

In March, 1850, it was voted that the intermission between meetings 
on Sabbath days, be two hours, from April 1 to October 1, and 
the remainder of the year, one and a half hours. The town controlled 
the bell, and the churches conformed to this town regulation. The 
order has never been formally revoked, though for the last few years, 
the afternoon service has been for the most part, given up. 

After the old Academy was burned, in 1851, and negotiations be- 
tween town and trustees, to fit up the old meeting-house for a town- 
house and Academy had failed, small repairs were made, as needed, 
but no great work undertaken till, in 1855, a proposition was made to 



340 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

raise a thousand dollars for repairs and such alterations as would give 
a good hall and other needed rooms. But here interposed a difficulty 
growing out of the tenure of the property. It is related that, on the 
promontory of Kieman, in Switzerland, situate on the western side of 
the lake of Zug, is a forest, where "the land belongs to Lucerne, the 
wood belongs to the canton of Zug, and the leaves, to the canton of 
Sweitz."' So, formerly, this old meeting-house belonged to the toAvn of 
Hampton, the site, to Mr. Toppan, and the pews, to individuals. The 
land having been purchased, there still remained the question of the 
rights of those pew-owners, who had declined to relinquish their pews, 
when the societies united, in 1808 ; and for the time, the matter of 
repairs was dropped. Another attempt the next year also failed ; but 
in 1860, the scheme was enlarged and carried to successful completion. 

At the annual town meeting, held in the toimi house (so called in the 
warrant for the first time, instead of "old Congregational meeting- 
house," as heretofore), David Towle, Jr., Thomas L. Marston, Daniel 
Y. Moulton, Morris Hobbs and Morrill M. Coffin were appointed a 
committee, to consider the several propositions made and report at an 
adjournment. Their report was adopted and the work done accord- 
ingly. Hon. Amos Tuck, of P^xeter, Thomas Brown, Esq., of Hamp- 
ton Falls, and John Lamprey, Esq., of North Hampton were chosen a 
committee, to appraise the pews; and the selectmen were instructed 
to tender to the pew holders the amount awarded by said committee, 
before any repairs should be commenced. They were authorized to 
hire a sum not exceeding twelve hundred dollars for the proposed re- 
pairs, for which they should levy on the tax-payers, two hundred dol- 
lars annually, till the required amount should be raised. The site was 
to be enlarged by purchase, the house turned end to the road, and the 
proposed alterations made, including an upper and a lower hall and 
several smaller rooms, the taking down of the corner tower and building 
a belf ly from the roof, and all to be completed before the first of No- 
vember. That done, the old bell, which had done good service for 
nearly fifty years, but was now regarded as quite too small, Avas ex- 
changed for a new one, of fourteen hundred eighty-five pounds' 
weight. 

In this style the town-house stood till 1888, when it was again 
radically made over, at a cost of about thirty-three hundred dollars. 

The nine o'clock bell has been but a memory, since the spring of 
1878 ; and in 1888, the noon bell also was discontinued, its place 
being supplied for a time by the steam whistles of saw-mill and shoe- 
shop. 

iBucke's Beauties of Nature, i : 80. 



TV** 




OTHER NINETEENTH CENTURY HAPPENINGS. 1800-1892. 341 



LEAVITT S TAVERN NOW, HOTEL WIIITTIER. 

Lieut. Jonathan Leavitt kept tavern many years, where the hotel 
in the village now stands. The elate of opening is not presen'ed; 
but he was married in 1735, and v(^ry possibly began, not far from 
that time. The tavern was continued without inteiruption, bj'his son, 
Thomas Leavitt. He died in 1791, leaving a widow, who still carried 
it on, till their daughter, Nancy, was married to Josiah Dearborn, about 
1803 ; after which, ]\rr. Dearborn was for many years, proprietor and 
landlord. He built the present house, probably about 181(5 or '17. 

The new house was called Josiah Dearborn's Inn ; and in later 
years, Mr. Dearborn having left his elder son in possession, and gone 
to blacksmithing, on the adjoining lot, it was designated as Samuel 
Dearborn's Inn. A short time previous to 1840, Oliver Godfrey and 
the late Alfred J. Batchelder leased the house, and named it, in honor 
of the railroad, then in course of construction, the Rail-Road House. 
By this name it was known for some years, under different landlords, 
all leasing of the Dearborns. 

In 1859 or 1860, Jared P. Whitcomb bought the premises, repaired, 
repainted and gave the name Union House, by which the hotel has 
ever since been called, till it was changed to the present name, in 
1890. 

Mr. Whitcomb was succeeded in the proprietorship by Bean & 
Whittier, iu 1864, — this firm, by Kimith& Wliiltier ; — and for the past 
ten or twelve years, Mr. Otis H. Whittier has been sole proprietor. 
He built a large wing in 1886, and the hotel can now accommodate from 
eighty to a hundred guests. 

THE POST OFFICE. 

As lately as 1811, the nearest post-offlces were at Exeter and Ports- 
mouth, the Hampton mail being brought by stage from the latter place. 
That year or the next, the post-office was established in Hampton, at 
the house of James Leavitt, Esq., who continued postmaster till 1837, 
when he was succeeded by Edmund Toppan, Esq., who removed the 
office to his house. There it remained till his death, in 1849. Ed- 
win B. Lane was the next postmaster; followed successively by John 
A. Towle, Joseph W. Dow, Charles G. Marston, Jonathan T. Moul- 
ton, John C. Perkins, George T. Crane, John M. Akerman, Robert F. 
Laird, Myron W. Cole. 

ROCKINGHAM LODGE, NO. 22, I. O. O. F. 

[Sketch by Charles P. Akerman, Past Grand.] 

Rockingham Lodge, No. 22, was instituted at Hampton Falls, iu 
1848, on petition of JohnF. Jones, Edward D. Pike, Charles C. Gove, 



342 HISTORY OF HAMPTOy. 

Elijah Valentine, John W. Dodge and Woodbury Masters — the first 
four persons being the charter members. The Lodge became dor- 
mant after four or five years, and so remained till 1878, when it was 
reinstituted, April 18th, with John F. Jones, Edward D. Pike, John 
L. Perkins, James Janvrin, George S. Merrill, Lewis S. Prescott, Al- 
bert J. Sanborn as charter members, and Charles P. Akerman, John 
M. Akerman, John P. Blake, Charles H. Chase, Charles F. Jones, 
Frank S. Greene, Nathan H. Kobie, Charles L. Sanborn, Emmons B. 
Towle, Charles C. Green, as initiates. 

The Lodge increased in numbers, having in its jurisdiction the 
towns of Hampton Falls, Hampton, North Hampton, part of Rye, 
Seabrook and Kensington. It having outgrown its quarters, a peti- 
tion was preferred to the Grand Lodge, for removal to Hampton. 
After several hearings, this was granted, and in August, 1883, the 
Lodge-room, leased from the trustees of Hampton Academ}^ was dedi- 
cated for the purposes of Odd Fellowship. 

The Lodge has been very successful. Its present membership is 
one hundred thirty, it having lost seven by death, and quite a number 
by withdrawal to other Lodges, and from other causes. It has a fund 
of over four thousand dollars. 

AVinnacunnet Rebekah Lodge was instituted October 5, 1885, and 
is successful in its purposes. 

Octobers, 1886, Hunto Encampment was instituted, and, in common 
with the other branches of the order, is meeting its share of success. 

These different organizations are not merely benefit societies; but, 
to visit the sick, bury the dead and educate the orphans are the com- 
mands of laws, and the duties the fraternity try to perform. 

WINXACDNKET COUNCIL, JUNIOR ORDER OF UNITED AMEKICAN MECHANICS 

was instituted in Hampton, May 23, 1888, with fifteen charter mem- 
bers. The weekly meetings were held first, in Dunbar's hall; then, in 
the new J. A. Towle building, till, in 1889, MeiTill's block was opened, 
in which a convenient hall was appropriated to their use. The Coun- 
cil numbers ninety-eight, in 1892. 

To protect American principles and American-born citizens ; to up- 
hold the Federal Constitution, the free, unsectarian common school 
and the reading of the Bible therein ; and to furnish sick and funeral 
benefits to members, are fundamental objects of the order. 

Curtis DeLancey represented the seven Councils of New Hamp- 
shire at the National Council in Cleveland, O., in June, 1891. 

Principal officers for the first hnlf of 1892 : Walter L. Drake, C. ; 
Samuel S. Hawbolt, V. C. ; John A. Moultou, R. S. ; Curtis DeLancey, 
F. S. ; Stephen G. llobbs, T. 



ECCLESIASTICAL. 



CHAPTER Xrx. 

THE INTERWOVEN PASTORATES. 

Rev. Stephen Bachiler, 1638-1641. 
Rev. Timothy Dalton, 1C39-1661. 
Rev. John Wheelwright, 1647-1656. 
Rev. Seaborn Cotton, 1657-1686. 

FATHER AND FOUNDER OF THE TOWN. 

A CAREFUL investigation will make it apparent, that the mo- 
tives w^hieh led to the settlement of Hampton were not merely, 
nor mainly, of a mercenary character. The adventurers, who, in 1623, 
settled on the banks of the Piscataqua, may have gone thither, as has 
been said of them, to tish and to trade. It is equally true that the 
early inhabitants of this town engaged in fishing and in farming, if 
not in trade ; but with the latter, these employments were resorted to 
for a livelihood, while their chief aim was to secure higher objects 
than the accumulation of wealth. In a word, they were puritans, of 
a kindred spirit with the Pilgrims of the Mayflower. They loved the 
ordinances of religion, and sought here to enjoy religious freedom and 
the rights of conscience which had been denied them in the land of 
their birth. 

The practice of the first settlers of the town was in accordance with 
their professed principles. They brought with them the ordinances 
of the gospel; for it is a matter of record, that when the grant for a 
plantation was made by the General Court, some of the grantees were 
already "united together by church government." They also brought 
with them a pastor, Rev. Stephen Bachiler, who may justly be regarded 
as the father and founder of the town. 

Mr. Bachiler was born in England about the year 1561, but at what 
place, is not known. It is also doubtful where he was educated ; very 
possibly, at Cambridge, where many, with whom he appears to have 
been intimate, were known to have been. If the historians of Lynn 
are correct, he was of (so called) gentle blood; for Newhall, in his 
edition of Lewis' History of that town states, that, in Morgan's 

(343) 



344 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

"Sphere of Gentry" (1661) is figured the eoat-of-arnis of Rev. Stephen 
Bachiler, as follows : ''Vert, a plough in fesse, and in base, the sun 
rising, or." This gives a jwssible clew to the interpretation of a let- 
ter written by him, in 1643, to the church in Boston, which will be 
noted presently. 

Mr. Bachiler received orders in the established church ; but being 
a reformer, and having the courage of his convictions, he refused to 
conform to some of the ceremonials of that church, and therefore 
'"■sutfered much at the hands of the bishops." He became a Dissenter, 
and as a Dissenter went, with friends and followers, to Holland. Now, 
if the historian may be permitted to '-read between the lines" of the 
letter, above mentioned, this would be the story of what immediately 
followed : A company was formed, of which Mr. Bachiler was the ac- 
knowledged leader, called, in his honor, The Company of the Plough^ 
intending to come to New England in 1630, and settle in New Town 
(Cambridge), Mr. Bachiler to "sit down with them," "not as a Planter 
only but as a Pastor also." The church was organized and began its 
existence in Holland ; and plans were so far perfected, that a ship was 
chartered and freighted ; but "upon the disaster which happened to 
the goods of the compan}', by the false dealing of those entrusted by 
us with the Plough's ship and our goods therein," perhaps instigated 
by the persecuting bishops, all was lost and the emigration delayed. 
And so it happened, that the pastor's fiimily returned to England, 
while his daughter Theodate and her husband, Christopher Hussey, 
both young and ardent, crossed the ocean to prepare a resting-place 
for her aged father and his church. This tliey found, as they fondly 
hoped, in Saugus (Lynn). 

The above narrative, though not infallible history, is higlily prob- 
able ; but what follows is matter of record. Accompanied by some 
of his family, Mr. Bachiler sailed from London on the 9Lh of March, 
1632, in the William and Francis, and arrived at Boston on the 5th 
of June. He went immediately to Lynn, where his son-in-law, Chris- 
topher Hussey, was already resident. There he began his ministry 
in New England, his church, organized in Holland, uniting with others, 
previously at Lynn, without asking permission, and without ceremony. 

Now it must be premised, that many of the Puritans, persecuted in 
England, fled to these western shores, where they became in tnrn per- 
secutors, as intolerant as their enemies across the sea. The min- 
isters and magistrates formed a religious aristocracy, bigoted and 
domineering. Mr. Bachiler, a liberal Puritan, zealous for popular 
rights, and possibly too independent in maintaining them, soon became 
odious to this persecuting power. They sought a quarrel against him, 



THE INTERWOVEN PASTORATES. 345 

and found it in the manner of establishing his church. And now tlie 
magistrates of the colony required him "to forbeare exercising his 
guifls as a pasf^" or teacher publiquely," in Massachusetts, "unless it 
be to those hee biought with him; for his contempt of authority, & 
till some scandles be removed." The term scandal has been wrongly 
supposed to imply immoral conduct in Mr. Bachiler. It was prob 
ably nothing more than petty quarrels, growing partly out of his par- 
tiality, in baptizing his own grandson before another child, born a 
week earlier. This injiuiction was openly and strongly condemned 
by the liberal party, which was no inconsiderable one in the colony, 
and, five months later, the magistrates felt compelled to rescind it, 
though it does not appear that the victim had, in the meantime, made 
any acknowledgment of faults, to prepare the way for such an act. 

Mr. Bachiler remained pastor of the church at Lynn till about the 
close of 1635. The church at that time had been considerably en- 
larged, and a controversy had arisen between him and a majority of 
the members. The grounds of this controversy are not stated ; but 
as Mr. Bachiler was an old man, it is possible that his church may 
have been desirous of obtaining a younger or a more popular minister. 
The account given by Governor Winthrop seems to afford some ground 
for this supposition. Mr. Bachiler asked a dismission for himself, 
and his first members, six or seven in number, who had come from 
England with him ; and tlie church granted it, supposing that they 
would leave the town, for so, it was reported, Mr. Bachiler had inti- 
mated. On being dismissed, however, he and his brethren imme- 
diately renewed their old covenant, intending to raise another church 
there. At this "the most and chief of the town" were offended, for, 
as Governor Winthrop says, "it would cross their intentions of call- 
ing Mr. Peter or some other minister." They then complained to the 
magistrates, by whom he was forbidden "to proceed in any such church 
way until the cause were considered by the other ministers, etc." 
But Mr. Bachiler refused to desist, probably regarding the course of 
the magistrates as an unjustifiable interference with his affairs ; and 
tills independence, both in thinking and acting, may give a clew to the 
diflSculties that arose from time to time between him and the govern- 
ment. In this case, the magistrates "sent for him, and upon his de- 
lay, day after day, the marshal was sent" to convey him to Boston. 
Being thus taken into custody, he submitted to the civil authority and 
gave a "promise to remove out of the town within three months." 
He was thereupon discharged. 

This account of Mr. Bachiler's connection with the church and peo- 
ple of Lynn is given, partly for the purpose of showing that some of 



346 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

the charges made against hi in nia}' not luive been well founded, liav- 
ing originated in the enmity of those who made them ; and partl\', be- 
cause here, in the renewal of the church covenant at Lynn, near the 
close of the year 1635, we find the organization of the Hampton 
church. 

From Lynn, Mr. Bachiler removed to Ipswich. In 1637, he and 
his company undertook to form a settlement at Mattakeese [Yarmouth] 
on Cape Cod. Governor Wintlirop says that he was then "about 
seventy-six years of age ; yet he went thither on foot in a very hard 
season," the distance from Ipswich being nearly one hundred miles. 
This enterprise was relinquished on account of the poverty of the 
company, and the difficulties that they had to encounter. In 1638, 
Mr. Bachiler and some or all of his company were at Newbury, and 
in the fall of that year settled at Winnacunnet. 

According to tradition, a Meeting-house was built by those who 
formed the settlement, as soon as they had provided log-cabins for 
themselves. Like their houses, it was undoubtedly made of logs, but 
of its form and dimensions, we have no knowledge. It was built on 
the Green — near where the Academy afterwards stood —a site occu- 
pied by a succession of meeting-houses, till the early part of the pres- 
ent centurj'. The people were called together for public worship, by 
the ringing of a bell,' as appears from tlie following vote, passed at 
the second town-meeting, November 27, 1639: '^W™ Samborne (w''^ 
his consent) is appointed to ring the bell before the meetings on the 
Lord's dayes & other dayes, for which lie is to have 6'^ p'' lott of eury 
one having a lott w*^in the town." The bell, which was a present from 
the pastor, 2 was probably hung on a frame in the open air, or sus- 
pended from some tree, till another house was built, which was fur- 
nished with a tower. 

In the spring of 1639, Mr. Timothy Dalton was associated with Mr. 
Bachiler in the work of the ministry, the latter holding the office of 
PASTOR, and the former, that of teacher. The great age of the pas- 
tor was probably the reason for employing another minister. But 
the connection was not an harmonious one. Both of the ministers 
were orthodox in sentiment, but they differed widely in practice, Mr. 
Bachiler being open and independent, and Mr. Dalton, in accord with 
the magistrates and elders. Mr. Bachiler was charged with immoral- 
ity, but whether justly or uujustlj?^ is "not proven." He was excommu- 
nicated in 1641, and restored to the church in 1643, but not to the 
pastoral office. That he committed some imprudences is admitted; 

>In some towns a dnim, and in others a conch a\\\)\)\\cA the place of a bell. 
Town records. 



THE INTERWOVEN PASTORATES. 347 

but fis to anything worse, it is likelier that the old persecutions followed 
him. He himself, in the letter before mentioned, to the church in Bos- 
ton, complains bitterly of ]\Ir. l)alton,in the following words: "I see 
not how I can depart hence till I have (or (I mean) God for me) cleared 
and vindicated the cause and wrongs I have suffered of the church I 
live yet iu : that is fi'om the Teacher (indeed) who hath don all and 
ben the cans? of all the dishonour that hath aecrew'd to God, shame 
to my selfe and griefe to all God's peoi)!e, by his irregular proceed- 
ings and abuse of the power of the church in his hand, by the maior 
parte cleaveing to him, being his countrymen and acquaintance in old 
England . The Teacher's act of his excommunicat- 
ing me would prove the foulest matter, both for the cause alleged, of 
that excommunication, and the impulsive cause (even wrath and re- 
venge) and also the manner of all his proceeding throughout to the 
very end ; and lastly his keeping me still under bonds." Probably 
there was much hot temper on both sides. Each minister had parti- 
sans and friends in the town and in the church ; but the larger num- 
ber favored the teacher. Mr. Bachiler still remained in Hampton, 
and the difflculties and distractions among the inhabitants appear to 
have increased. Petitions and remonstrances in relation to these dif- 
ficulties were sent to the General Court at the Ma}' session, in 1644. 
The Court appointed a committee with full power to hear and deter- 
mine all matters in dispute among the people, but the action of the 
committee is not known. 

About this time some of the people of Exeter proposed to form a 
new church and invite Mr. Bachiler to become their pastor, though he 
was then more than four-score years of age. For this purpose, they 
appointed a day, and gave notice thereof to the magistrates and 
churches. At this juncture, the General Court interfered : "Whereas 
it appears to this C't, that some of the inhabitants of Excetterdo in- 
tend shortly to gather a church & call Mr. Bachiler to be their min- 
ister, & forasmuch as the divisions & contentions w*^'' are amonge the 
inhabitants there are iudged by this Co^'t to bee such as for the p'^'sent 
they cannot comfortably & w*'^ app'bation p^'ceed in so weighty & 
sacred aflfaires, it is therefore ordered, that direction shall be forthw*'^ 
sent to the said inhabitants to deferr the gathering of any church, 
or other such p'^'ceeding untill this Co'"t or the Co^'t at Ipswich (upon 
further satisfaction of their reconciliation & fitnes) shall give alow- 
ance thereunto." To this order, the people of Exeter submitted, and 
did not proceed to gather a church. 

Had the charges affecting the moral and christian character of Mr. 
Bachiler been substantiated, we can hardly suppose, that the people 



348 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

of Exeter, a town adjoining Hampton, should be unacquainted with 
the fact, or that, knowing the fact, they wouhl still invite him to be- 
come their minister. It is also worthy of notice, that in the order of 
the court, not the sliglitest allusion is made to any unfitness for the 
sacred office, on the part of Mr. Bachiler. The order is based en- 
tirely on tlie divisions among tlie people of Exeter. 

Mr. Bachiler did not much longer remain in Hampton. His house 
and most of tlie contents having been destroyed by fire, he removed 
to Strawberry Bank (Portsmoutii) where he lived from 1647 to 1650, 
and probably somewhat later. During this time he sued tlie town of 
Hampton for '-wages" due for his services, and obtained a verdict in 
his favor; for it appears from the Records of the Norfolk Courts that 
the town sent a petition to the General Court '^concerning Mr. Bach- 
iler's executyon." 

Concerning Mr. Bachiler's domestic relations in all these years, we 
know absolutely nothing. His wife, Helena, died, whether before or 
after his removal from Hampton is not certain ; and he married, prob- 
altly about 1648, his third wife, Mjjry, a widow (with children), who 
from mercenary motives, inveigled him into the marriage, in his ex- 
treme old age. But she proved to be a disreputable woman, and he 
separated from her. His old enemy, the civil power, ordered him to 
live with her, and fined him for not publishing his intention of mar- 
riage. Weary and disheartened, he could endure no more ; and (prob- 
ably in 1655), escorted by his grandson, Stephen Sanborn, returned 
to England. 

Not even yet was the tongue of calumny silenced ; for his bad wife 
sued for a divorce, in 1657, in*)rder that she might be free to marry 
again, should opportunity offer, alleging that she was "credibly in- 
formed" that he had married a fourth wife in England. On no stronger 
testimony does this assertion rest. 

"The ancient Stephen Bachiler, of Hampton, New Hampshire, died 
at Hackney, a Village and Parisii in Middlesex, two miles from Lon- 
don, in 1660, in the one hundredth year of his age.''^ 

It is ditlicult to form a just estimate of Mr. Bachiler's character. 
Mucli of our information concerning him comes through the records 
of the acts of the magistrates and the General Court, or the writings 
of Governor Winthrop, with whom he was no favorite. His refusal 
to bow to unreasonable mandates made him enemies in high places, 
and his misfortunes followed as a natural sequence. But that he was 
a good and useful man, there can be no reasonable doubt. 

'Gea. Reg. xii : 272. 



THE INTERWOVEN PASTORATES. 349 



REV. TIMOTHY DALTON. 

The second minister of tlie town, as has already been stated, was Rev, 
Timothy Dulton, born in England about the year 1577, graduated at 
Cambridge in 1613, and subsequently, — I)utat what time is uncertain — ■ 
engaged in the work of the ministry in that country. He came to 
New England about the year 1637, being led hither, it is believeci, by 
religious motives. On his arrival, he went first to Dedham, Mass., 
where he was made freeman Sept. 7, 1637, and probably removed to 
Hampton about a year and a half afterward, for we find that on the 
7th of June, 1639, when the plantation was allowed to be a town, 
he was here as a freeman and also teacher of the church. His house- 
lot was on the southerl}' side of the meeting-house green, only a few 
rods from the meeting-house, and this lot, having been afterwards sold 
to the town, vvas ever after held and occupied as a parsonage till 1871. 

Mr. Dalton must have been in good repute with the magistrates, 
for when about this time, there were disturiiances at Dover, which, it 
was thought, required the interference of the civil power, he was com- 
missioned, together with Mr. Siuion Bradstreet, afterward Governor 
of Massachusetts, and Rev. Hugh Peters, then a minister of Salem, 
and subsequently a martyr to the cause of civil libert}', to go there 
and settle those difficulties; and, as Governor Wiuthrop remarks, 
"they brought matters to a peaceful end." 

At the time of his settlement at Hampton, Mr. Dalton was more 
than sixty years old. The aged pastor who preceded him, was dis- 
missed, after having shared with him the labors of the ministry for 
two or three years, and Mr. Dalton was then left alone for the space 
of about six years, during which time he labored faithfully among his 
people, "even beyond his ability or strength of nature." At length, 
through the infirmities of age, or by the failure of his health, he be- 
came unable longer to sustain all the cares and perform all the labors 
incident to the ministerial office in a new settlement, and the town 
undertook to provide an assistant. Two ministers were associated 
with him, in succession, the united period of whose labors covers 
nearly the whole time from the spring of 1647 till his death. 

In the early part of his ministry, Mr. Dalton was not paid for his 
services by a stipulated salary', but he received from the town several 
grants of land, which were ultimately of considerable value. In 1639, 
as has been stated, he received 300 acres of land for a farm. This 
tract was in that part of the town, which is now Hampton Falls, at a 
place called Sagamore Hill, and embraced a considerable portion of 
the farms now owned and occupied by the sons of Reuben and Moses 
Batcheider. A farm, lying in the south part of the town, near Salis- 



350 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

buiy, was granted to Mr. Dalton's son, Timotliy Dalton, Jr., who died 
soon after, when the farm came into his father's possession, and, on the 
21st of January, 1652, was confirmed to him by a vote of the town. 
This act of the town, however, was based on the following condition : 
"that Mr. Dalton should free and discharge the town of Hampton 
from all debts and dues for his ministry till he had a set pay given 
him by the town." To this Mr. Dalton agreed, and a release was ex- 
ecuted accordingly, five days after the confirmation of the last grant. 
In June, of the same 3'ear, this fai'm was sold to Isaac Peikius. 

The records do not show how carl}' Mr. Dalton began to receive a 
salary, though it a[)pears to have been witiiin a very few years after 
his settlement. Sometime previous to the first of May, 1645, John 
INIoulLon and Abraham Perkins had been appointed to gather uj) the 
teacher's rate. The time of their ai)pointment is not recorded, but 
at the date just named, it appears that this rate was — some of it at 
least — still unpaid, and these persons were ordered to collect it by way 
of distress, within one month, or else forfeit 10s. apiece, to be forth- 
with taken by the constable. 

In 1647 the town agreed upon a method of raising money for the 
support of the ministr3\ Of every £40 to be raised, each master of a 
family and each single man, working for himself, or taking wages, 
should i)ay 5s., the remainder to be raised on all estates equally, ac- 
cording to iheir value, of whatever the}' might consist, except corn, 
which was to be rate- free. 

From about this time — whatever might have been his salary before 
— Mr. Dalton was to receive £40 a year ; but another minister having 
been soon after associated with him, who probably performed nearly 
all the ministerial labor, he, four ^ears afterward, released the town 
from the payment of his salary from midsummer, 1647, to midsum- 
mer, 1651. 

Mr. Dalton's ministry continued till the close of his life, and dur- 
ing the whole time of its continuance he retained the appellation of 
teacher, which was given him at the time of his settlement, while the 
three ministers, with whom he was at different times associated, were 
all styled pastors. He died December 28, 1661, aged about eighty-four 
years. In recording his death, the town clerk styles him "a faithful 
and painful laborer in God's vineyard." 

Mr. Dalton left no children. His wife, Ruth, outlivetl him several 
years. She died May 12, 1666, aged eighty eight years. 

THE SKCOND MEKTING-IIODSE. 

The Meeting-house first built ap[)ears to have been regarded from 
the beginning as only a temporary place of worship, to be succeeded by 



THE INTERWOVEN PASTORATES. 351 

a better one, as soon as the circumstances of the people would permit. 
Accordingly, they soon began to agitate the subject of erecting such 
a building. By vote of the town, the new house was to be forty feet 
in length, twenty-two in width, and thirteen in height, between joints, 
with a place for the bell, which was given by the ])astor, as before 
stated. 

The agreement with the contractor, Richard Knight, for building 
this house, was mutually subscribed by the parties on the 14th of 
September, 1640. Soon afterwards it was determined to defra}^ the 
expense by voluntary contribution. The house was not wholly fin- 
ished for several years. In July, 1644, persons were appointed to 
ask and receive the sums which were to be given towards building it, 
and, in case anj' should refuse to pay voluntaril}', this committee was 
required to use all lawful means to compel them. The committee 
was further instructed to lay out upon the meeting- house, to the best 
advantage, the money they might raise. When this house was first 
occupied as a place of worship, is not known, but probably about the 
1st of June, 1650 — nearly ten years from the time the building was 
begun. 

In 1649, liberty was given to certain persons to build a gallery' at 
the west end of the meeting-house, and these persons, on their part, 
agreed to build the gallery, provided that the ''foremost seat" should 
be appropriated to them, for their own use, and as their own prop- 
erty. 

The meeting-houses first built in this town were without pews. They 
were constructed simply with seats; and fur the purpose of preventing 
any disorder that might otherwise be occasioned, committees were 
from lime to time appointed, to direct the people what seat each one 
might occupy. This was called "seating the meeting-house." 

As a matter of curiosity, a few specimens of the seating are given : 

"All the men to sett at the west end and all the women to sett at 
the east end of the meting house and the devetion to be at the greet 
poest that is betwin the two vvindoes." 



"men seettes — At the table, Rodger Shaw Cristofar Husse John Moul- 
ton Philemon dolton Robert Page Willyam Easto Willyam fuller Rob- 
ert Tuck" 



"second seett — hen grenehene dou steu Samborn tholouit wi fifeld 
Jo merean." 



352 HISTORY OF HAMPTOX. 

"wemanes seettes in the est end of the south side — Rodger Shaw for 
a wife John INIoultons wife good}- Marston goody tuck goody dolton 
goody page goody ffnller." 



"the ferst seett next mistris wlielewrit — onld mistris husse lier dafter 
liusse goody swaine gooily Pebody good}' brown mistris stanyen Mary 
Perkinges." 

REV. JOHN WHEELWRIGHT. 

The man first selected by tlie chuicli and town, to assist Mr. Dal- 
ton, was Mr. John Wheelwriglit, the founder and first minister of 
Exeter, but then pastor of the cluirch in Wells, in the province of 
Maine. 

The contract between Mr. Wheelwright and the church, under date 
April 12, 1647, begins with a preamble, as follows: 

"The church of Jesus Christ in Hampton haueing seriously consid- 
ered the great paines & labours that the I'everente & well-beloued M'' 
Tyraothy Dalton haue taken among them in the worke of the ministry 
euen beyond his abilitie or strength of nater : And haueing upon sol- 
lemne seeking of God settled their thoughts upon the reverente & 
well-beloued M"" John Whelewright, of Wells, as a help in the worke 
of the Lord with the sayd M'' Dalton our p'sent & faithfull Teacher : 
And haue[ing] given the sayd M"" Whelewright a call to that end, with 
the consent of the [w]hole towne ; the which the sayd M'' Whelewright 
doe except off [accept of] according unto God :" therefore, the agree- 
ment was entered into, by which he was to have a house-lot, and the 
farm which had once belonged to Mr. Bachiler, but which had been 
purchased by the town. This was to be given to him, his heirs and 
assigns, unless he should remove himself from them without liberty 
from the church. The church and town were also to pay some charges 
and give Mr. Wheelwright as a salary £40 per annum. The farm was 
afterward conveyed to him by deed, and in 1654, ten pounds were 
added to his salary. 

As it appears from the receipts annually given by Mr. Wheelwright 
for his salary, that his year was considered as commencing on the 
24th of June, it is not unlikely that at that time in the year 1647, he 
became pastor of the church by installation. But there is some un- 
certainty about the length of his ministry. The latest receipt for 
salary, entered upon the records, is for the year ending at midsummer, 
1655, and there is no record of any vote after that time, to show that 
he still continued to preach, and perform other ministerial labors in 
the town. It is evident, however, that the pastoral relation contin- 



THE INTERWOVEN PASTORATES. 353 

lied to a somewhat later period, for near tlie close of the year 1656, 
the town voted as follows: "To seeke out for helpe for the minestry 
to helpe w"^*' o'' teacher untill wee see how God will dispose of us in 
respect of our pasture [pastor]." This being the first act on the part 
of the town for procuring another minister, seems to indicate that Mr. 
"Wheelwright had but recently suspended, or closed his labors here. 
It was then doubtful whether he would resume his labors, Tliere is 
no record to show that he did resume them; and sometime tlie next 
year another person was employed, who not long afterward received 
ordination and became pastor of tiie church. 

After leaving Hampton, Mr. Wheelwright went to England, where 
he was favorably received by the Protector, Oliver Cromwell, with 
whom he had been in early life associated at the University of Cam- 
bridge. While in England, he did not forget the people of Hampton, 
as appears from his letter to the church, April 20, 1658, in which he 
mentions an interview with Cromwell, "with whom," he writes, "I 
had discourse in private about the space of an hour. All his speeches 
seemed to me very orthodox and gracious." 

After the accession of Cliarles II to the throne, Mr. Wheelwright 
returned to New England and became pastor of the church in Salis- 
bury, Mass., wheie he remained till the close of life. He died No- 
vember 15, 1679, being about 85 years of age, and the oldest pastor 
in New England. [See Genealogies — Wheelwright.] 

Rev. John Wheelwright was of Lincolnshire, in England, and was 
born about five or six years before the close of the sixteenth century. 
"His ancestors, no doubt, were of respectable standing in society, for 
be inherited a considerable real estate, which he disposed of by his 
last will. His parents had the good sense to bestow a portion of their 
wealth in giving their son a learned education. He had bright parts, 
and in youth was remarkable for the boldness, zeal, and firmness of 
mind he displaj'ed upon all occasions. He was educated for the min- 
istry, but embracing the Puritan sentiments, he necessarily incurred 
the censure of the church for non-conformity. "^ He came to Amer- 
ica in 1636 — whether for the first time or not, we do not pretend to 
decide — and landed at Boston on the 26th of May. He and his wife 
were admitted to the church in that town, on the 12th of June follow- 
ing. 

About the same time he was suspected of having embraced the An- 
tinomian sentiments held by his sister-in-law, Mrs. Anne Hutchinson. 
Some efforts were made to have him called to be a teacher of the 

1 Judge Smith. 
23 



354 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

church of which he was a member ; but this raovemeut was opposed - 
b\' Governor Winlhrop, who said that "he thought reverentlj' of his 
godliness and abilities, so as he could be content to live under such 
a ministry ; yet seeing that he was apt to raise doubtful disputations, 
he could not consent to choose him to that place." 

Mr, AVheelvvright became pastor of a church near Mount Wollaston 
— now Quincy, but then a part of Boston. Near the beginning of the 
following year, a general fast was kept in all the churches, one of the 
reasons assigned being the dissensions in the churches. Mr. Wheel- 
wright preached on that occasion a sermon, for some statements in 
which he was called into court. The sermon was produced, and "he 
justified it." The court adjudged him guilty of sedition and also of 
contempt. 

Omitting whatever transpired relative to this difficulty during the 
next nine months, it remains to be told that by the General Court 
that met the next fall, Mr. AVheelwright "was disfranchised and ban- 
ished," and ordered to leave the jurisdiction of the court within four- 
teen days. This he did, as he probably supposed, and having bought 
of the Indians a large tract of land around Squamscott falls, founded 
the town of Exeter, and became pastor of the church formed there in 
1638. In 1642 the people of Exeter voluntarily placed themselves 
under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. 

Mr. Wheelwright, being slill under sentence of banishment, re- 
moved to Wells, in the province of Maine. A considerable number 
of the members of his church accompanied, or soon after followed 
him to his new abode, and he still continued to be tiieir minister. 

After Mr. Wheelwright had been several months in Wells, he wrote 
a letter to Governor Winthrop, expressing his sorrow for the part he 
had taken in the controversy- several years before, and his grief for 
the censorious speeches that he then used ; and declaring his readiness 
to give satisfaction, if it should appear to him "by scripture light, 
that in any carriage, word or action," he had "walked contrary to 
rule." 

"Upon this letter, the court was very well inclined to release his 
banishment; and thereupou ordered that he might have a safe con- 
duct to come to the court, etc." 

This inclination and act of the court having been made known to 
Mr. Wheelwright by the governor, he replied, March 1, 1644, by a 
very manly letter. While thankful for the safe conduct proffered, he 
thought it not expedient to appear before the court in person ; for, 
while he adhered to the spirit of his recent letter, he could not con- 
demn himself for such crimes and heresies as had been charged upon 



THE INTERWOVEN PASTORATES. 355 

him, which were the chief grounds of his banishment, but must hold 
himself free to make his defense. 

Governor Winthrop, in reply, still advised his attendance at court, 
saying tliat though his liberty might be obtained without his personal 
appearance, yet that was doubtful. 

Notwithstanding the doubt expressed by the governor, the next 
court released his banishment without his appearance. 

In consequence of charges made against Mr. Wheelwright during 
his pastorate at Hampton, the town undertook his vindication. In 
town meeting, May 1, 1654, it was voted that the petition, framed and 
signed at that meeting for the vindication of Mr. Wheelwright's name, 
should be presented to the next General Court. The substance of 
their declaration, as given by Dr. Cotton Mather in the Magnalia is 
as follows : 

"They, hearing that Mr. Wheelwright is, by Mr. Rutherford and 
Mr. Weld, rendered in some books printed by them as heretical and 
criminous, they now signify, that Mr. Wheelwright hath for these 
many years approved himself a sound, orthodox, and profitable minis- 
ter of the gospel among these churches of Christ." 

At the session of the court which commenced two days after the 
town meeting just named, the petition was presented, and considered, 
with this result: 

"In Ans"" to the peticon of the Inhabitants of Hampton. The Court 
doth declare, 'though they are not willing to recall those uncomfort- 
able diflferences that formerl}^ passed betwixt this Court and Mr. 
Wheelwright, concerning matters of religion or practice, nor doe they 
know w* Mr. Rutherford, or Mr. Welde hath charged him w"', yett 
Judge meete to certify that Mr. Wheelwright hath long since given 
such satisfaction, both to the Court and Elders, generally, as that he 
is now, and so for many years have biun an officer in the church of 
Hampton, w"Un o"" jurisdiccon [jurisdiction], and that w*^out offence 
to any, so farre as wee know ; and there, as we are informed, he hath 
binn an usefuU and profitable Instrument of doing much good in that 
church.' " 

After the excitement occasioned by the discussions about Anti- 
nomianism, and the conduct of the persons charged with having em- 
braced that doctrine, had subsided, and the people were enabled to 
examine calmly and dispassionately the whole subject, the measures 
adopted by the government were generally thought to have been far too 
severe. Even at the time of the excitement, Governor Winthrop, 
although he favored the proceedings against Mr. Wheelwright, yet 
said publicly, that "he did love that brother's person, and did honor 



356 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

the gifts and graces of God in him." Rev. Jolin Cotton, of Boston, 
says: "I do conceive and profess, tliat our brother AVlieehvriglit's 
doctrine is according to God, in the points controverted." — Dr. Cot- 
ton Matlier spealis of him as "being a man that had the root of the 
matter in him." — Governor Hutchinson calls him "a zealous minister, 
of character both for learning and piety." — Dr. Belknap styles him "a 
gentleman of learning, pietj^ and zeal." 

Mr. Wheelwright's fast-day sermon, which occasioned his banish- 
ment, has been preserved. Hon. James Savage, of Boston, having 
read it, made the following declaration concerning it : "I unhesitatingly 
say, that it was not such as can justify the Court in their sentence for 
sedition and contempt, nor prevent tiie present age from regarding 
that proceeding as an example and a warning of the usual tyranny of 
ecclesiastical factions." Lasll}', Judge Smith, of Exeter, after having 
carefully read this sermon, declared on the matter of sedition and 
contempt: "I have no hesitation in sajing the charge was wholly 
groundless. There was not the least color for it." 

REV. SEABORN COTTON. 

After the retirement of Mr. Wheelwright from the pastorate of the 
church, the people were not long dependent on Mr. Dalton alone, for 
the performance of ministerial labor. Within a few months negotia- 
tions were entered into for obtaining the services and settlement of 
the individual, who afterward became their pastor. The first intima- 
tion of such a negotiation, furnished by the records, is the following 
vote passed in the spring of 1657 : ''It is ordered and agreed that 
Brother Page & Bro : Dow shall treat w^'' Mr. Bradstreet and with the 
Elders in the bay, to forder [further] the calling of M''. Cotton ac- 
cording to former agreements." The person here referred to is Mr. 
Seaborn Cotton. 

From this vote it is evident that this was not the commencement of 
the efforts made to secure his services. Mr. Bradstreet here men- 
tioned was Mr. Cotton's father-in-law;' and hence the reason for de- 
siring his influence in favor of Mr. Cotton becoming their minister. 
A few months afterward, we find the town engaged in providing a 
house for a minister ; but we have no direct evidence that Mr. Cotton 
labored here until late in the next autumn. His receipt is on record 
for £65, for his maintenance for a year immediately previous to its 
date — November 24, 1658. 

In the summer of 1658, the town voted to continue the sura of three 

' Gov. Simon Bradstreet, 



THE INTERWOVEN PASTORATES. 357 

score pounds to Mr. Cotton for the next year, together with the use 
of the house and lands purchased of the teacher, and in time conven- 
ient to remove his goods, at tiie town's charge, to the said liouse. INIr. 
Cotton accepted tlie terms, and a contract was made accordingly. The 
time of his ordination is not known. Tradition assigns it to the year 
1660. It is reasonably evident, however, that he received ordination 
soon after the agreement between himself and the town, or at least 
as early as the autumn of 1658. 

There were no records of the church kept before the settlement of 
Mr. Seaborn Cotton ; or, if any had been kept, they were lost before the 
close of his ministry. Nor have we anything more than a fragmentary 
record during his pastorate. A few memoranda found among his papers 
after his decease, and transcribed into a book of records by his son 
and successor, are all that have come down to us. This is greatly to 
be regretted, as it leaves us in a great measure ignorant of the true 
condition of the church for about half a century. We know not the 
number of members, nor the terms of membership ; and all our in- 
formation as to the officers of the church, must, of necessity, be 
gleaned from other sources, of which the town records are the most 
important. 

From the memoranda just mentioned, we find that the Half-way 
Covenant had been introduced into the church ; and from the number 
of persons that "owned" it in a given period, compared with the num- 
ber that were admitted to full communion during the same period, 
it is probable that the former class far outnumbered the latter. 

We know not the number of the former class ; but Mr. Cotton has 
left a list of members in full communion on the 18th of September, 
1671. The whole number at that time was 68, 30 males, and 38 
females. The list is subjoined : 

MALES. 

Seaborn Cotton. Henry Eobey. 

Christopher Hussey. Thomas Ward. 

Godfrey Dearborn. Thomas Coleman. 

Jno. Marian. John Cliftbrd, Sen''. 

W" Fuller. John Cliflbrd, Juu'. 

Abraham Perkins. Anthony Stauj'^an. 

Samuel Daltou. Jn°. Cram. 

Dea. Kobert Page. Thomas Webster. 

Francis Page. Benjamin Swett. 

Thomas Marston. John Cass. 

Henry Moulton. Nath' Weare. 

Thomas Sleeper. Thomas Philbrick. 

Robert Smith. Isaac Perkins. 

Samuel Fogg. Henry Dow. 

William Sanborn. Isaac Godfrey. 



*^ 



358 



HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



FEMALES. 



Trances Fuller. 
Sarah Perkins. 
Mary Perkins. 
Mrs. Dalton. 
Goochvife Drake. 

" Dearbam, Se^^ 
" Dearborn, Jun''. 
Garland. 
Lewis [Leuit?]. 
Wall. 
" Aborn. 
' ' Marian. 
" Robey. 
" Marston, Jun''. 
" Marston, Sen"". 

Hobbs. 
" Palmer. 
' ' Batchelder. 
" Sleeper. 



Goodwife Philbrick, Sen'. 
" Fifield. 
" Dow. 

" Cole. 

Smith. 
" Sanborn. 

Clifford, Sen^ 
Clifford, Jun^ 
" Cram. 
•' Green. 
" Swett. 

" Cass. 
" Shaw. 
" Philbrick, Jun''. 
Mrs. Stanyan. 
" Col cord. 
Hannah Gove. 
Margaret Bean. 
Hannah Jenuin2:s. 



From another record it appears that four of the men, and thirteen 
of the women enumerated in these lists, had been admitted by Mr. 
Cotton. One otherman, Robert Drake, wlio was not at this time living, 
and two women, whose names are not given here, had also been ad- 
mitted to full communion by him. 

The arrangement of the seats in the meeting-house did not allow 
of families being seated together. A large number of children occu- 
pied seats in the gallery, and these must be cared for. Accordingly, 
in town meeting in February, 1664, it was ordered, "that two of the 
inhabitants of the town should sit in the galler}', to keep the youth 
in order in time of the public exercises, [and to see] that tiiey keep 
their places and sit orderly and inoffensively." Under this arrange- 
ment, Thomas Sleeper and John Redman were to sit in the gallery 
the first Sabbath, and they were to give notice to John Brown and 
William Fifield for the next Sabbath, "and so to take their turns 
about the town successivel}'." 

The constable was "to take care to see that the youth were all 
brought into the Meeting-house, to prevent their playing abroad in 
the time of the exercises, or profaning the Sabbath, and that the law 
of the country herein should be observed." 

A few weeks afterward the following vote was passed : "The Towne 
haue voted & agred y*^ those y* are willing to haue their children 
called forth to be catechised, shall give in their names to Mr. Cotton, 
for that end, between this & the second day of next month." 



THE INTERAVOVEN PASTORATES. 359 

But the religious instruction of children was not restricted to this 
method of catechising hy the minister. Parents and guardians were 
expected to teach those under their care, at least the principles of 
religion. An old law of Massachusetts required "that all masters of 
famylyes do once a weeke att least catechise theire children & servants 
in the grounds and principles of Religion, and if any be unable to doe 
so much, that then, at the least, they {)rocure such children or appren- 
tices to learne some short orthodox catechisme without book, that 
they may be able to answer to the questions that shall be [)ropounded 
to them out of such catechisms, by their parents or masters, or any 
of the selectmen." 

THE HALF WAY COVENANT. 

It has been stated, that the Half-wa}' covenant was in use here 
during Mr. Cotton's ministry. When it was introduced, we have no 
record to inform us. From an isolated account of a church meeting 
on the 13th of January, 1667, it is evident that the church had already 
allowed it to be used. One principal object of this covenant was to 
allow those parents, who felt themselves unworthy to partake of the 
sacrament of the Lord's supper, to have the rite of baptism adminis- 
tered to their children. Adults, also, who had not been baptized in 
infancy, were admitted to bai)tism, on owning the covenant. Ba[)tism 
appears to have been regarded by such as, in some sense, a saving 
ordinance. Hence the desire that many people manifested, to have 
the ordinance administered to themselves and their children. Those 
who had been baptized in infancy were considered as having such a 
connection with the church, as gave them a claim to the watchful 
care of all tlie members, and as exposed them to the censures of the 
church, when they were guilty of any immorality. 

At the church meeting mentioned above, "it was unanimously 
agreed and ordered, that some of the brethren should be chosen to 
unite with the pastor in pre[>aring adult church children connected 
with this church, for publickly owning their Lord, and renewing the 
covenant made with them, in and by their parents." This preparation 
was to be made by questioning, instructing and exhorting them. It 
was further agreed without a dissenting voice, that in cases of erring 
adult church children — that is, those who were twenty years old, or 
upwards — the}' should be dealt with as other members, for scandals, 
or clear breaches of the moral law. In two or three weeks from that 
time, five young men owned the covenant, and two weeks later, five 
others. In the course of a year, more than thirty persons owned 
the covenant, while a very few were admitted to full communion. 



360 HISTORY 6f HAMPTON. 

Mr. Cotton continued in tlie work of the ministry till his labors were 
terminated by his death, which occurred very suddenly on Tuesday, 
April 20, 1686, when he was in the fifty-third 3'ear of his age. His 
funeral took place the next Friday. On the following Sabbath, Rev. 
Samuel Phillips, of Rowley, Mass., preached to the bereaved people. 

REV. SEABORN COTTON. 

Seaborn Cotton was the eldest son of Rev. John Cotton, of Boston, 
one of the most distinguislied of the early ministers of New England. 
He was born on the Atlantic Ocean, August 12, 1633, while his par- 
ents were on their voyage to America, and was baptized in the First 
church in Boston, on the 6th of September, two days after their ar- 
rival, and from the circumstance of his birth received the name of Sea- 
born. He graduated at Harvard College in 1651, and his name as 
Latinized in the Triennial Catalogues, is written Marigena. 

Enjoying the advantages of his father's instructions until he was 
nineteen years of age, he was well prepared to enter on a course of 
theological studies ; but the death of his father about that time, "de- 
prived him of those stores of learning and experience for which the 
former was so eminently distinguished." His father's library, how- 
ever, still remained to him. With whom he completed his theological 
course, and when he was licensed to preach we are not informed. The 
only place where he is known to have been employed as a minister, 
before his settlement in Hampton, is Windsor, in Connecticut. 

Of the ministerial life and character of Mr. Cotton, we know but 
little. Indeed, there is hardly anj'thing found in contemporary writ- 
ers respecting him. His nephew. Dr. Cotton Mather, incidentally 
mentions his name, and sa^'s he "was esteemed a thorough scholar 
and an able preacher," and that "none of the lately revived heresies 
were more abominable to him than that of his namesake, Pelagius,"^ 
a celebrated heresiarch of the fifth century. Dr. Mather also says 
that he was the author of a Catechism ; but we know nothing of the 
character of this work, nor whether any copies are still extant. In 
1673 he preached the Artillery Election Sermon, but it was not 
printed. A sketch of one of Mr. Cotton's sermons, taken by John 
Hull, Esq., one of the magistrates of the colony, is still preserved in 
manuscript. A volume of his sermons, in manuscript, is deposited 
in the library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 

There is reason to believe that Mr. Cotton and the people of his 
charge lived in harmony through the whole time of his ministry. In 

1 The name means seaborn. 



THE INTERWOVEN PASTORATES. 361 

one instance, indeed, he was obliged to suspend liis labors a few Sab- 
batlis. Tliis interruption was occasioned by a message from Lieuten- 
ant-Governor Cranfield, tliat "when he had prepared his soul, he 
would come and demand the sacrament of liim, as lie had done at 
Portsmouth." Mr. Cotton being unwilling to administer the sacra- 
ment to an unsuitable person, or according to the "liturgy of the 
church of England," and wishing to avoid a controversy with the 
governor, withdrew to Boston, and remained there a few weeks, and 
then returned to his own people. This was in the early part of the 
year 1684. For refusing a similar demand not long before. Rev. 
Joshua Moody of Portsmouth had been imprisoned. He was still in 
prison when Mr. Cotton was staying in Boston. This circumstance 
probably' led the latter to take for his text in a sermon that he preached 
in Boston, these words: "Peter therefore was kept in prison; but 
prayer was made without ceasing unto Clod for him." — Acts xiii : 5. 
This sermon gave considerable offense to Governor Cranfield and his 
friends, but the governor was prudent enough to leave Mr. Cotton 
unmolested. 

A few months before Mr. Cotton's death, he sent to the Council of 
New Hampshire the following Petition : 

"To the Honorable his Majesty's Council for the Province of New 
Hampshire. The Petition of Seaborne Cotton, of Hampton in 
the Province abovesaid, 

Humbly' Sheweth, 

That whereas by an act of his Majesty's Council in this Province, 
bearing date, as I conceive, Dec. 10, 1683, the people in the several 
towns were left at their liberty whether they would pay their minis- 
ters, or no, after the first of January ensuing that act, unless their 
ministers would administer baptism and the Lord's supper to such as 
desired it, according to his Majesty's letter to the Massachusetts, 
which was never denied by me to any that orderly asked it ; yet too 
many people have taken occasion thereby, both to withhold what 
was my due before that act, for the year 1683, as also for the year 
1684, and are likely to do so for the year 1685, except this Honorable 
Council see cause to pass an act, and order the trustees of Hampton, 
that I may have my dues according to the town's compact upon rec- 
ord, and their agreement with myself many years since; — the time 
also drawing nigh, when for this present year I should have my rate 
made, doth hasten me to present this address, and to request your 
Honors' favor therein : if your Honors send an order to our trustees, 
your Honors may possibly see cause to omit the naming myself as 



362 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

requesting it ; all wliicli I leave to your Honors' generous acceptance, 
and am j'our Honors' 

Humbly devoted, 

Seaborne Cotton. 
Hampton, Sept. 5, 1685." 

In answer to this petition, the council ordered that "the Petitioner 
be left to the law to liave his remedy against the persons he con- 
tracted with for his dues." 

THE PARSONAGE. 

When Mr. Cotton 'was about coming to Hampton, to engage in the 
work of the ministry, it became necessary for the town to provide him 
a dwelling-house. Accordingly, after the discussion of several plans, 
the town chose a committee, consisting of Roger Shaw, Robert Page 
and Thomas Marston, to treat with Mr. Dalton "concerning the ac- 
commodating of another minister both for housing and land ;" and 
Thomas Marston, Thomas "Ward, John Sanborn and William Moulton 
were chosen, "to repair the house which might be procured for Mr. 
Cotton's dwelling." 

The negotiation with Mr. Dalton resulted in his selling to the church 
and town "for y*^ use of y^ ministry forever," his dwelling-house and 
several tracts of land, and three shares in the cow-common, and one 
share in the ox-common, on the 28th day of December, 1657. This 
deed was not, as has sometimes been stated, a deed of gift, but it was 
given in consideration of "y*^ sum of two hundred pounds sterling," 
to be paid "unto y^ Heirs, Executors & Administrate"^ of me y® s*^ 
Timothy Dalton," as follows, viz. : £20 within one 3'ear after his de- 
cease, and then £20 annually until the full sum of £200 should be 
paid, "in corn or cattell, att y*^ current price, to be delivered at Hamp- 
ton from time to time." That this consideration was not relinquished 
to the town is evident from the fact, that Mr. Dalton disposed of it 
otherwise, b}'^ bequests in his last will and testament. 

From the property thus conveyed, originated the ministerial fund, 
the income of which has been used to aid in supporting the ministry, 
during several generations. 

According to the terms of sale, the transfer of the property named 
in the deed was not to be made immediately, but after the death of 
the grantor, and after the crops that might then be upon the land 
should be gathered in. This transaction, then, failed to provide a 
house for the immediate use for Mr. Cotton. The town, therefore, 
had further negotiation with Mr. Dalton, which resulted in an agree- 
ment for the desired end. 



THE INTERWOVEN P^STOKATES. 363 

Mr. Dallon had recently purchased of Thomas Moulton, a house 
which stood where the house of Walter J. Palmer now stands. The 
town engaged to make an addition to this, "to be equal in breadth 
with the old house, and to be 36 feet in length." This v/as to be built 
and finished at the town's charge, in the manner specified in the con- 
tract, so as to be as convenient for his use as the Ijouse he was then 
occn[)ying. This being done, Mr. Dalton was to remove thither, and 
relinquish all claim to the house and lands where he then lived. 

At the same time, the town agreed with Abraham Perkins, Joseph 
Merr}' and William Marston, to do all the carpenter work required 
to fulfill this contract, except the clapboarding and shingling, which 
were to be provided for in some other wa}', and they were to receive 
for their labor £20 "to bee payd in goods att Mr. Cuttses.''^ William 
Marston had been previously engaged by Robert Page, to build a mill, 
which he had contracted with the town to have completed at a speci- 
fied time ; but so urgent seemed the present case, that the town ex- 
tended the time allowed for completing the mill a whole year, in order 
"to free Will : Marston for the worke aboves*^."- 

In the records of 1658, is the following entry, dated November 22 : 

"The Towne hath agreed with Henry Smith, who liueth w^'^ Mr. 
Cotton, that for the spase of one full yeere next insuiiig, hee shall 
keepe the key of the meeting-house & shall keepe the s<^ metting 
House Deacent and Cleane and shall Ringe the Bell eury Euening att 
nine of the clock, ^ and upon the Sabath Dayes att eight & nine of 
the clock before the morning Exercise, and att one & two of the clock 
in the afternoon, and upon the lectur Dales before the lecture, all w*^^ 
is to bee Constantly p'formed throughout the yeere." For this ser- 
vice, he was to receive fifty shillings, to be paid by a special tax. 

From the hours at which the bell was to be rung on the morning of 
the Sabbath, according to this agreement, we infer that the morning 
service began at nine o'clock, or soon after, and it did not probal)ly 
close till about noon. The devotional exercises and the sermons at 
that time were much longer than they usually are at the present day. 

On another occasion the town voted "that the fore seat in the gal- 
lery should be appropriated to the married men to sit in, until the 
town should take further order about it." Liberty was also granted 
to those who were to occupy this seat, "to sett up a backe to the s^^ 
fore seate prouided thatt itt bee not prejudicial! to the Hinmost seats." 

Near the close of the year 1660, the town passed the following vote : 

"Itt is agreed by the Towne y* thear shall be a coinitt}' of meett men 

1 Cutts of Portsmouth— merchant. = Chap, xxxi : Tlie First Sawmill. 

3 Curfew bell. 



364 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

appointed by the Towne to Rectifie the Sitting of men & women in 
tiie meeting-house, & to agree with workmen for tlie making of Seates 
whear they see meett, and in cause that any p'^son finds Hiinselfe 
Greened [grieved] with his or her plaseing in tlie meeting-house, they 
shall haue liberty to make their complaint to the Towne, who shall 
be Ready to Releue [relieve] them — to bee determined by a vote of 
the majer part. The men api)ointed for the worke ahoue s^' are Dea- 
con Page, Deacon Godfrey & Henery Robey, who are to Request o"^ 
Reuerend Elders [Mr. Dalton and Mr. Cotton] to bee helpe full to 
them so far as they shall please to attend the worke." 

Itt is agreed y* there shall bee forty shillings allovved for to plaster 
the Roof of our Teacher's House to keepe out the weather — to be 
Improued for the best aduantage for such an End." This house was 
probably the one that Mr. Dalton bought of Thomas Moulton, and 
which the town had agreed to enlarge and repair. 

At a town meeting at the beginning of the following year, it was 
proposed to put the house and lands occupied by Mr. Cotton, in such 
a condition, that there need be no further expense to the town for 
fencing, building or repairing during his ministry. The sum of £20 
was appropriated for the purpose. 

HOGPEN FARM. 

Sometime in the early part of Mr. Cotton's ministry — the date not 
known — the town agreed that he should have 200 acres of land 
granted to him for a farm. In the autumn of 1663, it was voted that 
this land should be laid out, and a committee was appointed for that 
purpose. The farm was not laid out, however, till five or six years 
afterward, and then, as appears by the return, March 19, 1669, not 
by the committee first chosen, but by John Sanborn, Thomas Mars- 
ton and Henry Roby. 

According to the return of the committee, the farm was located at 
a place called Hogpen Plain — in the present town of Kensington. 
They "laid out a meadow near that plain, having a brook in the mead- 
ow running northward out of it." About the middle of the meadow 
was a hill, and to the southeastward of the meadow was upland where 
they laid out a tract ninescore rods broad and ninescore rods long 
to make up the complement of the said grant. 

Three years later, the town voted to maintain their grant of two 
hundred acres of land to o'" Reuered Pastor, Mr. Seaborn Cotton, 
according to the appointment of it and as it is laid out. 

The town several times voted to increase Mr. Cotton's salar3\ On 
the 10th of January, 1668, it was increased to £80. 



THE INTERWOVEN PASTORATES. 3G5 

In 1G65, agreeably to the request of the inhabitants living near the 
Falls rivei-, and remote from the town, liberty was given for them to 
bnild a house at their own eharge, "near the old Pound," for slielter 
and relief upon the Lord's day and other days, to be used by them at 
all times when there should be oecasion for it. 

Near the close of tlie year, the selectmen having made a bargain 
■with some person to repair the meeting-house, the town voted that it 
should be "prosecuted with effect," and that the selectmen should 
"take further care to repaire the Roof & to daube up the Gable Ends, 
& whatt else is nessisary for to make the Meeting-house comfortable," 
and assess the whole charge upon the inhabitants. 

THE THIRD MEETING-HOUSE. 

In the year 1675, the work of building a new meeting-house was com- 
menced, but several years passed away before it was so far completed 
as to be used as a place of public worship. 

The first intimation found on record that such an enterprise was 
contemplated, is an order of the town, June 30, for the inhabitants 
to meet for the purpose of raising the frame. No statement is made 
regarding its form or size. The order is as follows : "Itt is ordered 
thatt all theluhabitants of this town of Hampton, thatt are aboue the 
Age of 20 years shall Attend and Glue their assistance to Raise the 
new meeting house, who are to raeete on two seuerall Dayes and to 
attend thatt worke : the first day all the towne y* Hue from Mr. Cot- 
tons House & so Round the town Eastward to the Lane by Hezron 
Leuitts and so forward to the Eastward of the parth to Pascataqua ; 
and the second Day all the Rest of the Towne from the west side of 
Pascataqua way Round to Mr. Cottons House; & also all thatt line 
on the other side of tiie marsh towards Salisburie : — and if any p'son 
of the Age of 20 years doe faile of his appearance att the Ringing of 
the Bell at six of the clock in the morning, or within Half an Houre 
Afterward, Hee shall forfitt tvvelue pence in monie to bee forthwith 
payd, or else the constable to distraine." 

The occurrence of an ludian war just at this time, and the conse- 
quent interruption of business — many of the people being called away 
from home in defense of the country', and those who remained, labor- 
ing in constant fear of the enemy — were very unfavorable to a speedy 
completion of the work, and but slow progress was made in finishing 
the house. The exact date of its occupancy for religious services, 
is not known ; but that it was occupied as early as the spring of 1680 
is almost certain, for at that time the selectmen were instructed to 
"take dovvn the old Meeting-house and dispose of it for the town's 
use, according to their best judgment." 



CHAPTER XX. 

KEV. JOHN COTTON'S MINISTRY. 1686-1710. 

MR. COTTON, STATED SUPPLY. 

THE death of the Rev. Seaborn Cotton left the people without a 
minister for the first time since the settlement of the town, a 
period of nearly forty-eight 3'ears. Having been so long favored witli 
a faithful ministry, it cannot be supposed that they would now be 
content to remain very long destitute of the regular and constant 
ministration of the Word ; which is true, though it was several 3'ears 
before they again had a settled j)astor. 

Soon after the late pastor's death — no records show how soon — 
efforts began to be made to (ind a suitable successor. The first 
preacher known to have been employed, was Mr. John Cotton, the 
eldest son of the deceased pastor, a graduate of Harvard College, of 
the class of 1678, who, having been chosen a Fellow of the College, 
was living there at the time of his father's death. The same year he 
returned to Hampton, and was employed as a preacher. This fact 
does not appear from the town records, but is learned from other 
sources. 

There is, however, in an entry on the records, made the next spring, 
an incidental mention of the seat at the desk, called Mr. Cotton's seat^ 
impl3Mng that it was then occupied by him. 

The record is in these words : 

"Libert}' was granted toCapt. Samuel Sherburne to build a seat for 
him and his wife and family', between the south door and the table, 
from the west side of the great post behind the south door of the 
meetinghouse, to the east side of the great post b}' the tal)le, and so 
far forward as the two seats now come, provided he build it not so 
hi^h as Mr. Cotton's seat is built. "^ 



"At the same meeting the following vole was passed : 

"It is acted by vote, that if any man's Dog shall come into ye meetinghouse on Sabbath 
days, the owners of the sayd dogs shall pay a line of one shilling a time, to be lenied by 
ye Constable by a warrent from a Justice of peace-" 

"Their decents John Smith, taylor, John Smitli, cooper, Abraham Cole, John Marston." 

(3GC) 



REV. JOHN cotton's MINISTRY. 1686-1710. 367 

While the people were destitute of a settled minister , they were not 
unmindful of the conduct and habits of the young. At a town meet- 
ing in the fall of 1687, the following vote was passed : "That the 
constables for the time being shall take special care that the youth be 
kept from playing on the Sabbath, and if any children shall be found 
disorderly, their parents and masters shall first l)e itifornied, and if 
they shall not take care of them, but suffer them again to be found 
disorderly, complaint shall then be made to authority." 

The first votes of the town on record, for employing Mr. Cotton 
are of a later date (May 21, 1688), but at that time, as was shown in 
Chapter V, town meetings were seldom holden, and it is probable that 
measures were taken by the church, for supplying the pulpit, for there 
is evidence that the church held meetings for business prior to the 
earliest church records extant. The town votes, just alluded to, were 
not to secure the services of Mr. Cotton, as a candidate for settlement^ 
but for inviting him to he inducted into the pastoral office by ordination. 
One of the votes was, "that Mr, Henry Green and William Fuller 
should treat with Mr. John Cotton, to know his mind whether he 
would be willing to settle here in the work of the ministry, and be 
ordained." The other vote is thus recorded : "The town did act by 
vote to show their approbation, that they were willing that Mr. Cot- 
ton should be called to office in this place by ordination." 

The object here aimed at was not immediately attained. He still 
continued to supply the pulpit, but, for reasons not clearly stated, he 
did not then consent to be ordained pastor of the church. 

Mr. Cotton was married August 17, 1686, and immediately com- 
menced housekeeping in Hampton, and labored here as a minister of 
the gospel till some time in the summer of 1690. This appears from 
some memoranda in the Diary of Henry Dow, where are noted the 
various articles "paid " by him to Mr. Cotton, at dates running from 
August 20, 1686, to April 30, 1600. On the third of April, 1688, 
be paid the balance that was due /or that year, which would "be out 
the first of September next." 

About this time the town directed the selectmen to ascertain what 
the inhabitants would "contribute yearly, and every year, towards 
Mr. John Cotton's comfortable maintenance, so long as he continue 
here in the work of the ministry." 

SUCCEEDED BY REV. JOHN PIKE. 

Two years afterward there was held a meeting of all the male in- 
habitants of the town, of twenty-one years of age, and upwards, "to 
consider of some way to procure a minister to settle among them for 
the future." 



368 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Whether Mr. Cotton had already suspended his preaching, or had 
signified iiis intention to do so at the close of his 3'ear, does not ap- 
pear. 

Those who attended that meeting first resolved : that they did 
earnestly desire to have a man settled among them in tlie. work of the 
ministry. They then expressed a wisli that Mr. John Pike siiould be 
the man, if he could be obtained. Mr. Nathaniel Weare, William 
Marston, Capt. Samuel Sherburne, Lieut. John Sanborn and Henry 
Dow were chosen to treat with Mr. Pike, to know his mind about 
settling here in the ministr}'. 

Mr. Pike had been the pastor of the church in Dover, for many 
years, but was at this time staying in Portsmouth, having left Dover 
some time before on account of the ravages made by the Indians. In 
compliance witli the request of the committee above named, he came 
to Hampton on tlie 24th of October following. 

On the last day of April, 1691, at a meeting called "to act about 
settling a minister in the town," preference was again expressed for 
Mr. Pike, if he could "be cleared from Dover church." Henry Green, 
Nathaniel Weare and Henry Dow were appointed to treat with him 
and obtain his answer to their request. Mr. Pike assured them that 
he had a fair prospect of obtaining a dismission from Dover in the 
course of one month, and he told them that he had come to Hampton 
with an intent to settle, and did still so intend, if God should make 
away for it, when he had received his dismission from Dover, and if 
the people in Hampton did then desire it. 

The meeting was accordingly adjourned one month to receive Mr. 
Pike's answer, but the records do not show that any meeting was held 
at that time, Mr. Pike had undoubtedly informed the people of his 
failure to receive a dismission from the Dover church, and hence there 
was no occasion for them to assemble. He, however, remained here 
till the 4th of February, 1692, and then removed to Newbury, but 
afterward returned to Dover, and died there in 1710. 

MR. cotton's labors RESUMED. 

When all hope of settling Mr. Pike had failed, the minds of the 
people were again turned towards Mr. John Cotton. At a meeting, 
October 26, 1691, the town voted to invite him to return to Hampton 
for the work of the ministr}', with a view to his settlement, and ap- 
pointed Mr. Nathaniel Weare and Francis Page to communicate to 
him this vote and receive his answer, which thej' were to lay before 
the town ; and authority was given to them to call a town meeting for 
this purpose. 

Mr. Cotton was then living in Portsmouth, and that town on the 



REV. JOHN cotton's MINISTRY. 1686-1710. 369 

30th of March preceding, liad invited Iiim to become pastor of the 
cluucli there; but Mr. Mood^', whose pastoral rehition to that church 
had not been formally severed, though he had long been absent from 
them, wrote to the town from Boston, where he was living, that he 
would return if they wished it. He had previous!}^ written the cluu'ch 
to the same effect, and proposed the calling of a council. The town 
considered this unnecessary, and the selectmen wrote Mr. Moody that 
his long absence, notwitlistanding repeated invitations to return, was 
evidence that he had not meant to come back ; that they had o-iven a 
call to Mr. Cotton, and were now awaiting his decision. Mr. Cotton 
advised the town to invite Mr. Moody once more, to return, and if he 
should not accept this invitation, "they might honestly provide for 
themselves such a person as they judged fittest to supply the place of 
the ministry there." His advice was followed ; but Mr. Moody and the 
church and town still held to their former views about the neces- 
sity of a council, and Mr. Cotton, under these circumstances, also de- 
clined the invitation extended to him to be settled with the church in 
Portsmouth, though he continued his ministrations there for three 
montlis. In 1693, Mr. Moody resumed the pastorate. 

In answer to the invitation to return to Hampton, Mr. Cotton wrote 
a letter giving some encouragement that he would accept it. His let- 
ter being communicated to the town at a meeting on the 12th of No- 
vember, the committee, chosen at the last meeting, were instructed to 
inform him, that the town would do for him everything offered, or 
promised, at former meetings to induce him then to remain. Sixteen 
persons dissented from this vote, and no agreement was made with 
Mr. Cotton. 

About three weeks after Mr. Pike's removal from Hampton, another 
town meeting was holden with reference to Mr. Cotton, "who," the 
record reads, "was some years formerly with us." It was now voted 
to send to him again and earnestly desire him to come as soon as he 
could conveniently, and be here at least one Sabbath. In that case 
a general town meeting should be holden at the Meeting-house the 
next morning, to receive his propositions, and see if any agreement 
could be made. 

Mr. Cotton probably preached in Hampton on the last Sabbath in 
March, for a town meeting was holden on the Monda}^ following 
(March 28), when Lieut. John Sanborn and Mr. Nathaniel Weare 
were chosen ''to speak with Mr. Cotton and desire him to let the town 
know his propositions in writing, that they might see how nenr the 
town could close with him in his desires." A quarterly contribution, 
and repairs on the parsonage premises were promised. 
2-t 



370 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

In case of Mr. Cotton's acceptance of these offers, the town agreed 
"that there sliould be a convenient lionse built for tlie ministry upon 
the land appointed for that end, as soon as practicable, and finished 
at the town's expense, and the old house made habitable for him in 
the meantime." 

About seven or eight weeks afterward, Francis Page, John Tuck 
and Ei)hraim Marston were chosen to repair the old house at the 
town's expense, and make it habitable for the minister, for the present. 

At a town meeting holden late in the autumn, Capt. William Mars- 
ton, Capt. Henry Dow and Daniel Tilton were chosen to agree with 
and emplo}' workmen for building a Parsonage-house and to see that 
the work be done, and the house built and finished according to the 
true intent, fit for a minister ; and that the work be done witii as much 
prudence as may be, to save cost to the town. What this committee, 
or any two of them, should agree to about the work, was to be con- 
sideied valid. About four months later, Thomas Dearborn and John 
Tuck were added to this committee, and it was voted that an act of 
any three of the committee should be valid in all matters pertaining 
to the house. 

The work of building did not go on very rapidly, for as late as 
Jul}', 1693, the proprietors, or commoners, granted a small tract of 
land, adjoining to the land formerly granted or purchased for the 
ministry, and lying on the east side of the orchard, and adjacent 
thereto, to set the house on ; and also land before the house, not ex- 
ceeding forty square rods, to be laid out by the building committee, 
so as to be least prejudicial to the Meeting-house Green, and not to 
intrench on any person's grant — the land thus laid out, to be and re- 
main a part of the Parsonage land forever. 

In the following autumn, Sergt. Thomas Pliilbrick, Christopher 
Palmer, Th(»mas Webster, Sen., and Isaac Godfrey were chosen for 
that year, "to gather up the several suras that men had subscribed 
to give Mr. Cotton," whence it ai)pears that he had remained with 
the people. 

In the spring of 1694, the town chose Capt. Henry Dow and Lieut. 
John Smith "to treat with Mr. John Cotton to see whether he will be 
pleased to consent, to be agreed with by the year for a certain salary." 
At the same meeting. May 17, it was voted that the town will give 
our present minister, Mr. John Cotton, £85 a year for his pains, in 
the work of the ministry among us, to be paid ever^^ half year in 
wheat at 5s. per bushel, Indian corn, 3s., malt and rye, each 4s. per 
bushel ; i)ork, at 3d, per lb. and beef, 2d. — all merchantable and good — 
over and besides the contribution every quarter, formerly agreed 



REV. JOHN cotton's MINISTRY. 1680-1710. 371 

upon, and the use and benefit of the house, land and meadow, ap- 
pointed for the ministry ; — the town to maintain the outside fence of 
said land and meadow ; and to do what they see cause for, about sup- 
plying ]Mr. Cotton with firewood. The committee that had been ap- 
pointed to treat with Mr. Cotton were now directed to confer with 
him again, to see whether he would accept the terms offered by the 
town. 

The town afterward, at the same meeting, voted to give Mr. Cot- 
ton "sixtie load of wood a yeare — such loads with fower oxen, that 
two load shall make a cord when cutt, and those loads of wood to be 
vallued at three shillings a load and to be payd ffor out of the Towne 
Rate ffrom Time to time" — and the men recently chosen to gather up 
his subscriptions, were now chosen for the next year, to see that he 
be supplied with wood according to this vote, and to give an account 
of their doings to the selectmen. 

The committee, appointed to confer with Mr. Cotton, reported the 
same da}', that they had attended to the duty assigned them, and that 
Mr. Cotton accepted what had been voted and gave the town thanks 
for the same. 

After one year had passed, the foregoing vote about supplying 
Mr. Cotton with firewood, was somewhat modified : He was now to 
be fillowed 30 cords a year, and those who furnished it were to have 
5s. a coi'd, provided one half of it, at least, was oak, and they were to 
be paid in money within the year, the procuring and paying for the 
wood to be under the direction of the selectmen. 

The compensation Mr. Cotton was to receive for his services being 
at last definitely settled, the way was ojjened for his ordination ; and 
at a meeting of the freeholders, September 14, 1696, a vote was passed 
expressive of their desire that this should take place at once. 

It was ordered that such parts of the old parsonage-house as would 
be needed in finishing the r?ew house, or repairing the barn or leanto, 
should be used for those purposes, and what remained should be used 
by the selectmen for building a school house. The town also made 
provision for completing the new parsonage house. 

A month later the town voted, that if Mr. Cotton's goods which 
were then at Mystic, should be sent to Boston, they would be at the 
expense of transporting them from the latter town to Hampton, to 
the house which he was then 9ccupying. 

MR. COTTON, ORDAINED PASTOR. 

Arrangements were now to be made for the ordination. Capt. 
William Marston, Francis Page, Sen., Sergt. Thomas Philbrick, John 



372 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. ■ 

Tuck and Isaac Godfrey were appointed a committee for this purpose, 
and were to "take special care to see what every person would con- 
tribute towards the charge of the ordination ; and to see that provision 
be made with the sum thus raised for the entertainment of Elders and 
Messengers and other Gentlemen, so far as it would go." 

The ordination was appointed to ))e on the 19th of November, 1696 
—ten years and seven months after the death of the last pastor. 
Tliis event, for which the people had been so long and earnestly 
seeking, was one of no ordinary interest. Nearly forty years iiad 
passed away since the last ordination in tlie town. During this long 
period, there had been only f/irep ordinations in the province. 

The service took place at the time appointed. The cliurch records 
do not inform its by whom the sermon was preached. It is not im- 
probable that the candidate was himself the preacher, in accordance 
with an early custom in New England. Rev. Joshua Moody, of Ports- 
mouth, gave the charge, and Rev. William Hubbard, of Ipswich, 
Mass., the right-hand of fellowshii). 

The church had been so long destitute of a, pastor, that the num- 
ber of members had probably somewhat diminished since the death 
of their last minister. Of the sixty-eight persons, who were mem- 
bers in 1671, only twenty-five — ten males and fifteen females — were 
living in Hampton at the time of Mr. John Cotton's ordination. How 
many had been added to the church during the last fifteen years of 
Mr. Seaborn Cotton's ministry, and how many since his death — the 
ten years when the church had been witliout a settled pastor — we 
know not. Additions were made soon after the new pastor was in- 
ducted into office. Ten persons were admitted to full communion in 
January following, and some on each succeeding month till tlie first 
anniversary of the ordination. Tlie whole number received into fel- 
lowship during the first year was seventy ; the whole number, during 
Mr. Cotton's pastorate, was 215, and "487 were initiated into the 
christian church by baptism." 

At a church meeting a few days after Mr. Cotton's ordination, it 
was agreed that the sacrament of the Lord's Supper should be admin- 
istered in December, and afterward once in six or seven weeks, so as 
to have it administered eight times during a year. "But finding y^ 
days in winter so short and sharp, it was thought meet to omitt y' of 
y^ winter quarter, viz. : between December 1 & March 1, «fe so to at- 
tend it but 7 times a year," 

The last sentence suggests to the mind the diflferent circumstances, 
under which the people of Hampton worshi[)ped God and attended to 
his ordinances at that time, and at the present. The days now at the 



REV. JOHN cotton's MINISTRY. 1686-1710, 373 

same season, are as short, and, it may be, as sharp, as then ; but we have 
warm and comfortable places of worship, which shield us against the 
severity of winter, to which they were so much exposed. 

A little less that two years after Mr. Cotton's ordination (Septem- 
ber 11, 1698), thirteen persons were dismissed from the church, ''in 
order to their being incorporated into a church state in Exeter." 
These were residents of Exeter, who had united with this church, for 
the reason that there was then none in tlieir own town. Now a church 
was to be organized there, and a pastor ordained. Mr. Nathaniel 
Weare and Capt. Henry Dow were chosen as messengers of this church 
to assist in the ordination. 

In the spring of 1701, the town voted to allow Mr. Cotton ten cords 
of wood a year in addition to his former thirty cords, on this condi- 
tion : "That he preach a lecture in Hampton once a month, accord- 
ing to former custom in hi? father's days." 

A NEW BELL. 

The meeting-house bell having been broken, the town instructed 
the selectmen to agree with William Partridge, Esq., to procure for 
the town from England, a good bell, weighing about 130 pounds, and 
send to him the old one, to be disposed of in part payment thereof. 
The money needed to pay the balance of the expense was to be raised 
by a tax. This vote was in February, 1704. 

More than four months passed and no bell having been procured, 
the town voted, that the selectmen should send to Boston by Peter 
Garland or Samuel Nudd, to see if they could find a good bell of about 
100 or 120 pounds weight, and if they should find a suitable one, that 
the selectmen should buy it, paying cash for what it should cost in ad- 
dition to the old bell. 

"And when the ffals peopell haue a new meeting House builded and 
finished on there side as ffitt to Hang A Bell in as the Meeting House 
att Towne is — so much as the ffiils people pay now towards the bell at 
Towne the Towne side will pay so much towards a Bell for them." 

Dea. Francis Page, Lieut. John Smith, Benjamin Shaw, Sen., Henry 
Dearborn and Lieut. John Moulton were appointed "to sett in the 
fore seat of the Meeting-house, before the Pulpitt." 

The town also voted that the following women, viz. : "Mrs. "VYeare 
Sen., Hannah Gove, Hen. Dearborn's wife, Ben. Shaw's wife, Hannah 
Dearborn, Senior, sitt in the fore seat att the East end of the Meet- 
ing-house below." 

"These men are voted to sett in the second seat before the pulpitt, 
below : Ens. Daniel Tilton, Ens. Tho : Robey, Timothy Hilyard, John 
Redman, Senior, Left. Joseph Swett and Joseph Moulton." 



374 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

''The Towne haue uoted and do desire the pressent Selectmen to 
use their discreation to order and Regulate the sitting of such peopell 
in the meeting-house, as haue not bin already placed." 

The next winter the town apijointed John Dearborn, Sen., Ens. 
John Gove, and Simon Dow, a committee to build a Barn on the par- 
sonage, for the use of the minister, and instructed them to build it 
"every vva}- according to the dimensions of Peter Johnson's new 
barn." 

In the early part of the year 1704, the town passed the following 
vote: "That the present selectmen take care that all tiie chi}' walls 
in the meeting-house, that are not ceil'd, shall be smoothed over with 
clay and washed with white Lime & made Hansom;" and also that 
they should "haue the floor over the Beams covered with boards seas- 
oned and jointed, and nailed down." 

About two years afterward, the selectmen were directed to make 
further repairs : "that is to say — larth all the clay walls and daub 
them and wash them over with white lime ; mend the glass windows, 
cause shetts to be made to preserve the glass for the ffuter, and to 
shingle it anew ; and lay the flore over the Beames ; and to make a 
Rate to pay fTor the same." 

The next winter the town chose Mnj. Joseph Smith, Samuel Dow, 
and E|)hraim Marston, a committee "for to give Liberty to thos men 
that will Apeare for to build Puese in the Hinder Seates in the meet- 
ing-house." 

MR. cotton's death AND OBITUARY. 

After a pastorate of thirteen years and four months, and a ministry 
of considerably more than twenty years, Mr. Cotton was suddenly 
removed from his people by death, March 27, 1710, at the age of 51 
years, 10 months and 19 days. 

About one month after his death, there was a meeting of the in- 
habitants, and the town voted to pay tlie charge of his funeral by way 
of a rate. It was also voted that Mrs. Cotton should have the im- 
provement of the parsonage till the next fall, for the benefit of her- 
self and family. 

The following obituary appeared in the Boston Neios Letter.^ of 
April 10, 1710, two weeks after Mr. Cotton's death: 

"On Monday last, the 27th of March, at Hampton in New Hamp- 
shire, Dyed the Reverend Mr. John Cotton, Minister of the said Town, 
in a very sudden and surprising manner, having been very well all the 
d:iy, and in the evening till just after Supper, when he was taken with 
a Fittof an Apoplexj' (as 'tis believed) and within a few minutes be- 
came speechless, and Dyed about Eleven o'clock the same night. H 



REV. JOHN cotton's MINISTRY. 1686-1710. 375 

was the Wortliy Grandson and Heir of the Famous INIr. John Cotton, 
B. D. — one of the first and most considerable ministers that came to 
New England at its first Settlement. He was bred at Harvard Col- 
lege in New England, and for many years an Ornament and Fellow 
of that Society : and from thence in the year 1G8G, he removed to 
Hampton, where he succeeded his Father, Mr. Seaborn Cotton, in the 
ministry of that Place. He was very much and deservedly beloved 
and esteemed, not only by his own People, but by all who knew and 
conversed with him, for his eminent Piety and great Learning, liis 
excellent Preaching, his Catholic Principles, and Universal Charity, his 
profitable, pleasant, virtuous, and delightful conversation, and for 
his Generous Hospitality to Strangers. And ^s he was an Honour to 
his Country where he was Born, and the College where he was Bred, 
and the Family from whence he came, so he is justly Lamented by 
them all. He Dyed in the 52nd Year of his Age, and on Friday the 
31st, he was Interred with great Solemnity, a Funeral Sermon being 
Preach'd b}' the Reverend Mr. Rogers of Ipswich, on that Text, John 
9:4. 'I must work the work of him that sent me while it is day ; 
the night cometh when no man can work.'" 

The following sketch of Mr. Cotton's character, is from the pen of 
Rev. Jabez Fitch, of Portsmouth : 

"He was a person of great learning and integrity, much given to 
hospitality, very pleasing and profitable, facetious and instructive in 
his conversation ; affable, courteous and obliging in his carriage to 
all, and universal!}' beloved ; accurate in his sermons, and very in- 
dustrious in his preparations for the pulpit." 

DEACONS. 

In our account of the church thus far, we have mentioned no other 
officers than pastor and teacher, whose appropriate duties, when both 
officers were found in the same church, may be briefly stated, as fol- 
lows : "In the forenoon of the Sabbath, the pastor preached; in the 
afternoon, the teacher. In one part of the day, the pastor offered 
the prayer that preceded the sermon, and the teacher the closing 
prayer; and in the other part, the order was reversed. The teacher 
pronounced the benediction at the close of the morning service, and 
the pastor, at the close of the evening. At the celebration of the 
Lord's Supper, one of the ministers performed the first part of the 
service, and the other, the last; the order in which they officiated, 
being reversed at each communion. The ordinance of baptism was 
likewise administered either bj' the pastor or the teacher." 



376 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Tlie onl}^ officers this church has ever had, besides tlie ministers, 
are the deacons and clerks. Of several of the ear!}' deacons, our 
account must be very meager, for hick of information. In the ab- 
sence of church records, it is only b}^ tradition, or from some inci- 
dental mention of their names and titles, in the town records, and 
some other old writings, that we know by whom the office was held. 

In the infancy of the church, it is pretty' evident, that there was but 
one deacon, and the first person who held the office was Christopher 
Hussey, a son-in-law of the first pastor. We have no means of know- 
ing the time of his election, but in the town records, under date of 
June 30, 1640, he is styled "the present deacon." Thirteen 3'ears 
afterward, he was chosen a military officer and accepted the appoint- 
ment. As tlicse offices were then held to be incompatible with each 
other, he, of necessit}-, ceased to be deacon of the church. 

The successors of Deacon Hussey were William Godfrey and Eob- 
ert Page. Which of them was first elected, or whether both were 
chosen at the same time, is not known. The first instance in which 
the title is given them in the town records, is under date of December 
20, 1660, where each of them is styled "deacon," in the sauie connec- 
tion. This, however, does not prove that they liad not been sev- 
eral years in office before that time ; for l>oth of them are sometimes 
mentioned afterward as well as before, without the title of deacon. 
They both ai)pear to have remained in office till the close of life. 
Deacon Godfrey died March 25, 1671, and Deacon Page, September 
22, 1679. 

The next deacon was Francis Page, a son of Deacon Robert Page, 
and he was probably elected to office soon after the death of his father. 
He veas the only deacon in office at the time of Mr. John Cotton's or- 
dination. November 1, 1699, "Thomas Dearborn and Serg* Thomas 
Philbrick were chosen deacons, and added as such to Dea. Page." If 
Sergt. Philbrick accepted the appointment his term of office vvas very 
brief, for he died Nov. 20, 1700. Dea. Francis Page died Nov. 14, 
1706. Twelve days after his death, there was achurcii meeting, when 
Gershom Elkins and Samuel Shaw were chosen deacons "y'' one for 
y*' Town : y" other for y*^ falls, to join w^'' Deacon Dearborn in y* of- 
fice." These three deacons were in office at the time of Mr. John 
Cotton's death, but Dea. Dearborn died on the 14th of the next month. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

PASTORS GOOKIN AND WARD COTTON — NEW PARISHES, 1710-1837. 
REV. NATHANIEL GOOKIN, 1710-1734. 

HARDLY had the lale pastor rested from his labors and gone 
to his reward, before the enquiry was earnestly made, Who 
sliull supply his place? People at that day were not, in general, as 
fastidious on this subject, as they are now. The more important 
qualifications for tlie ministry, they did not overlook. They expect- 
ed their minister to be a consistent christian, deei)ly imbued, not only 
with the love of souls, but also with a love for the ministerial work. 
They believed that he should be a man of respectable abilities, both 
natural and acquired ; but tliought quite as much of diligence in his 
calling, and devotedness to his appropriate work. Pulpit talents of 
a higli order were not despised ; but they were not considered of par- 
amount importance, nor indispensable to a minister's usefulness. 
Still, it was not always easy to find a minister such as was needed. 
Candidates for the sacred office were less numerous then, than now, 
and the qualifications demanded were much more rare than mere literary 
attainments. 

But the efforts made on this occasion proved abundantly success- 
ful, and a man was found, in every way meeting the expectations of 
the people. Scarcely a month had elapsed after their late beloved 
pastor had been so suddenly stricken down in death, when we find 
them in town meeting assembled, not only to make some provision 
for his afflicted family, as was shown in the last chapter, but also 
to adopt measures for obtaining another minister. It was voted 
(April 26, 1710), "that the town is of unanimous mind to hire a min- 
ister for the town." But though the vote was put in this form, it was 
not, in fact, unanimous. The people living at the "Falls," had be- 
fore this time built a meeting-house in that part of the town for their 
own accommodation, and were actually paying for the support of a 
minister, as will be shown in its proper place. Tliese people, there- 
fore dissented from the vote to hire a minister "/or the town." They 
desired that there should be two distinct parishes in the town, and 

(377) 



378 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

that the people of each parish should be responsible for the support 
of their own minister. But a majority were opposed to sucli an ar- 
rangement. They therefore appointed a committee, consisting of 
Deacon Shaw, Deacon Elkins and Mr, John Tuck, to see if they could 
procure a minister for the town. 

The committee appear to liave engaged a man imraediatel.v, for, on 
the 19tli of June, less tlian two montlis from the time of their ap|)oint- 
ment, there was a meeting of the freeholders and inhabitants lo con- 
sider whether they should invite him to become their pastor. It was 
then voted, "that the town is of unanimous mind, that Mr. Nathan- 
iel Gookin shall be called to the work of the ministry in the town." 
The action of the church does not appear from the records. 

The town proposed as a compensation to Mr. Gookin £70 a ^ear, 
to be paid "in the species att the prises that Mr. Cotton's sallery was 
paid in," except that the price of barley was now to be 3s. instead 
of 4s. a bushel, as was stipulated with Mr. Cotton ; and liberty was 
given for an}' man to pa}' his rate in money, if he chose. Tlie town 
also offered 20 cords of wood a year, and a quarterh' contribution, 
and tlie use of the parsonage during his ministry (after tiiat sum- 
mer), tlie town to maintain the outside fences as formerly'. Coup- 
led with this offer, was the condition, that as long as lie should have 
the parsonage in possession, the town would "expect a Lecture 
monthly, and that the town should be at no more charge about the 
glass than they were in Mr. Cotton's time." 

Mr. Gookin asked for a month's time in which to give an answer. 
Maj. Joseph Smith, Deacon Elkins and Sergt. John Tuck were chosen a 
committee to receive his answer and lay it before the town. A meet- 
ing for this purpose was held on the 25th of July. It was voted, 
probably in accordance with the wishes of Mr. Gookin, that the four 
contributions should be made £10 apiece in money, but that whoever 
should enter his dissent against this vote should be exempt from pay- 
ing any part of it. 

Mr. Gookin seems still to have been dissatisfied with the terms of- 
fered him; and the town, probably a little piqued at his course, to 
liave been disinclined to offer more favorable terms. It was there- 
fore voted that a rate should be made forthwith for the pa3ment of £10 
in money to Mr. Gookin for the time that he had been here, and for some 
other charges that might arise. John Dearborn (son of John Dear- 
born, Sen.) was chosen to join with Deacon Elkins and John Tuck, "for 
to look out to see if they can procuer a minister for the Towne." 
The meeting was then adjourned to "Monda}' come fortnight," when 
"every man was to bring his money to Constable llobbs at his house 



NEW PARISHES. 1710-1837. 379 

to pay his rate made for paying Mr. Gookin for the time he had spent 
here." 

At the adjourned meeting, Serg^ Abraham Drake was chosen to go 
to Mr. Gookin along wiih John Deaiborn, to know his lowest terms. 
The committee probably attended to the dut}^ assigned them, and 
made their report at the same meeting, whereupon the town voted 
that one half of the £70 previously offered to Mr. Gookin should be 
paid in money yearl}', so long as he should continue here in the work 
of the ministry, and whenever he should have a family, his £70 
should be made £80. This vote appears to have been satisfactory to 
Mr. Gookin, though his answer, accepting the call, is not on rec- 
ord. 

The ordination took place on the 15tli of November, 1710. The 
charge was given 1)3' Rev. Nathaniel Rogers, of Portsmouth, and the 
rigiit-hand of fellowship, by Rev. John Emerson, of New Castle. 
The next month Mr. Gookin was married. 

At a church meeting in January, 1711, Samuel Dow and Philemon 
Dalton were chosen deacons, to be added to the two in office before. 
At this time was made the first provision on record for meeting the 
expenses of the communion. It was voted, that for providing for 
the Lord's Supper, every communicant should then pay one shilling, 
and the same sum annually for the future. 

THE FALLS CHURCH ORGANIZED. 

Previous to this there had also been another minister ordained in 
Hampton. The design of forming a new parish in the south part of 
the town, which has already been mentioned, though it met with op- 
position at first, was never given up. At length, an amicable arrange- 
ment having been made with the people living at the toivn, a new 
church was organized at the Falls, forty-nine members of the old 
church (including one of the deacons) having been dismissed for this 
purpose, and seven other persons having united with them. On the 
30th of December, 1711, the other deacons — Elkins, Dow, and Dalton 
— were chosen messengers of the old church to attend the ordina- 
tion of a pastor for the new one, which took place three daj's after- 
ward. 

At a church meeting at the close of the year 1712 (thirty-one com- 
municants being present), several important votes were passed: 

First. That there be a Church Record kept by Deacon Dalton. 

Second. That this church will not oblige any person to make a Re- 
lation in order to his being of our communion. 



380 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

TldrcJ. That all persons who desire to join in full communion with 
this church, sliall be first propounded to the church, and that w'hen- 
soever any person makes a relation, it shall be read only to the church, 
and at his first propounding. 

Fonrth. That in an}' case that ma}^ hereafter happen in which this 
church shall want counsel, api)lication shall be made by the church 
to the Elders of the churches of this Province, when assembled to- 
gether, and that all matters shall be determined by their advice. 

Fifth. That when any member of this church is aggrieved, or does 
suppose himself to be aggrieved by this cliurch, he shall appl}' him- 
self to the Elders of the churches of this Province, and be determined 
by their advice. 

Sixth. That whensoever we shall by the Providence of God be 
destitute of a Pastor, we will not proceed to the settling [of] another, 
without tiie advice of the Elders of the churches of this Province when 
assembled together. 

COMMUNION SERVICE PURCHASED. 

Upon the same day the deacons gave an account of the commun- 
ion ware, etc., which they had in their hands, belonging to the 
church. The whole was of but little value, viz. : 3 flagons, 1 tank- 
ard, and 1 basin, all of them pewter : — 1 table cloth and 5 napkins. 
It was therefore proposed that money should be raised by subscrip- 
tion, for purchasing suitable vessels for the communion service of 
the church. A subscription was accordingly opened, and £32 Is. 
subscribed by eighty persons, in sums varying from £2 to Is. 

Deacon Dow was sent to Boston to procure the articles needed. He 
bought 8 silver beakers, or cups, which with 4 others like them, pur- 
chased in 1744, still belong to the church, and are all in good con- 
dition. The cost of the eight cups was £29. The church allowed 
Deacon Dow 20s. for his journey to Boston, and the remainder of the 
sum raised was expended for four pewter dishes. 

Tiie first case of discipline on record is that of a female member 
of the church, who was accused of stealing, in 1714. She acknowl- 
edged herself guilty, and by a unanimous vote she was suspended from 
the privileges of the church. 

Dea. Samuel Dow died June 20, 1714. On the 19th of July fol- 
lowing, John Tuck was chosen to fill the vacancy occasionetl by his 
death. 

Dea. Gershom Elkins died January 12, 1718, aged nearly 78 years ; 
and Dea. Philemon Dalton died K\n\\ 5, 1721, aged 56 3'ears. At a 
full meeting of the church a few days after the death of the latter — 



NEW PARISHES. 1710-1837. 381 

fifty-four of the brethren being present — three deacons were chosen 
to join vvitli Deacon Tuck in that office. These were John Dearborn 
(son of Henry), John Dearborn (son of John), and Josiaii Moulton. 

THE FOURTH MEETING-HOUSE. 

In 1718 some incii)ient steps were taicen for building a meeting- 
house on tlie "town side," to take tlie place of the one that had been 
built about forty years before. The town (except the portion belong- 
ing to the new parish) held a meeting on the subject in September, 
and after voting "y* a new meeting house be built for s*^ parrish, 
to be sett on y^ meeting house green as neare y^ pres- 
ent meeting house as shall be judged convenient," chose Capt. Jabez 
Dow and Dea. John Tuck to take the subject into consideration, and 
report at an adjourned meeting "what manner of house should be 
built," and give the town such information as they might, in the 
meantime, be able to collect. The meeting was then adjourned to 
the next lecture-day — four weeks from that time. 

At the adjourned meeting, it was voted to build a house of specified 
dimensions, with a steeple, or turret at one end thereof "from y« 
beanie upward, of convenient & suitable bigness and height." Capt. 
Jabez Dow, Serg*. John Sanborn, Sanniel Nudd, Hezekiah Jenness 
and John Dearborn (cooper) — "they or y^ major part of them" — were 
chosen a building committee, and it was voted, "that when y'^coihitte 
shall giue notice to y*^ people y*^ belongs to s'^ meeting house, they 
shall assist in y^ Raising thereof." 

It appears not to have been intended that the house should be built 
till the next spring. About the time when the work was to be com- 
menced, another meeting was held, when some alterations were made 
in the dimensions of the house, to improve its proportions and make 
it "handsomer." It was voted that it should be 60 feet long, 40 feet 
wide, "beside the jetts," and 28 feet stud. It was also voted, that 
the glass of the old meeting-house should be used in glazing and the 
seats and other inside work, in finishing the new one. 

The frame of this Meetinghouse — the fourth in the order of suc- 
cession — was raised on the 13th and 14th of May, 1719; and it was 
so far finished that it was occupied as a place of worship, for the first 
time, on the 18lli of October following. Only one pew had then 
been built, and that for the use of the minister's family. For the rest 
of the congregation, seats only had been provided. Other pews were 
built at different times afterward. 

The next spring the town chose Capt. Joshua Wingate and Samuel 
Nudd a committee to sell the old meeting-house, as advantageously 



382 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

for the town as the}' coukl, the proceeds to be "for the use & benefitt 
of y*^ Rever'i Mr. Nath'. Gookin." 

Not far from this time, a new bell was procured for the meeting- 
house, which, unfortunate!}', was at once so injured as to be unfit for 
use. The tradition coneorning it is, the bell was bought in Boston 
and brought to Hampton by water; and while it was still on board 
the vessel, which was lying at the Landing, it was suspended over 
the deck for the purpose of making some experiment to gratify an idle 
curiosity. In making the experiment the bell was broken. 

A meeting was called to devise means to purchase another bell. 
It was voted "that y** bell y"^ is through casualty or mishap broke, be 
forthwith sent to England y*^ it may be exchanged for another neare 
y*^ same bigness and y*^ selectmen are impowered to raise money to 
pay for y* which is broke and also for that which it is to be exchanged 
for, & likewise are to send y'' broken bell away as soon as may be." 

In 1725, nine persons were dismissed from this church to form one 
in Kingston. 

The GREAT EARTHQUAKE of 1727 lias been described in Chapter X. 
We now recur to it, for the purpose of relating the religious interest 
awakened among this people in connection with it. The day on which 
it occurred was the Sabbath, October 29. In the afternoon, Mr. 
Gookin preached from Ezekiel 7 : 7. — '"The dny of trouble is near." 
In his introductory remarks, he said : ''I do not pretend to a gift of 
foretelling future things ; but the impression that these words have 
made upon my mind in the week past, so that I could not bend my 
tho'ls to prepare a discourse on any other subject, saving that on 
which I discoursed in the forenoon, which was something of the same 
nature ; I say, it being thus, I know not but there may be a particular 
warning designed by God, of some day of trouble near, perhaps to 
me, perhaps to you., perhaps to all of us." 

A few hours passed away and in the stillness of the evening the 
earthquake came, "with a terrible noise something like thunder," and 
"the houses trembled as if they were falling." Consternation seized 
both man and beast. "The brute creation ran roaring about the fields, 
as in the greatest distress ; and mankind were as much surprised as 
they, and some with a very great terror." All "saw a necessity for 
looking to God for his protection." 

The people of the town met together the next Wednesday, Novem- 
ber 1, and Mr. Gookin preached a solemn and impressive discourse 
from Deuteronomy 5: 29. Thursday of the second week after was 



NEW PARISHES. 1710-1837. 383 

observed here as a Public Fast, when Mr. Gookiu again preached 
from the same text as in the afternoon before the earthquake, dis- 
coursing on his subject agreeably to the plan then laid out. His plan 
was fully carried out in these two discourses and a third one preached 
from the same text on the last Sabbath in November. The people 
generally were thoughtful and serious. Many were found "'asking 
the way to Zion, with their faces thitherward." Soon after, additions 
were made to the church, mostly of persons in the prime of life. Be- 
fore the close of the following year, more than seventy were admitted 
to full communion, and a considerable number of others owned the 
covenant. 

THE NEW CHURCH AT RYE. 

In 1726, a church was organized and a pastor settled in the recently 
incorporated town of Rye, lying north of the easterly pjirt of Hamp- 
ton. Settlements had been made there many years before, but as no 
church had been formed, those persons wishing to make a profession 
of religion united with the neighboring churches. A considerable 
number were members of the Hampton church. These, with some 
others living here, near the border of Kye, twenty in all, were dis- 
missed in July, for the purpose of being, with others, organized in- 
to a church at Rye. • 

In 1725, and several succeeding years, the town paid Mr. Gookin 
£20 a year in addition to his regular salary. 

In 1728, the selectmen were impowered to let out the hinder seat 
on the south side of the lower gallery, and to make a pew for the 
young women, at the east end of the women's loiuer gallery. The 
meeting-house, built in 1719, had two galleries, one above the other. 
The upper gallery was kept closed during the latter part of the time 
in which this house was occupied. 

MR. GOOKIn's assistants. 

Late in Mr. Gookin's ministry, his health became so much impaired, 
that he could not perform all the pastoral and parochial labors to which 
he had been accustomed. His people, aware of this, wished to re- 
lieve him as far as they were able. Accordingly, at a meeting of the 
freeholders, in the summer of 1729, the deacons were instructed to 
hire an assistant ; but who was employed is not on record. About 
three years afterward, a Mr. Gilman served in that capacity for at 
least seven or eight months. Preachers were hired after this, three 
months at a time, till the annual meeting in 1734. During a part of 



384 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

1733, Mr. Solomon Page, a native of Hampton, who was, perhaps 
at that time, a schoohnaster in tlie town, was the man employed ;^ 
and in the latter part of the same year, Mr. Ward Cotton was the 
pastor's assistant. 

MR. WARD COTTON, COLLEAGUE. 

At the annual town meeting in 1734, there being no longer any ex- 
pectation that Mr. Goolvin would ever recover his healtl), a committee 
was chosen to advise with him, whether it miglit not be expedient to 
settle some man in the ministry, and if not, to consider what should 
be done. In case it should be tliouglit advisable, the committee were 
also authorized to treat with Mr. Cotton, to know whether he w\as 
willing to settle witli them as their minister. The committee con- 
sisted of the following persons: Capt. Jonathan Marston, Samuel 
Palmer, Jun., Capt. Jabez Dow, Christopiier Page, Sen., Dea. Jo- 
siah Moulton, and Simon Marston. As the result of their negotiation, 
Mr. Ward Cotton was settled as colleague with Mr. Gookin, the next 
June. 

The senior pastor's health continued to decline a few weeks longer, 
and on Sabbatli day, the 25th of August, 1784, he fell asleep in death, 
at the age of nearly forty-eight years — about one-half of his life hav- 
ing been spent in his ministry among this people. 

During his ministry three hundred twenty persons were admitted to 
full communion with the church, and about nine hundred seventy-five, 
baptized. 

On Monda}', the next day after the death of Mr. Gookin, there was 
a meeting of the freeholders, when it was voted to raise £100 in 
money, one half of which — if so large a sum should be needed, — should 
be appropriated to defray the funeral charges, and the remainder of 
the £100 be expended in clothing for the widow and children of the 
deceased pastor. The whole matter was committed to the manage- 
ment of the selectmen. 

A slab of fine slate, erected at the expense of the town, marks the 
grave where he was interred in the old Burying Yard. On the slab 
is the following inscription, still very legible after the lapse of more 
than one hundred fifty years : 

"Here lyes Interred the Body of the Rev*^ Mr. Nathaniel Gookin, 
M. A. & late Paftor of the 1^* Church of Christ in Hampton, who 
died Aug. 25, mdccxxxiv in the 48^^ year of his Age, & the 27^'^ of 
his Ministry. 

»Chap. xxvn. 



NEW PARISHES. 1710-1837. 385 

He was A Judicious Divine, A Celebrated Preacher, A most Vigi- 
lant & faillifiil Pastor, A bright Ornament of Learning and Rkligion, 
An Excellent Pattern of Piety, CHAiuTr & Hospitality." 

Mr. Gookin's sermon in the afternoon before the "great earthquake," 
gained for liim, in some quarters, the reputation of being a prophet. 
It is said that some of the Quakers reproved him for neglecting "to 
improve his gift." It is hardl}- necessary to add, that Mr. Gookin 
himself disclaimed any such gift. 

One of the most striking characteristics of Mr. Gookin was the 
gravity and unassumed dignity of his manners. Several anecdotes 
are related, illustrative of this. On one occasion during his ministry, 
the royal governor of the province, when passing through the town, 
stopped at Colonel Wingate's for refreshment. ^ While there, he was 
called upon by Mr, Gookin. After he had retired, the governor re- 
marked, that he had had interviews with his majesty, king George, and 
his ministers, and witli man}' members of Parliament, but never before 
had he met with any man of equal dignity with this minister of the 
gospel. 

The following obituary of Rev. Mr. Gookin was written by Rev. 
"Ward Cotton, the surviving pastor of the church, and entered on the 
Town Records, August 28, 1734. 

"On Lord's day morning, the 25th instant, died here Rev. Mr. Na- 
thaniel Gookin, in the 48th year of his age. He was the son of the 
Rev. Mr. Nathaniel Gookin, minister of Cambridge, and grandson to 
the Hon. Major General [Daniel] Gookin. He had a liberal Educa- 
tion in the School and College at Cambridge ; his natural powers were 
quick & strong, and his Improvements in Learning and Religion were 
very remarkable ; and by his close Application to his studies, es- 
pecially in Divinity, he made an early & bright appearance in the 
pulpit [in] 1710. Upon the death of the venerable Mr. John Cotton, 
our former pastor, he was called & ordained to the pastoral office in 
this town, in which station his natural and acquired abilities, in con- 
junction with his sincere piety and steady prudence, zeal & faithfull- 
ness in his Lord's work, rendered him truly great and good ; a star 
of the first magnitude, highly esteemed & beloved by all that knew 
him. He was justly esteemed by the most judicious, a well accom- 
plished Divine, a judicious Casuist excellently qualified both to feed 
& guide the flock of Christ; an eminent preacher, excelling in the most 
correct phrase, clear method, sound scriptural Reasoning, a mascu- 
line style, manly voice, grave utterance, and a lively, close applica- 



»p. 127. 

25 



386 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

tion to bis hearers, with great affection, and yet free from affectation. 
The classis of Ministers to which he belonged, placed much of their 
glory in him, and liighly vahied liis judgment in all cases that came 
before them. He was a zealous asserter of the civil Rights, and Re- 
ligious liberties of mankind. His temper was grave & thoughtful, 
yet at times cheerful and free ; and his conversation very entertain- 
ing. In his conduct he was ever prudent, and careful of Ins character, 
both as a minister and as a christian. He was much given to hospi- 
tality, and took great pleasure in entertaining such as he might im- 
prove [himself] by conversing with ; — a gentleman of a generous and 
catholic spirit ; a hearty friend to his country, and to our ecclesiasti- 
cal constitution ; And always approved himself a bright example of 
those Doctrines and virtues, which he so plainly preached and earn- 
estly recommended to others. 

For some time before his death, he was diverted from his beloved 
work by a sore malady that affected his throat or palate, which 
depressed his voice and obstructed his speech ; whereby being taken 
off from that which was so much his proper element, he at lengtii fell 
under the sad impression of a slow fever, under which he languished 
for three or four months, bearing all his trials with an admirable pa- 
tience and submission, and at last with great peace and comfort, re- 
signed his spirit to God that gave it, with him to keep an everlasting 
Sabbalii. 

He left behind him a sorrowful widow, the pious and virtuous 
daughter of our former pastor, and nine children, six sons and three 
daughters, many of which are in tiieir tender infanc}^, whose circum- 
stances passionately bespeak the generous charity of such as abound, 
and are able to minister to their support. 

He was this day honorably interred, with great respect and deep 
lamentation, after a funeral sermon preached by Rev. Mr. Fitch, 
from Acts 13 : 36 ; and his generous and affectionate people were at 
the charge of his funeral & unanimously voted one hundred pound 
.[£100] for that end ; and as their liberality has abounded to their 
venerable pastor, both living and dying, so it is hoped that they will 
continue their kindness to the sorrowful widow and orphans. 

During his contlnement, with his free consent the Reverend Mr. 
Ward Cotton was introduced, and settled as his Colleague in the pas- 
toral oflice, who now survives as his successor, for whom what can 
we desire better than that the mantle of the departed Elijah may fall 
and rest U[)on Elisha?" 

Six years, or more, before his death, this worthy minister remarked, 
that in case he should be taken away from his family, his great com- 



NEW PARISHES. 1710-1837. 387 

fort, next to his hope in the most merciful providence of God, was 
that he should leave them with a kind and loving people. Ilis con- 
fidence in his peoi)le was not misplaced. Indeed, he then a(*knov*l('dged 
"the rej)eated instances of kindness," which the}' had shown liim, and 
in parLicuIai', a ''late signal expression of their love." For. several 
years previous, the town had from year to year voted him £20 in ad- 
dition to his stated salary; but W\q\v late signal expression of love., here 
referred to, was probably an offer on the part of his people, to assist 
in the education of his eldest son, as related by Mi'. Gookin himself 
in the following letter: 

"Hampton, in New Hampshire, June 12th, 1731. 
Dear Brother : I think I shall not be with you at the Commence- 
ment. I hope you and my other Friends will direct my Son in any 
thing" wherein he wants : He is now to take his Degree, and I take 
the Occasion of it to let you know the remarkable Kindness of .my 
Neighbors to me. Since he has been at the College, they have by 
fiee Contributions given me One Hundred and Fifteen Pounds, to as- 
sist me in Maintaining him there ; and they did it with all the Free- 
dom that can be imagined ; I having never asked them to do it, nor 
indeed, did I so much as think of such a thing till of their own accord 
they offered it. You may inform who 3'ou please of this, for, indeed, 
one end of my Writing it is, that other Congregations may be stirred 
up by this good Example, to do the like for their Ministers : I hoast 
of my Parishoners, hoping that their Zeal in this nfiatter ivill provoJce 
many others to go and do likewise. 

1 am, dear Sir, your affectionate Brother. 

The town having made provision for paying the expenses of the 
funeral of Mr. Gookin, soon after provided for his bereaved family. 
At a meeting of the freeholders, September 16, 1734, it was voted 
that the rate that had been recently made for Mr. Gookin's support, 
and committed to the constable, should be collected and given to Mrs. 
Gookin. It was also voted : 

"To give Mrs. Gookin liberty to keep three or four of her own cows 
and a horse from year to year in y*' home pastor [pasture] & liberty 
to cut hay a noff [enough] upon the marsh to keep them in y® winter," 
and to give her ''fifteen cord of wood from 3'ear to year during her 
present widowhood in this town." 

About three months afterward, further provision was made for her 
support. It was voted to give £40 in money and £40 in provision 
"at the present currency" yearly after the expiration of the year for 
which provision had already been made. 



388 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

The parsonage-house, or so much of it as she needed, was occupied 
by her, till the town provided her with another house, thougli this ap- 
pears not to have been granted by any formal vote. 

At another meeting of the freeholders, it was voted with but one 
dissenting vote, to build a house for Mrs. Gookin to live in during 
her present widowhood. The house was accordingly l)uilt '-between 
Mr. Rand's house and Capt. Jabez Smith's land on the most con- 
venient spot near the lane" — land now owned by Christopher G. Top- 
pan, on "Rand's hill." It was 26 feet in length, 28 in width, and 15 
feet post ''between the sills and y*^ top of y*^ plate," with a cellar un- 
der it 16 feet square. 

Morris Hobbs, Jun., and Philip Towle agreed to build this house, 
finding the materials and doing the work "for £200 money, in bills 
of credit," and to complete it by the last of October, 1735. Some 
of the timber, however, was cut on the parsonage by the contractors, 
for which the town charged them nothing. 

At the annual meeting in March, 1735, it was voted to give Madam 
Gookin five cords of wood for that year, in addition to the fifteen 
cords formerly granted. Whereupon twenty loads of wood were im- 
mediately subscribed, in lieu of the five cords voted. It was also 
voted that she should have the improvement, for that year, of the gar- 
den at the west end of the parsonage house. One year later the town 
voted to build a yard about Madam Gookin's new house. She was 
at that time occupying the house. Again, on the 19th of April, the 
town voted to build a barn for her use, 25 feet square and 12 feet 
post, to be well finished ; for building which the town agreed to give 
John Marston £30, and this sum was afterward increased to £35. 

When, several years after this, a new parish was formed in the 
north part of the town, and again at a still later date, when that parish 
was incorporated, and made entirely distinct from the old town (ex- 
cept in making the Province tax and in choosing a representative), 
it was expressly provided that the new parish, or town, should pay a 
just proportion of the sum appropriated for the support of Madam 
Gookin. 

The foregoing provisions for her support, so cheerfully made, were 
never regarded as burdensome. It was, however, well understood from 
the first, that the obligations thus voluntarily assumed, would be ter- 
minated — except the annual payment of £40 in mouey and £40 in pro- 
vision — by her re-marriage, or in case she should remove from the 
town, be suspended during her absence. In January, 1740, her eldest 
daughter was married to Rev. Peter Coffin, of East Kingston, and 
then, or subsequently. Madam Gookin went to live with this daughter, 
and remained with her through life. 



NEW PARISHES. 1710-1837. 389 

At a church meeting, May 15, 1748, it was voted almost unani- 
mously to have a contribution the next Sabbath for the relief of 
Madam Gookin, who had been "for more than ten weeks lying under 
God's chastening hand at Kingston" (P^ast Kingston). The contri- 
bution was taken according to this vote on the next Sabbath, May 
22nd, and amounted to £4G old tenor. But this was too late for the 
relief of Madnm Gookin, who had died two days before. 

The town afterward appropriated £70 old tenor, towards paying the 
funeral charges. 

THE HAMPTON FALLS CHURCH. 

On Mr. Gookin's death, in 1734, Mr Cotton became sole pastor of 
the church. Let us leave the situation thus, and turn aside to see how 
it has fared with the new chui ch across Taylor's river, the formation 
of which has been briefly noticed. We may here note also, the sub- 
sequent formation of new parishes originating in this church. 

In the beginning of the Hampton Falls settlement, ecclesiastical 
and secular affairs are so intimately blended, it is impossible to sep- 
arate them. When the meeting-house was built, mentioned in their 
first petition to the General Assembly, in 1709, is not known; nor is 
it certain who was the minister, though there is reason to think it was 
a resident school-master, named Thomas Crosby, a son of Rev. Sea- 
born Cotton's second wife by a former marriage. That he was not 
qualified to administer the rite of btiptism, and consequently, not 
ordained, seems evident; because after the petition of 1709 had been 
granted, and Rev. Theophilus Cotton had begun his labors there, under 
date June 17, 1711, the following minute appears on the Hampton 
Records : "Samuel, son of Mr. Pottle, was the first that was baptized 
in Falls meeting-house." But Mr. Cotton himself was not ordained 
at that time, and the child was baptized by the pastor of the Hamp- 
ton church. 

The meeting-house stood on the Hill, near the present site of the 
Weare monument, and appears to have been a rude building, occu- 
pied in an unfinished state till long after Hampton Falls became a 
separate town. In 1723, the burying-grouud, on the Exeter road, 
near by, was fenced in. 

Rev. Theophilus Cotton was born at Plymouth, May 5, 1682. He 
finished his course at Harvard at the age of nineteen. Of the next 
eight years of his life we know nothing, but naturally conjecture that 
he studied theology with his father, and preached as opportunity 
offered. He went to Hampton Falls sometime between December 3, 
1709, and May 13, 1710, and preached there nearly two years before 
the church was organized. 



390 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

On the 9th of December, 1711, forty-niue members of the old church 
in Hampton were dismissed, in order to form the Hampton Falls church ; 
and four days afterward, amid the solemnities of a day of fasting and 
prayer, the new church was organized Avith twenty one male and 
thirty-five female members. The Rev. Mr. Gushing of Salisbury, 
preached on the occasion ; and Rev. Messrs. Gookin of Hampton and 
Odlin of Exeter assisted in the service. 

Four weeks later, January 2, 1712, Mr. Cotton was ordained. 
The salary was at first sixty pounds and firewood, and the use of a 
parsonage of thirty acres; to which, after a few years, twenty pounds 
and more land were added. 

Mr. Cotton married Mnry, widow of Dr. Gedney of Salem, and 
daughter of Mr. Gookin of Cambridge. They had no children. 

His ministry of about fifteen years seems to have been altogether 
a peaceful one, marked by no unusual events. Ninety-eight persons 
were received to full commiinion, thirty-five owned the covenant and 
four hundred sixty-eight were baptized. Mr. Cotton died August 16, 
1726, so that his ministry covers the whole time of the ecclesiastical 
connection of Hampton Falls with the old town. Rev. Mr. Gookin of 
Hampton preached funeral sermons on the following Sabbath, from 
2 Cor. 5 : 4, and John 5 : 35. Mr. Cotton was buried in the cemetery 
near the church, and a monument erected over his grave, bearing this 
inscription : ''Here lyes ye body of ye Revd. Mr. Theophihis Cotton 
ye First Minister of ye Church at Hamptoufalls, who, after he had 
served God faithfully in his generation. Deceased, August ye 16th, 
1726, in ye 45*** year of his age. Blessed are the dead which die in the 
Lord." 

Succeeding pastors of this church were : Rev. Joseph Whipple, 
1727-1757; Rev. Josiah Bailey, 1757-1762 ; Rev. Paine Wingate,i 
1763-1776; Rev. Samuel Langdon, D.D.,^ 1781-1797; Rev. Jacob 
Abbot,3 1798-1827. 

Rev. Moses Dow preached in Hampton Falls about three years, 
from 1830. In the summer of 1834, Rev. Henry C. Jewett supplied 
the pulpit ; and during his stay, a separation took place — a majority 
of the parish, with a small portion of the church becoming Unitarian, 
and the remainder forming the nucleus of a new church, worshipping for 
a time in the old meeting-house in Seabiook. In 1836, a new house 
was built near the line between Hampton Falls and Seabrook. July 
12, 1837, Rev. Sereno T. Abbott was ordained pastor, and the same 

'See Genealogies — Wingate (1). 

^I'lesitleut Ilarv. Univ. 1774-1780. 

'The last minister settlert by tlie town. [See Genealogies — Abbot.] 



NEW PARISHES. 1710-1837. 391 

day, a new chnrch was organized, now generally known as the Line 
church, receiving into it the last survivor of the old Seabrook church. 
The Unitarian division assumed the name of "The First Church of 
Hampton Falls," and employed Rev. Linus H. Shaw as pastor for 
about a year. In 1841, the Unitarians of Hampton Falls and Ken- 
sington united, and Rev. Jacob Caldwell was ordained to minister to 
the two societies. 

THE KENSINGTON SEPARATION FROM THE HAMPTON FALLS CHURCH. 

August 19, 1737, an act was passed, establishing a parish by the 
name of Kensington, in the west part of Hampton Falls. 

The first meeting-house was erected about one-half mile north of 
the old burying-ground. It was removed, however, to the present 
site of the town-house before it was finished. The second house was 
built on the same spot in 1771, and remained till 1846, when it was 
taken down and the town-house built in its place. The third meeting- 
house was built by the united labors of different denominations, near 
the old one, in 1839. 

Fifty-seven persons were dismissed from the church in Hampton 
Falls, October 4, 1737, ''■to incorporate at Kensington. "^ Two days 
later, fourteen persons, including the pastor elect, were dismissed from 
the old church in Hampton, for the same purpose, and the church was 
organized the same day, October 6, 1737. Rev. Jeremiah Fogg was 
ordained November 23, of the same year, the pastors of Hampton and 
Hampton Falls assisting on the occasion. Mr. Fogg's ministry con- 
tinued more than fifty years. The greater part of it appears to have 
been peaceful and acceptable ; but near the close of his life some ec- 
clesiastical difficulties arose, which led to the calling of several coun- 
cils, and Mr. Fogg was dismissed in September, 1789. Shortly after- 
ward, he died and was buried in the old cemetery in Kensington. His 
gravestone bears this inscription : "In Memory of the Rev. Jeremiah 
Fogg, A.M. who died Dec. 1, 1789, in the 78'^ year of his age and the 
52"*^ of his Ministry. 'Mark the perfect man, and behold the upright, 
for the end of that man is peace.' " [See Genealogies — Fogg (9). ] 

Aftei; Mr. P'ogg's death, the people of Kensington continued in a 
divided state for several years ; but united at length in a call to Rev. 
Naphtali Shaw, who was ordained and settled June 30, 1793, and 
continued pastor almost twenty j^ears, when, on account of ill health, 
he was dismissed January 13, 1813, and Rev. Nathaniel Kennedy, a 
Scotchman by birth, but said to have come from Ireland, was in- 
stalled pastor the same day. He was dismissed July 1, 1816, and 
died in Philadelphia in 1843 or '44. 

m. F. chh. rec. 



392 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Rev. Joseph A. E. Long was tlie next stated preacher, closing a 
two years' couuectiou with the church in 1823. At a later period, he 
returned for a short time. The churcli covenant was revised during 
Mr. Shaw's ministry and again by Mr. Long. Afterward, the Uni- 
tarian form was adopted. The pulpit was supplied by occasional 
preachers, till a union was formed with the Unitai'ian society of Hamp- 
ton Falls in 1841. 

THE SKABKOOK SEPARATION FROJI THE HAMPTON FALLS CHURCH. 

November 21, 1765, fifty-six inhabitants of Hampton Falls, pro- 
fessing dissatisfaction with Rev. Paine Wingate, on account of doc- 
trine, and declaring themselves Presbyterians, having already foniied 
a church, built a meeting-house and settled a minister, petitioned the 
General Court to be set off as a distinct parish, ''for ministerial affah'S 
only." 

A counter petition was presented, January 1, 1766, by a committee 
chosen by the town, Hon. Meshech Weare, chairman, desiring that, 
if they be set off at all, it be absolutely, as a distinct town. The lat- 
ter petition prevailed, and the south part of Hampton Falls became 
the town of Seabrook in 1768.1 

The dissenting church was organized about the first of November, 
1764, under the Presbyterian form of government, and connected with 
the Boston Presbytery. It was composed principally of persons from 
the Hampton Falls church, as above stated. The meeting-house was 
built in 1763, and still remains standing in Seabrook, remodelled, as a 
Baptist church and town-house. Rev. Samuel Perley was the first 
and only Presbyterian pastor. He was ordained January 31, 1765, 
and remained till the beginning of the Revolutionary war. The next 
year, Mr. Wingate retired from the Hampton Falls church, and those 
who had withdrawn from his ministry to form the Presbyterian church 
returned and were readmitted. 

After this there was no regular preaching at the Seabrook church 
for more than twenty years. About the year 1799, a new church was 
formed, on Congregational principles, and Rev. Elias Hull was settled 
as its pastor, continuing till his death, February 28, 1822. Then the 
church became scattered. Some removed from the place, some died, 
some went to other denominations, and two aged women alone re- 
mained. One of these lived to join the Line church, in 1837. 

THE SOCIETY OF FRIENDS. ^ 

[fHkeich by the late Oliver Eaton , Esq., of Seabrook ] 

At the Salisbury Court, 14 : 2IIIo : 1674, thirteen persons, all belong- 

1 Piov. Pap. ix: 373. ^ See Treatment of Quakers, Chap. ii. 



NEW PARISHES. 1710-1837. 393 

ing to Hampton, "were convicted before this court for y'^ breach of 
y^ hiw called Quakers meeting, and were all admonished & so upon 
pajnng y® fees of y*^ court are discharged for y*' p'sent."^ 

The earliest record of the Friends' Society in Hampton, now Sea- 
brooic, begins in the year 1701. Their first "Meeting" was established, 
however, about 1699; and their "Quarterly Meeting," as early as 
1697, perhaps earlier. At a meeting held at Hampton, in 1701, the 
Quakers^ decided to build a meeting-house. The sum of sixty-six 
pounds, four shillings was raised, mostly by subscription, to defray 
the expenses, one man paying thirty pounds.^ 

Tliereu|)on, Thomas Chase, of Hampton, in consideration of love and 
good-will, convej^ed to Joseph Chase, Abraham Green, John Stanyan 
and Joseph Dow, Sen., ail of Hampton, aforesaid, in the name and 
behalf of all those christian people, called Quakers, living in Hamp- 
ton, aforesaid, a certain tract of land, situated in the bounds of 
Hampton, aforesaid, " to Seat a Meeting-house thereon." The deed 
was dated 21**^ 6 mo: 1701.^ And here, on these premises, in the au- 
tumn of the same year, the society built their meeting-house, which still 
exists, in a good state of pi'eservation, though removed to another 
locality and for another purpose, in 1888. The frame, as originally 
constructed, was twenty-six and one half feet wide, thirty-two feet 
long, and eight feet stud. 

In this little house, all of the order from Hampton, Salisbury and 
Amesbuiy, held their weekly and monthly meetings, — the weekly 
meetings for about four years, until the Friends' meeting-house, at 
Amesbury was built, in 1705; and the monthly meetings for about 
nine years, until May 18, 1710, when a monthly meeting was held at 
Amesbury. From that date, for more than sixty years, it was held 
alternately at Amesbury and Hampton (Hampton Falls, 1719 — Sea- 
brook, 1768). 

The first marriage recorded among this society of Friends took place 
in 1705, at the house of Thomas Barnard, Avhere a meeting was held 
for the occasion. The parties were John Peaslee and Mary Martin. 
This marriage record was signed by forty-seven witnesses. 

In 1701, John Collins, Henry Dow, Jeremiah Dow and Joseph Dow, 
Jr., members of the Quaker Society, were living in that part of Sea- 
brook, over which the town of Salisbury then exercised the right of 
jurisdiction and taxation. "And this year, Isaac Morrill, Jr., con- 

1 Records of Norfolk County Courts. 

2 A name first given to tliis sect by their enemies about 1650, and afterwards quite gener- 
ally adopted. 

3 Quaker Records. 
* Kock. Co. Rec. 



394 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Stable for the year 1700, took from Jeremiah Dow a quart pot, a pair 
of fire-tongs, a tray and a cake of tallow, to satisfy the Hireling- 
Minister, Caleb Gushing, for preaching." The same day he took a 
gun from Richard Smith, "to pay the priest for preaching in Salis- 
bury." After a few years the Quakers were exempted from paying 
a minister's rate. 

In 1705, the Quakers in the vicinity of Amesbury desiring a house 
of worsliip, the Hampton monthly meeting chose a committee of two, 
to look out a location suitable for the purpose. 

In 1710, the Friends' monthly meeting received five books, sent 
from England. 

At a commoner's meeting in Hampton, February 19, 1711, Joseph 
Chase and John Stanyan, "that have a considerable right in the land 
granted for a parsonage," requesting that the people called Quakers 
might have some satisfaction, it was voted that their request be 
granted, and that twelve acres of land be laid out to them. "Pursuant 
to which, we the lotlayers of the said town, whose names are under- 
written have laid out the said grant this 11 day of May, 1711." Then 
follows a description of the land, "to the eastward of the Falls 
river." Signed by Samuel Dow and Jonathan Moulton, Lotlayers. 

At the Friends' monthly meeting at Amesbury, in November, 1721, 
a communication from the quarterly meeting was read, asking their 
opinion in regard to wearing wigs. At the next monthly meeting, 
at Hampton, the following conclusion was reached : ''The matter 
above mentioned cousarning y® Wearing of Wigges was Discorsed & 
It was concluded by this meeting y* y® Wearing of Extravegent 
Superflues Wiggs Is all to Gather Gontreary to truth." 

In 1728, a collection was taken by the Friends towards repairing 
the Boston meeting-house ; for which the Hampton Friends contributed 
five pounds, ten shillings. 



CHAPTER XXir. 

REV. WARD COTTON'S MINISTRY — THE NORTH HILL PARISH. 

1731-17G7. 

REV. WARD COTTON, PASTOR, 

MR. Ward Cotiou delivered the first sermon which he preached 
in Hampton, in July, 1731. How long he remained here im- 
mediately after that time, we do not know. He was chosen by the 
town in September, 1733, to assist Mr. Gookin the next three months, 
and the term of his engagement was afterward extended to the time 
of the annual town meeting the next spring. 

At that meeting the freeholders voted to settle him in the work of 
the ministry, as colleague with Mr. Gookin, provided they could agree 
upon the terms of settlement. The terms first offered not being satis- 
factory, they were soon after modified so as to read as follows : 

"We will yearly give Mr. Ward Cotton £100 in paper money of the 
present currency, and £20 in provision at the same lay that the Rev- 
erend Mr. Gookin has his, during his continuance in the ministry in 
this place, and after four years are expired, we will add £5 a year 
until the salary amounts to £120 a year in paper money, besides the 
£20 in provision ; and we will provide him a convenient parsonage- 
house and land, &c., sufficient to keep two or three cows and a horse, 
and what wood may be necessary ; and we will not exceed a year be- 
fore we have these things in some forwardness, and in the meantime 
we will provide him some convenient place to dwell in." 

At a church meeting on the 9th of May, the following vote was 
passed : "Whereas this town hath chosen Mr. Ward Cotton for their 
minister with their present minister, w^e do now choose him to be our 
pastor with our present pastor." Mr. Christopher Page and Mr. 
Samuel Palmer, Jun. — two of the town's committee — were chosen on 
the part of the church, "to wait upon Mr. Cotton with this vote, and 
to pray his answer." The record says, "They return'd with his 
answer of acceptance." 

It w^as then decided that the ordination should be on Wednesday, 
the 19th of June, and that the following churches be invited to form 

(395) 



396 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

the council, viz. : The churches in Newton and Providence, feoth the 
churches in Salisbury, both the churches in Portsmouth, and the 
churches in Exeter, at the Falls, in Greenland and in Stratliam. 
The four deacons — or any two of them — were authorized to sign the 
letters missive. As a preparatory step, the church voted to observe 
the 23d day of May as a day of fasting and prayer. 

The ordination took place ns arranged. Rev. William Allen, of 
Greenland, offered the introductory prayer; Rev. .John Cotton, of 
Newton, Mass., a brother of the candidate for settlement, preached 
from I Thess. 2 : 4 ; Rev. John Odlin, of Exeter, made the ordaining 
prayer; Rev. Caleb Gushing, of Salisbury, Mass., gave the charge; 
Rev. Jabez Fitch, of Portsmouth, the right-hand of fellowship ; and 
Rev. Henry Rust, of Stratham, offered the concluding prayer. 

This is the first instance, in which at an ordination among this 
people, we find any mention of a sermon. It seems probable that, at 
former ordinations, there had been no sermons preached by others 
than the persons to be ordained. 

At the time when Mr. Cotton became pastor of the church, there 
were 253 members in full communion — 84 males and 169 females. 
Though he was settled as colleague with Mr. Gookin, yet on account 
of the feebleness of the senior pastor at that time and of his death a 
little more than two months afterward, Mr. Cotton may be regarded 
as having the whole charge of the pastorate from the time of his or- 
dination. 

About three years after, a church was formed in Kensington, some- 
times called the third parish in Hampton. Fourteen persons, includ- 
ing Mr. Jeremiah Fogg, the pastor elect of the new church, were 
dismissed from this church "in order to their being embodyed into a 
church state in y*^ Third Parish of this Toavu," on the 6th day of Octo- 
ber, 1737.1 

At a church meeting in the following spring — about seventy breth- 
ren being present — the following votes were passed : "Y' a Commit- 
tee of seven Brethren be chosen to assist the Pastor in many affairs 
relating to y*^ advancement of y® Spiritual welfare of this Church & 
Congregation." 

"¥'■ Christopher Page, Deacon Josiah Moulton, Benjamin James, 
Capt. Jabez Smith, Joshua Lane, and Joseph Philbrick, be the Com- 
mittee for this purpose.""^ 

"Y' they shall from time to time consult «Sc advise with their Pastor, 
& take no steps in any affair without his knowledge, or at least soon 
after acquainting him with the same." 

'See last chapter. 'A seventh was not chosen. 



REV. WARD COTTON — NORTH HILL PARISH. 1731-1767. 397 

This was probably the origin of a "standing committee" in this 
church, the propriety or the benefit of which is at least questionable. 
About one hundred years later, it was abolished. 

Another vote passed at the same meeting, is the first intimation 
that we have, of any money being raised among this people for mis- 
sionary purposes. The vote is thus recorded : "To have a contri- 
bution in some convenient time to promote y^ preaching of the Gospel 
in y*^ Towns of Providence, South Kingston & Westerly within y^ 
Colony of Rhode Island." It was also voted, that the money, when 
collected, should be put into the hands of the pastor, to be delivered 
to Dr. Colman and Dr. Sewall, of Boston, for the purpose designated. 
The contribution proposed was taken up on the Sabbath near the 
middle of April, and amounted to "upwards of £20 in money." About 
three months after, a letter acknowledging the receipt of the money, 
was received from Dr. Colman and Dr. Sewall, and read to the people 
on the Sabbath. 

"Mr. Thomas Bernard (Barnard) ^ being called to settle as Pastor 
to y® 2*^ Church in Newberry, was dismiss'd from us to y*^ same," 
January 21, 17^9 ; and Dea. Josiah Moulton, Maj. Joshua Wingate 
and Capt. Jabez Smith were chosen messengers to accompany the 
pastor to the ordination. 

NORTH HILL PARISH. 

In the spring or early summer of 1738 a dispute arose, which seri- 
ously threatened the peace of the church and, in fact, continued to 
vex both church and town for several years. 

A considerable number of people living in the north part of tbe 
town, having already built a meeting-house there, requested the town 
to free them from paying taxes for the sup[)ort of Mr. Cotton, while 
they had preaching at their own house ; but the town refused to grant 
their request. They therefore had recourse to the General Court the 
next November, petitioning to be constituted a parish, and were suc- 
cessful in their application. The new parish was called North Hill.^ 

In the autumn of the following year, many of the members of the 
church, who lived in that part of the town, requested a dismission for 
the purpose of being organized into a church in connection with the 
new parish. The request having been considered by the church, and 
a vote taken, was not granted. No reasons are assigned in the record. 

'Son of Rev. John Barnard of Andover, Mass.; born in that town, Aug. 17. ITU); ordained 
pastor of the 2nd church in Newbury, Jan. 31, 1739; resigned the pastoral office. Jan. 18, 17.'51 ; 
was installed pastor of the 1st church in Salem, Sept. 18, 17oo, and died Aug. 5, 1776, aged 
60 years. (See Chaj). XXVI.) , 

2Chap. XI. 



398 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

It may be, that a majority of the church considered the organization 
of another church unnecessary, and on that account voted against 
the request ; or they may have thought that the support of another 
minister would prove burdensome to the town. 

A second application for dismission having been made in October, 
the church again refused to grant it — only fourteen members voting 
in favor, while thirty-seven voted against it. The North Hill brethren 
then called a council to consider and act upon the case. The church 
appointed Jabez Dow, Christopher Page and Samuel Palmer, Jun., to 
"be a Coiiiittee joyned with their Pastor to send in w^hat w^e shall think 
proper to the Council of Churches, which are to meet at y^ Desire of 
N[orth] Hill Brethren." 

At another church meeting about North Hill affairs, October 30, 

more than sixty of the brethren being present — the statement which 

the committee had prepared to lay before the council, having been 
read, was approved by the church, and the committee were dii'ected 
to send it to the council. This having been done, the council sent to 
the church a "declaration," signed by the North Hill people, which 
the church would not accept because they "did not think it express 
& full enough." After this the church voted that they were ready for 
a conference with a committee of the council. Such a committee met 
the church and "offered all they had to say . . . and then with- 
drew." The church, after a reconsideration of the whole matter, 
passed the following vote : "That we have done what we think right 
& just in this affair as to not dismissing the brethren and others at 
North Hill, and that we will not be any farther concerned about these 
affairs." 

The next day the church at North Hill was organized without the 
consent of this church, and a pastor was ordained. 

That the first church soon became reconciled to these acts, is evi- 
dent from the fact, that they not long afterward, and on several 
occasions, dismissed persons from their own communion, to unite with 
the church at North Hill. 

TIIK pastor's salary UNDER A DEPRECIATED CURRENCY. 

On account of the depreciation of the paper currency, the value of 
Mr. Cotton's salary was considerably less, a few years after his settle- 
ment, than at the time when the contract with him was made. To 
indemnify him for this loss, the town at many different times, granted 
to him additional sums. The first instance of such a grant was on 
the 13th of March, 1739, when the sum of £20 money in bills of credit 
was voted to him for the ensuing year. The same sum was voted 



REV. WARD COTTON — NORTH HILL PARISH. 1731-1767. 399 

from year to year, till 1743, when it was voted to add £40 old tenor 
to his salary for the ensuing year. In March of the year preceding, 
the town also voted "that the Rev*'. Mr. Cotton should have a con- 
tribution given him by the town on the sacramental Sabbath in April 
for his more than ordinary labors among his people that year." 

There is no intimation in the last vote as to the occasion of the in- 
crease of the pastor's labor at that time. On tumiing to the church 
records, however, it will be seen that there was then an unusual 
amount of religious interest in the town. It was the period of "The 
Great Awakening" — the time when Rev. George Whitefield was labor- 
ing with great success among the New England churches. The pastor 
of this church sympathized with Mr. Whitefield in his views and 
practices. As the result of the awakening in this town, ninety-three 
persons were received to the First Church during the year 1742. Of 
this number, forty-one were admitted in March, and thirty-tlu-ee in 
April. At this time, the limits of the parish had been very much re- 
duced, on account of the formation of the church and parish in the 
north part of the town, a few years before. 

A contribution for Mr. Cotton was afterward taken in the month 
of April, annually, the town voting it from year to year, and gener- 
ally without assigning any particular reason; but in 1743 it was said 
to be "for his great labor," and in 1745, "for y*^ support of y*^ Lect- 
ers." 

As the currency depreciated, the sum voted, to make good the 
pastor's salary, was necessarily increased, till in 1750 his £120 had 
become £480 old tenor. After this, for several years, the annual 
salary was £360. In 1756 howevei', the currency still depreciating, 
£560 were paid. The next year, Col. John Weeks, Capt. Jonathan 
Moulton and Jonathan Shaw were chosen a committee to determine 
what sum should be allowed. In this manner or by the selectmen, 
the sum needed to make good the salary was determined annually, 
during the remainder of Mr. Cotton's ministry. 



THE SECOND SOCIETY OF YOUNG MEN. 

One of the means employed by Mr. Cotton to promote the moral 
and spiritual interests of his people, was to form them into societies, 
for mutual improvement. How many such societies were formed, we 
do not know. The regulations, or constitutions, of three, at least, 
have come to our notice. That the character and objects of these 
associations may be understood, we here transcribe the articles of 
agreement, by which one of themwias governed. This was the second 



400 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

SOCIETY OF TorNG mf:n, and was formed during the season of special 
religious interest, in the spring of 1742. 

Articles for the Private Mketing of Young Men, who belong to the 
Second Society of such in Hampton, to which they are to set their 

HANDS. 

We whose names are hereunto set, being sensible that it is not only our 
duty, but interest, to seek God early, and to encourage and edify one another 
in the ways of Religion, do for these ends, with the cheerful consent of our 
Pastor, the Rev. Mr. "Ward Cotton, form ourselves into a Society for the 
worship of God in a more private Avay, and declare our consent to the follow- 
ing Articles, drawn up by him. 

1. That we Avill meet together for the worship of God on Sabbath-day 
evenings, at some suitable place, and at all other times that the greatest part 
of us shall agree upon. 

2. Being met, we will, as God shall enable us, by turns perform the sev- 
eral parts of our meeting, namely : we will pray to God and sing his Praises, 
and read some portion of Holy Scripture, or some good book ; but, if any de- 
sire for good reasons to be excused from praying, they shall [be]. 

3. We will bear with one another's infirmities, and not make known any- 
thing, of what nature soever, that may tend to the prejudice of our meeting. 

i. We do oblige ourselves to go directly from our meetings to our sev- 
eral homes; that is, not to go to, or tarry in, any unworthy company what- 
soever. 

5. They that would be admitted into our Society, shall be first propounded, 
and stand so one Aveek, and if the major part do consent, they shall set their 
names to these Articles, and, if they will, take and keep a copy of them for 
their serious and diligent perusal. 

6. That all manner of disagreeings, strife and quarrellings shall be sup- 
pressed by us, and we will live in love and peace. 

7. When we are absent from our meetings, we will endeavor to carry our- 
selves so as that none may justly speak evil of us. 

8. If any of us see or hear any of our Society say or d(i anything unbe- 
coming a member of such a Society, we will reprove them with a spirit of 
meekness, love and tenderness. 

9. But if any, notwithstanding such reproof, continue in any evil courses, 
we will debar them from coming to our meeting, till there shall appear some 
signs of repentance or reformation; but in this and all other cases that may 
seem to require it, we will ask advice of our Pastor. 

10. We will endeavor to get and keep in our minds an awful sense of the 
bonds we are under by our Baptism, to be the Lord's and in due time to ap- 
proach the table of Christ. 

11. If any one leaves the Society by marriage, or for any other good 
reason, he shall acquaint the Society therewith, that so they may no more 
expect him, and that he may have their earnest prayers for him. 

12. The first Sabbath-day night in every month, we will read over these 
Articles, and call over our list, so that, if any one has been absent, he may 
in a brotherly way be asked the reason of it. 



REV. WARD COTTOX — NORTH HILL PARISH. 1731-1767. 401 

13. We will avoid all worldly and unsuitable discourse, before and after 
meeting. 

Finally, We hope that the grace of God will be sufficient for vfs, and that 
his Spirit Avill help our intirinities, and that he will fnltil that gracious prom- 
ise, Matt. 18 : 20. — "Where two or three are gathered together in my name, 
there am I in the midst of them." 

And now, my young people, for whom I have drawn up these Articles, let 
me tell you that the ej'es of God and man will be more upon you than ever, 
and a-s for me, I shall have no greater joy than to sec and hear that you walk 
in the truth, and in order hereto you shall have my earnest prayers for you; 
and to the blessing of -God I commend you, hoping that you and the other 
Society of j'oung men will ever be blessings and comforts to one another, 
and, in your day and generation, to the churcli and people of God here. 
Ameu & Amen. 

Hampton, February the 5th in the year 1741-2. 

John Marston. James Philbrick. 

Simon Dow. Simon Marston. 

Josiah Moulton. Jonathan Godfrey. 

Samuel Brown. Ben]" Philbrick. 

John Tuck. Elisha Marston. 

Nath' Batchelder. Samuel Palmer. 

Amos Knowles. Richard Muchimore. 

Joseph Philbrick. Daniel Philbrick. 

James Garland. William Marston. 

Ephraim Marston. .Joseph Dow. 

Benj" Batchelder. Simon Jackson. 
William Hues. 

In 1744, the church purchased four new flagons for £21 and four 
new silver cups for £64 7s. 

After the reduction of Louisburg, in 1745, and while a military 
force from New England was still maintained there, the committee of 
war, of Massachusetts, invited Mr. Cotton to go to Cape Breton and re- 
main a few months as a chaplain. He laid the subject before the church 
in February, 1746, but only ten votes were given in favor of his 
going, and those by persons who "had children or other relatives 
there." 

Early in December, 1749, a public fast was observed, as recom- 
mended by the Convention of Ministers in New Hampshire. During 
the next year, there appears to have been more than ordinary religious 
interest, if we may judge by the number of admissions to the church. 
In the course of the year, twenty-six persons were received into full 
communion. In 1754 twenty -five were admitted, and in 1756. nine- 
teen. From that year to the close of Mr. Cotton's ministry, but few 
were admitted. 
26 



402 HISTORY or HAMPTON. 

In the spring of 1750, an arrangement was made for selling several 
tracts of the parsonage land for cash, the interest arising from the pro- 
ceeds to* be appropriated for the payment, in part, of the minister's 
salary. This plan met with considerable opposition, and twenty-nine 
persons entered their dissent. The ground of their opposition is not 
stated. 

]\Ir. Cotton was of an ardent temperament, and when preaching, 
sometimes nearly lost control of himself. On such occasions, a signal 
from one of his deacons, which he well understood, instantly restored 
his self-possession. He seldom confined himself wholly to what he 
had written, but generally added some extempore remarks. Each 
sermon usually occupied an hour in its delivery. When he began to 
preach, his hour-glass was turned and placed on the pulpit by his side, 
and when the last sands had run out, his sermon Avas brought to a 
close. On one occasion, owing to some obstruction, the sand failed 
to run as usual, but the preacher did not observe it till his sermon had 
been protracted to an extraordinary length. When made aware of 
the fact, he exclaimed : "I might preach and preach, to all eternity — 
and the sand would not run out !" 

It was Mr. Cotton's habit to preach several sermons from the same 
text, and from some, he preached many times. For instance : he 
preached eight sermons from I. Cor. xiii : 1-8 and 13. From Gal. 
v: 17-25, he preached thineen sermons; and no less than thirty-one^ 
from James iv : 7 — "Resist the devil and he will flee from you." 

Gladly would we draw a veil over the last years of Mr. Cotton's 
pastorate, for it ended in sorrow. Suspicions were excited and darkly 
hinted, several years before any definite charges, affecting his moral 
character were openly brought against him. But such charges were 
at length preferred. A council was called, which convened on the 
22nd of October, 1765, being composed of ministers and delegates 
from the following churches : the church in Newburyport, the Second 
church in Amesbury, the church in Newmarket, the church in Rye, 
the Second church in Salisbury, the First church in Exeter and the 
chtinh in Brentwood. The council was organized by the choice of 
•Rev. John Lowell, of Newbur^-port, as moderator, and Rev. Samuel 
Webster, of Salisbury, as scribe. 

After giving both parties a public hearing, and considering the case 
"with great care and diligence," the council came to a result unfavor- 
able to the pastor. In making np their result, they gave their opinion 
in relation to the several charges separately. They mentioned some ex- 
tenuating circumstances, particularly the fact that Mr. Cotton's mind 
had been greatly impaired by a paralytic shock. But after making all 



EEV. WARD COTTON NORTH HILL PARISH. 1731-1767. 4t.>3 

due allowance for this, the council said : "Thus to our great grief, it 
appears that the church have sufllcieut ground of uneasiness with 
their pastor, and have sui)ported the spirit and tenor of their charges 
against him." They therefore advised the church and people to give 
him a dismission, and him, to accept it. 

Mr. Cotton was accordingly dismissed, November 12. He con- 
tinued to reside here for some time afterward, and was at length re- 
stored to the communion of the church. He eventually removed to 
Plymouth, where he died, in 1768. [See Genealogies — Cotton (4)]. 

THE PARSONAGE LAWSUIT. 

Troubles between this town and North Hampton, on account of 
parsonage propert}', had been I'ankling a long time. Several years 
after the removal of Madam Gookin to East Kingston, the house and 
barn built for her use were sold ;^ and, since North Hampton had al- 
•ways continued to pay its proportion of her pension, the old town 
voted that North Hampton have its proportion of the money received 
from the sale. This was satisfactory ; but there were various pieces 
of parsonage land lying, some in one town and some in the other, the 
whole income from which, the old town appropriated, while the new 
town claimed its proportionate share for the use of the church at North 
Hill. Both parties being tenacious of what they considered their 
rights, an action of ejectment was brought in the name of Rev. Na- 
thaniel Gookin, of North Hampton, against Joseph Taylor Weare, 
Benjamin Mason, Benjamin Batchelder and Samuel Blake of Hampton ; 
and Thomas Haines, Jr., Josiah Marston, Morris Lamprey, Sr., and 
Benjamin Lamprey, Jr., of North Hampton Parish ; all of whom were 
in possession of land called Parsonage land, belonging to Hampton, 
one half of which, the said Gookin demanded of the above-named 
persons as his property, etc., — said action to be tried the first Thurs- 
day following the first Tuesday in December, 1757. 

The above-named men leased the several parcels of land in question, 
and Mr. Gookin claimed one-half the rents "during the term of his 
ministry." This town chose Mr. John Sanborn and Dr. Anthony 
P2mery, agents, with full power to "answer, prosecute and defend." 
The next year, owing to existing litigation with Dr. Emery in the 
small-pox case, 2 his power as agent was revoked, and Col. Jonathan 
Moulton chosen in his room, Mr. John Smith to serve with him. 

As with many another lawsuit, this dragged through the courts for 
many years, but North Hampton eventually gained the suit. March 
19, 1765, Christopher Toppan, Esq., and Jeremiah Towle were chosen 

1 p. 202. » p. 209. 



404 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

a committee, to examine Colonel Moul ton's accounts, as agent for 
the town against North Hampton. At an adjourned meeting, April 
9, that duty was transferred to the selectmen. 

Again, December 1 , 1766, it was voted, that the agents be empowered 
to complete the appeal from judgment of the Governor and Council 
for parsonage lands, given North Hampton, to the King and Council 
at Great Britain. The appeal, however, was not made, a better so- 
lution of the difficulties having been devised. 

Jonathan Moulton, Anthony Emery, and Thomas Nudd, Esquires ; 
Jeremiah Marston, Gent. ; Josiah Moulton, Gent. ; John Lamprey and 
Jeremiah Towle, yeomen — all of Hampton : — and John Leavitt, 
Esq. ; Abraham Drake, Gent. ; Caleb Marston, Jonathan Page, Reuben 
Dearborn, Joseph Hobbs, yeomen, and Levi Dearborn, physician, 
— all of North Hampton — w'ere chosen a Committee ''to hear & 
consider the proposals made relative to a settlement concerning the 
Parsonage Lands belonging to said Hampton & North Hampton." On 
the 20th of January, 1767, they met and agreed to report to their 
constituents respectively the following terms of settlement : That the 
parish of North Hampton should bear their own charges in all past 
lawsuits concerning said parsonage, and also as to a further division 
of said parsonage — but should not be required to reimburse to Hamp- 
ton, any charges that they had already recovered by execution, and 
that they should have, including what they had already recovered by 
law — "One sixth part of the Parsonage belonging to said Hampton & 
North Hampton, wherever of right it may be found," on condition 
that North Hampton should relinquish and quitclaim to Hampton all 
other demands whatsoever relative to said Parsonage. It was agreed 
that in the division both quantity and quality should be considered, 
and that the part set off to North Hampton should be in said Parish 
or as near as may conveniently be. 

On the 26th of February, 1767, the same committees in behalf of 
the two towns (or parishes) , passed deeds — the members from Hamp- 
ton quitclaiming to North Hampton all "right, title, interest, claim 
and demand" that Hampton has "in and to two Tracts or Parcels of 
Land (called the Parsonage) Situate in Said Northampton, being three 
North Divisions Shares (So called) Containing Ninety Acres more or 
'less, being the whole of the three North Division Shares layd out as 
parsonage in Northampton afores^ And also one other Share of Land 
called Rockey Nook, being likewise Parsonage Land in Northampton 
aforesaid, containing twenty acres more or less," — and paying forty 
pounds Lawful money : — and those belonging to North Hampton quit- 
claiming to Hampton"All the Right, Title, Interest, Claim & Demand" 



REV. WARD COTTON — NORTH HILL PARISH. 1731-1767. 405 

that North Hampton has "in & to all the Parsonage Land (so called) 
that now doth, or ever did belong to the Township of Hampton, as Land 
for the use of the ministry, however laid out or bounded," except the 
portion above mentioned as quitclaimed to North Hampton by the 
Committee of Hampton. 

These instruments were executed in presence of Richard Jenness 3^ 
and John Pickering as witnesses, and acknowledged before Rich'^ Jen- 
ness, J. P., February 26, 1767. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

REV. EBENEZER THAYER'S PASTORATE. 1765-1792. 

CANDIDATES MARSH, THAYER, SCALES AND BELKNAP. 

AFTER the dismission of Mr. Ward Cotton from tlie pastoral 
office wliicli tie had so long filled, the people did not readily 
unite in the choice of a successor. This resulted from several causes. 
Ever since the revival in 1742, there had been among the members of 
the church a disagreement on some points in theolog3^ A consider- 
able portion of them adhered to the doctrines held by their Puritan 
ancestors, while others were more lax in their sentiments. During 
the recent difficulties with their late pastor, there had also been a great 
difference of opinion, some using all their influence in removing him 
from his charge ; others sympathizing with him, feeling that he should 
be judged more leniently on account of his mind being impaired by 
disease. The alienation thus occasioned, still remained, and made 
it more difficult to unite in the settlement of another pastor. 

During Mr. Cotton's illness, seven or eight months before the close 
of his pastorate, the town hired Mr. John Marsh to preach for a time. 
That he was here at the beginning of 1766 appears from the town's 
vote '■Ho continue Mr. Marsh to preach with us as a minister for the 
present." 

Soon a,fter, there was a movement on the part of Mr. Marsh's friends, 
to have him settled as pastor of the church. To this end more than 
thirty of the freeholders petitioned the selectmen to call a meeting to 
see if the town would give him a call to settle. It did not augur well 
for their success, that, about the same time, others of the freeholders, 
to the number of fifty, or more, signed a petition to the selectmen, 
for a meeting to see whether the town would employ one or more 
gentlemen to preach a few Sabbaths before calling any one to be 
settled, and also to have Mr. Marsh "stand probationer" till a choice 
should be made. 

The selectmen called a meeting, to act upon the subjects named in 

both petitions. There is no record of any action whatever at the 

meeting on the question of giving Mr. Marsh a call to the pastoral 

office. Jonathan Moulton, Esq., Anthony Emery, Esq., Capt. Josiah 

(406) 



REV. EBENEZER THAYER's PASTORATE. 1765-1792. 407 

Moulton, Dea. Samuel Dow and Christopher Toppan, Esq. were 
chosen a committee to ask advice of neighboring ministers, and then 
apply^ to two gentlemen of credit, whom they should recommend, to 
preach three or four Sabbaths each. It was then voted that Mr. John 
Marsh should ''stand probationer for us" until the town come to a 
final choice of a man to settle here in the work of the ministry. 

The committee employed Mr. Ebenezer Thayer and Mr. Stephen 
Scales, agreeably to the instruction given by the town. After hear- 
ing each of them three Sabbaths, the freeholders were called to decide 
whether an invitation to settle in the ministry should be given to anv 
one of the three candidates, Messrs. Marsh, Thayer or Scales, and, 
if so, to which of them. It was voted to give Mr. Marsh a call, and 
the meeting was then adjourned two weeks. 

At the adjourned meeting, it was voted to reconsider the vote passed 
at the last meeting for giving a call to Mr. Marsh. This result was 
brought about by a union of action between the friends of Mr. Thayer 
and those of Mr. Scales. It is also probable that some, who had at 
the former meeting voted in favor of Mr. Marsh, now voted for a re- 
consideration, that they might have further opportunity of hearing 
the preacher who had been with them on the last two Sabbaths. This 
was Mr. Jeremy Belknap — afterward favorably known by his History 
of New Hampshire. 

It was also voted to dismiss all three of the gentlemen named in 
the notification from "settling here for the present, considering our 
circumstances." 

These men having been set aside, it was then voted, though not 
without opposition, to hire Mr. Belknap to preach two or tliree Sab- 
baths. At another meeting, two weeks later, it was voted to employ 
him two or three Sabbaths more. The vote in his favor was large, 
although thirty-four persons entered their dissent. 

MR. THAYER, THE CHOSEN PASTOR. 

It was now feared b}' the opponents of Mr. Belknap, that he would 
ultimately receive an invitation to be settled as the minister of the 
town. They agreed to join their efforts to prevent such an occurrence, 
the friendsof Mr. Marsh yielding their preference for him and uniting 
with the friends of Mr. Thayer, in favor of the latter. A meeting 
was held on the 4th of June, to see whether the town would agree to 
employ Mr. Tliayer to preach "a number of Sabbaths," with reference 
to a settlement. This movement was successful, and Mr. Thayer 
came and preached. Very soon afterward, a town meeting was Iield, 
to consider the subject of giving him a call, and it was voted without 
much opposition, only two persons dissenting at the time. There was. 



408 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

however, much opposition of feeling which soon after was openly 
manifested. 

The town proposed the following terms of settlement, viz. : To give 
Mr. Tliayer £100 lawful money yearly for iiis support, £20 of it in 
piovisioiis at the following prices : wiieat at 5s, and Indian corn and 
barley, eaeii at 3s per busliel ; pork at 3d, and beef at 2d per pound ; 
25 cords of wood at 10s per cord, and £67 10s., in money, and to find 
him a convenient parsonage house and barn, and to allow him the im- 
provement of the orchard and garden, and the yards around the house, 
as they were then fenced — tlie buildings and fences all to be kept in 
good repair, by the town — and to grant him the privilege of keeping 
a liorse, two cows and six sheep on the Home Parsonage, provided 
he should cut the hay at his own expense. These proposals were 
made on condition that Mr. Thayer should quitclaim to the town all 
his right and title to all the rest of tlie Parsonage land. 

Tiiore is no record in tliis case of any separate action of the church. 

Mr. Thayer's letter of acceptance, dated Caml)ridge, July 18th, 
176G, was communicated to the town at an adjourned meeting on the 
28th of July. One privilege, not previously mentioned was then 
granted, viz. : liberty to visit his friends once or twice a year, and to 
leave the pulpit nnsnpplied one Sabbath, if he should find it difficult 
to obtain a preacher. 

On the 17th of September, a large council assembled, composed of 
pastors and delegates from eighteen churches. Two other churches, 
not represented, had been invited. Of the organization of tlie coun- 
cil, there is no record. During the session, a remonstrance was pre- 
sented against ordaining the candidate, a copy of which is here given. 

"We whose Names are hear unto Subscribed think it our Duty to 
appear in this manner at this time, wlien we Cant See but the Town 
of Hampton is on the Verge of Ruin, if the ordination of Mr. Ebenezer 
Thayer Should go on & for Particulars to prove it we say : 
First, our meetings have not been Carried on with that Love and unity 
that is Necessary in the Call of a Gospel Minister, for it never ap- 
peared to us that those that wear for nn-. John Ma[r]sh had an[y] 
regard for Mr. Tliayer untill there was the Largest Vote for mr. Belk- 
na{) that had been for any Gentleman at all, so we have no Reason 
to think it out of Love they have done it, but to keep Mr. Belknap 
from Settleing among us. 21y. And as tiiose Gentlemen have brought 
it about to vote Mr. Tliayer So Large a salery, we can never pay it, 
which will Soon cause tliose that have voted it to Grumble when they 
are forced to pay it themselves; for we are Determined to find out 
some way to remedy it, and for farther Reasons on the sul)ject we are 
Ready to answer any jiearson that will ask us for further Light. 



REV. EBENEZER THAYER'S PASTORATE. 1765-1792. 409 

Philip Towle. Philip Smith Marston. 

John Nay. Philip Towle Jun. 

Nathaniel Towle. Joseph Towle. 

Samuel Page. Josiah wShaw. 

Benjamin Page. James Sanborn. 

Samuel Towle. Amos Sanborn. 

Joshua James. Jonathan Shaw. 

Thomas Drake. John Towl[e]. 

Joseph Garland. Joseph Towle [Jun] . 

Jothon darbon. Amos Towle. 

Joseph Towle 3^. Simon Lane." 

The object of the remonstrants was not attained. Mr. Thayer was 
ordained pastor of the church. Rev. Paine Wingate, Sen., of Ames- 
bury, " began the solemnity with Prayer." Rev. Andrew Eliot, D.D., 
of Boston, preached from 2 Timothy 2: 15. — "Study to show thyself 
approved unto God." Rev. Nathaniel Ap|)leton, of Cambridge, gave 
the charge; Rev. Nathaniel Gookin, of North Hampton, "prayed 
after the charge," and Rev. John Lowell, of Newburyport, gave the 
right-hand of fellowship. 

A fortnight later, the new pastor was married to Martha Cotton, a 
niece of his predecessor, Rev. Ward Cotton. 

At the time of Mr. Thayer's ordination, there were 246 members 
of the church — 92 males and 154 females. 

Among the most decided in their opposition to the settlement of 
Mr. Thayer, were Deacon Joshua Lane and Cornet Simon Nudd. On 
Saturday, the 14th day of June, 1766, the next day after the select- 
men had posted their warrant for a town meeting for giving Mr. Thayer 
a call. Deacon Lane had been "down to town," and on his return, as 
he was passing the house of one of his sons, he was accosted with 
the inquir}', "What news, Father?" "Oh," said the deacon, " a dark 
cloud, I fear is gathering over Hampton in relation to the ministry." 
At that very time, a cloud was rising in the west, which soon gath- 
ered into a shower. Deacon Lane, having reached home, was standing 
in the doorway, after the shower had apparently passed by, when he 
was struck dead by the lightning. Mr. Thayer attended his funeral. 
Deacon Lane was a good man, highly esteemed for his piety. His 
opposition to the settlement of Mr. Thayer arose from his dissatisfac- 
tion with some of his doctrinal views. He distrusted his orthodoxy. 

The next day after the ordination, one of Cornet Nudd's children 
died, and the new pastor was called to attend the funeral — the first 
after his ordination. These occurrences were regarded, at the time, as 
special providences, and they served to break down, in a great meas- 
ure, the asperity of feeling in the opponents of Mr. Tha3-er. His 
kind disposition, too, and his affable and gentlemanly manners, and 



410 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

above all, the purity of his life, had a wonderful influence in subdu- 
ing opposition, as the people became better acquainted with him. A 
few persons, however, who, like Deacon Lane, regarded l»im as unsound 
in doctrine, were never satisfied witii his preacliing. Some of tliese, 
with a very few others who were influenced by different motives, early 
withdrew from liis ministrations, and connected themselves witli tlie 
Presbyterian cliurch formed in Seabrook about that time. 

Among them was Capt. Joiin Moulton, who became an elder in 
that cliurcli. He and Mr. Amos Coffin requested the town to release 
tliem from paying taxes for tiie support of Mr. Thayer. As tlie town 
did not grant their request, they and several others petitioned the 
General Court for the same purpose. Tlie town, at the annual meet- 
ing in 1769, chose Capt. Josiah Moulton, and Capt. Jeremiah Mars- 
ton to appear before the General Court, and show cause why their 
prayer should not be granted. At the same meeting the town voted 
"to give Amos Coffin and Stephen Page their minister's rate which 
they had not paid — they promising to pay their minister's rate for 
the future." Four years afterward, the town voted to give Capt. 
John Moulton, and Pliilip, Nathaniel, and Samuel Towle, their minis- 
ter's rate which was then unpaid. 

THE "old parsonage" OF TO-DAY. 

January 19, 1767, it was voted "to Rebuild the Parsonage House," — 
"that said House shall be done chiefly by Labour," "to choose a commit- 
tee to Draw a plan" and to determine how to proceed "to equalize 
each man's proportion of labor." A committee of nine was chosen. 
February 3, same year, voted, "to Build the parsonage House 40 feet 
long 32 feet wide and 17 feet Posts;" — "the common Labourers shall 
have 45 shillings old tenor & a gll. of Rum per Da}^;" — "to allow for 
oxen a yoke 40 shillings Pr Day ;" — to choose a committee in charge 
of the work; — "voted, Thomas Nudd, Anthony Emery, Esq''% John 
Lamprey, Jere : Towle, Cap* Jere : Marston, Samuel Drake, Wil- 
liam Lane, James Johnson, Morris Hobbs, Josiah Dearborn & John 
Taylor Jun"" are impowered & chosen for the aforesaid committee & 
that they shall have the same wages of common Lal)ourers pr Day." 

The original contract between this committee and the builders may 
still be seen among the papers of a descendant of Thomas Nudd. It 
is a lengthy document, abounding in ctipitals and ingenious spelling, 
and without punctuation. The contract and the above votes serve 
to quicken the imagination as we see the eff'orts of the peo[)le to find 
for their new pastor, Rev. Mr. Thayer, "a convenient house," accord- 
ing to their agreement; and to picture him, with his wife and baby, 
domiciled in their fine abodp. with its mouldings, architraves and 



REV. EBENEZER THATER'S PASTORATE. 1765-1792. 411 

cornices, its great fireplaces and shining dressers. Let it add to our 
interest to know that the same house sheltered all successive pastors 
of the old church, till it was sold, in 1871 ; and that it stands to-day, 
altered, indeed, out of all semblance to the original plan, but with 
the same heavy oak frame, apparently good for another hundred 
years. 

LINING THE PSALM. 

It would be interesting, were we furnished with sufficient data, to 
exhibit the different methods of singing, as a part of the devotional 
exercises of the Sabbath, practised here at different times since our 
liistor}' began. But no recorder other document has been found that 
throws much light on the subject, so far as relates to our own place. 
The probability is, that the practice here was not essentially differ- 
ent from the practice in New England generally. The metrical ver- 
sion of the Psalms used by most of the early planters, was that of 
Sternhold and Hopkins, which was made in England about the year 
1550, and was the authorized version of the Established Church. So 
little poetic merit had tiiis work, that it has been well said of its au- 
thors, that their "piety was better than their poetry." 

In 1640, another version of the Psalms, made in New England, was 
published at Cambridge. This version, called the New England 
or Bay Psalm Book, was meritorious principally for the fidelit}' with 
which its authors had translated it from the original Hebrew. Yet 
this work came into general use throughout New England, and held 
the ascendency more than a century. 

A specimen of these versions ma}' afford some idea of their metri- 
cal character. The 9th verse of the 48th Psalm has been selected. 
In Sternhold and Hopkins it reads thus : 

"0 Lord, we wait and doe attend 

On thy good helpe and grace ; 
For which we doe all times attend 

Within thy holy place." 

In the New England or Bay Psalm Book, it is thus : 

"0 God, our thoughts, have been upon 

Thy free benignity ; 
And that in the middest of 

Thy house of Sanctety." 

But the people were in a state of progress. Hence, the versions 
of the Psalms, that, in one generation were so much admired, in a 
succeeding generation failed to give satisfaction. An improved taste 
demanded a higher order of poetry in the songs of the sanctuary. 
In the early part of the year 1772, at a special town meeting called 
by request of thirty or more of the freeholders, it was voted to ex- 



412 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

change Diinson'sVei'sion of Psalms, for Dr. Watts' Psalms and Hymns. 
But as some of tlie people a[)pear to have been reluctant to give up 
the use of the Psalm Book, endeared to them by many pleasant as- 
sociations, it was further voted, that Dunson's Version should con- 
tinue to be used at the morning service on the Sabbath, while it should 
give place to Watts' Psalms and Hymns at the afternoon service. 
This arrangement was to continue three months, and if, at the end 
of that period, any persons should request the pastor to use Dunson's 
still longer, it might be retained three months longer, and by request 
at the end of those three months, till the annual meeting the next 
March. As nothing further is found on the records relating to the 
subject, it may fairly be inferred, that at the time last mentioned, 
Dunson had been wholly superseded by Watts. 

The psalm was first named and read by the minister, as at the 
present day. The first line was then read again, usually by one of 
the deacons, and immediately after sung by the person who was ac- 
customed to "tune the psalm," that is, to pitch the tune and sing 
the first strain, — usually ;alone. Then all the congregation who 
could sing, catching the tune, accompanied the leader through the 
rest of the psalm, as it was read, line by line. The reading of 
the psalm was often performed by tioo of the deacons, who read the 
lines alternately. This was called "lining the psalm," and not in- 
frequently, '•'■deaconing'^ it. Lining the psalm must sometimes have 
excited a smile on countenances usually sedate, by completely subvert- 
ing the sense. For example, take the following lines and read them 
independently of each other, and each line is a paradox. 

"The Lord ■will come, and lie will not" — ■ 

This having been sung, the deacon proceeded to read the next line, 
which was equally intelligible : 

Keep silence, but speak not." 

But when the lines were read alternately by the deacons, it must 
sometimes have been still more difficult to keep a sober countenance ; 
and it requires no uncommon share of credulity to believe, that there 
was more of fact than of fiction, in an anecdote of two deacons who on 
one occasion read a version of the 102nd psalm. One of the deacons, 
remarkable for the sharpness of his voice read : 

"I'm like iiuto a pelican." 

The other equally remarkable for gruffness responded : 
"And like an owl am I." 



REV. EBENEZER THAYER's PASTORATE. 1765-1792. 413 

Notwithstanding the objections to tliis metliod of reading and sing- 
ing psalms, wiiich to the present generation appear so obvious and 
so serious, and whicli were not unnoticed by our ancestors, this practice 
continued through a long series of years. The custom probably 
originated in a scarcity of psalm books, a very few copies only being 
found in an ordinary congregation. The psalms were then read and 
sung line b}' line, so that, in singing, the words might be remembered 
by all who joined in singing tliem. 

The custom, originating in this manner, was retained long after 
the necessity which gave rise to it, liad ceased to exist. From asso- 
ciation, it had become endeared to very many of the people, especially 
the aged, audit was not without great reluctance, that they submitted 
to innovations. It was hard for them to give up their old version of the 
psalms for Dr. Watts' Psalms and Hymns. Another innovation, made 
at the same time, was regarded with little favor by some of the older 
people. The town voted "to introduce some new tunes to be sung 
here on the Lord's dav," and Mr. Josei)h Philbrick and Dr. Samuel 
Page were appointed to tune the psalm in the New Version for the af- 
ternoon. The town, however, had some regard for the feelings of the 
aged, and did not make an entire change in the arrangements for 
singing. As has already been related, the old version of the Psalms 
was not wholly discarded at once. So also with tlie former leader 
of their singing, for it was voted that "Dea. Samuel Dow shall tune 
the psalm in the forenoon," "Dea. Jon^ Tuck & Dea. Sam' Dow, to 
read the psalms." 

But these innovations were followed by another, that met with open 
opposition. A town meeting was held, March 18, 1783, to see if the 
town would pass a vote to sing a new tune the last time on every 
Sunday", without reading line by line, as recommended by the late 
Dr. Watts: But this was voted in the negative. About this time, 
however, the experiment was actually made. The exact date is not 
known — whether it was after this town meeting and in disregard of 
the vote passed, or, which is more probable, before the meeting, and 
that called in consequence. 

During the Sabbath on which the innovation was attempted, the ex- 
ercises in the house of worship appear to have been performed as usual, 
till the last psalm or hymn was read by the pastor. Then, instead 
of waiting for the deacons to read it again, line by line, the leader 
named the tune and the singing was immediately commenced. This 
was too much to be borne with patience. One venerable man, who 
had several years before passed the age of three score and ten, and 
wlio had for many years been a consistent member of the church, rose 
from his seat and turning towards the minister, said, "Reverend sir, 



414 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

do you allow of all this?" Another man, a few years younger, with 
less reveroucc, culled out to the singers: "You make a worse noise 
than the wolvjes did forty years ago." A third speaker, also aged, in 
grief at wiiat he regarded as a desecration of the place, gave vent to 
his feelings thus: "I deont waint to hear sich a neoise in the heouse 
of Gad." A fourth man was affected still more unpleasantly. He 
had before this sometimes shown signs of partial derangement. Ex- 
citement on this occasion produced such a state, that he called out 
with earnestness: "Toll the bell, ye devils! toll the bell!" The ex- 
periment in singing failed, and the meeting closed in disorder. Tlie 
most aged of the four men mentioned, on reflection, regretted tiie 
part he had acted, and the next day, went voluntarily to a magistrate 
and complained of himself for breaking the peace. 

The old order of things was continued a few years longer ; but a 
change was again proposed in March, 1789, when it was voted "to have 
some new tune sung in the Meeting-house in time of publick wor- 
ship, once ever}' Sabi)atli, without reading line by line." The change 
was then made without producing any disturbance in the community. 
Not long afterward, the lining of the psalm ceased entirely, and it is 
now known only as a relic of the past. 



MR. THAYER S SALARY, DEPRECIATED. 

As Mr. Thayer's ministry extended through the -whole time of the 
American Eevolution and of the Confederation that pr( ceded the 
adoption of the Federal Constitution, he and his people were subject 
to the toils and trials attendant upon our country's struggle for liberty. 
The fluctuating state of the currency occasioned them not a little em- 
barrassment. The people endeavored to act justly towards their minis- 
ter, but on account of the great depreciation in the value of paper 
money, it was difficult to know when they had fulfilled the contract 
made with him at the time of his settlement. 

The first vote on record regarding this subject was passed about 
three years after the commencement of the war, in these words : 

"To make the Rev^ Mr. Thayer some consideration, on account of 
the depreciation of the money, by subscription." The sum raised is not 
knoAvu. 

Near the close of the year, the town passed the following votes : 

"To make the Rev. Mr. Thayer some allowance in consideration of 
the advanced prices of the necessaries of life." 

"To raise £135, Lawful money, for Rev. Mr. Thayer over & above 
his money salary, for the present year, on account of the advanced 
prices, etc." 



REV. EBENEZER THATER'S PASTORATE. 1765-1792. 415 

In the warrant for the next annual meeting the following article was 
inserted by request of ten or more of the inhabitants : 

"To see if the town will reconsider a vote passed the last town meet- 
ing to make an addition to the Rev. Mr. Thayer's salary for the year 
1779." 

This article called forth from Mr. Thayer the following communica- 
tion : 

"To the Inhabitants of the Toion of Hampton in Toion meeting assem- 
bled, Mar: 16'", 1779. 

Gentlemen, 

I am extremely sorry that any of my Friends — fori esteem all 
my People Friends, tho' they don't think exactly with me — should be 
uneasy on account of what the Town voted me at their last meeting, as 
a Compensation for the Fall of money. I mention this because I have 
been informed of some who petitioned to have it inserted in the No- 
tification to have that vote repealed — which, if I mistake not, is not in 
their Power — . A\^hat they voted I was satisfied with — tho' I don't 
think it made the money good — and had they voted sixfold instead of 
three, ii would in my appreliension have fallen short of a sutticient Com- 
pensation, — & this is not only my mind, but the mind of many others. 

AVhen the affair was first mentioned, I had not the least Tho* — nay 
I had not the most distant Desire — of being made whole. That some- 
thing should be done, I tho* was but an act of strict Justice, which 
was the Reason of my offering what I then did to the Town, and I am 
still of the same Mind. 

When I first settled among you, what you then voted for my annual 
Support, was generous. It was as much as 1 desired, — yea more per- 
haps than I should in Modexty have asked, — though but little more 
than was necessary for the increasing Expenses of my Family ; and I 
think it highly reasonable for Ministers, as well as other men, to have 
more than a bare Support, that they may be able to leave something 
to their Families in case they should be taken from them, and not 
leave them Beggars. — For they any more than other men, are not 
suffered to continue by Reason of Death. 

But, Gentlemen, you must all be sensible that the Times are greatly 
altered. The Money part of my Salary is comparatively not hing. The 
Wood & Provision, I allow, remain good. The Money Part was added 
that I might be able to furnish myself with those Articles the Town 
could not supply me with, — such as Sugar, etc. — Things we can't well 
do without. But it would be needless to mention how little it will pur- 
chase now. However, I shall just mention one or two Particulars ; for 
Instance, Svgar. My Salary five years ago would have purchased Three 



416 HISTORY OF HAlVrPTON. 

thousand weiglit, whereas now it will purchase but one hundred weight, 
or a little more. — A great Odds, indeed ! Again, — One Ai'ticle that I 
have purchased in Town, & whicli you will all acknowledge to be ab- 
solutely necessary, used to cost me, at most, half a Pistareen, or 
seven Pence, for which I gave, not long since. Five Shillings ; — & so I 
could go on & mention with Respect to most other Articles, the great 
l^ifiference in the Price now & when I settled. You must acknowl- 
edge that my Salar}^ cannot be sufflcient, and I wonder you don't see 
it. 1 can't but think you will see & acknowledge it. 

But notwithstanding what I have said, I am far — vei'y far — from 
desiring to give the least uneasiness to any one of my Friends. I 
profess to be a Disciple of Jesus Christ %who is styled the Prince of 
Peace, I am a Preacher of Peace, & I mean to be a Practiser &a Pro- 
moter of Peace & to be an Example herein to you. I, therefore for the 
sake of Peace, which has ever been my aim, now freely, & before this 
assembled Town, relinquish to ever}^ one who is not disposed to assist 
me in this ditticult Day, & to do me Justice, their Part of what was voted 
me. It is hard, but J had rather suffer wrong than do wrong, & part 
with my Right rather than make Uneasiness. 

I therefore do this purely for the Sake of Peace. I don't do it Gen- 
tlemen, because I think it is not my Right, for I do think it is. I 
don't do it because I think you are not in Justice bound to make me 
some Consideration, for I think you are. I don't do it because I could 
not recover what was voted me ; for I think I cotdd. But I do it be- 
cause 1 love Peace, & would do all in my Power to preserve & promote 
it ; Tho' at the same Time I can't but lament that the Love of so many 
waxes cold to Religion & to the Ministers of Religion. 

Religion alone tends to promote the Peace & Happiness of Individ- 
uals, & of Societies : without it, we should run into all manner of Dis- 
orders & Confusion. Surel}^ then we ought to love Religion ; & if we 
love Religion, we shall love the Ministers of Religion, & do all we can 
to render their Circumstances agreeable. I am engaged in a good cause 
— it is the Cause of God, — & I mean not to desert it, so long as I 
can live. If 1 am faithful, I doubt not I shall have my Reward ; and 
I live among so kind a People, that I don't think they will let me suffer. 

Upon the whole, I hope. Gentlemen, as I so freely for the Sake 
of Peace, give up what I look upon as my just Due, there will be no 
Uneasiness among you on my account, nor on any other. May you all 
study the Things that make for Peace. May you act noio and at all 
Times, as under the immediate Inspection of the Omniscient God. 
May all Things be done decently & in order ; and God grant we may 
all so conduct here as that we may meet at last in the world of per- 
fect Peace & Love. — Amen. Eben"" Thayer." 



REV. EBENEZER THATER'S PASTORATE. 1765-1792. 417 

This communication appears to have had some influence upon those 
who had asked for a reconsideration of the vote for indemnifying Mr. 
Thayer. The article in the warrant, which called forth this letter from 
the pastor, appears to have been passed over without being acted upon 
at all, so far as we can judge from the record of the meeting. For nine 
years longer, however, the question remained unsettled, but in Decem- 
ber, 1788, the town voted: ''That on condition of the Rev'^ Kbenezer 
Thayer's giving the town of Hampton a Receipt in full for his money 
salary up to March, 1786, the selectmen [should] give to him their note 
of hand for the sum of £67-10^ Lawful Money, it being for making 
good to him [his loss by] the depreciation of money." This appears to 
have been a final settlement of that embarrassing subject. 

MK. Thayer's death. 

From this time, nothing occurred, so far as is known, to interrupt 
the harmony between pastor and people, till the close of his miiiis- 
trj, which terminated only with his life. His death occurred in the 
early part of autumn, in the year 1792, and was very sudden. On the 
first Sabbath in September, he performed the usual public religious ser- 
vices. The next day he made several pastoral calls, being then in his 
usual health. On AVednesday evening between ten and eleven o'clock, 
he was seized with a violent pain in his stomach. A physician was im. 
mediatel}'^ called, but no relief was afforded, and when the sun rose on 
Thursday morning, September 6th, he lay in the agonies of death, 
and a few minutes afterward expired. The tidings spread rapidly 
through the town, and fell heavily on the ears and the hearts of his 
stricken people, many of whom, only four days before, had listened to 
his teachings from the sacred desk. An event so solemn, so sudden 
and unexpected, could not fail to cast an air of gloom and sadness over 
the whole community ; but how much would that gloom have been deep- 
ened, if the veil that hides the future had been withdrawn, and the 
people had foreseen the divisions and contentions that soon after they 
experienced. 

The funeral obsequies were performed on Saturda}'^, the 8th, and 
were attended by a large concourse of people. Neighboring clergymen 
served as pall-liearers. Rev. Samuel Webster, D.D., of Salisbury, 
preached the funeral sermon, from Psalm xii : 1 . "Help, Lord ; for the 
godly man ceaseth ; for the faithful fail from among the children of 
men." Two appropriate discourses were also delivered the next Sab- 
bath, by Rev. Samuel Langdon, D.D., of Hampton Falls, from Matthew 
XXIV, 44-46. 

Mr. Thayer's age was about 58 years. His pastoral relation to 

27 



418 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

this people had continued almost twenty-six years. During this time 
641 persons had been baptized, and 102 admitted to full communion 
with the church. 

For several Sabbaths after his death, the pulpit, as was then custom- 
ary in such cases, was supplied by neighboring clergymen, for the 
benefit of the widow. The town also, besides paying the funeral ex- 
penses, appropriated £30 for her use, and allowed her, though without 
any formal vote, to occupy the parsonage-house several years with- 
out paying rent. 

Mr. Thayer's sentiments on some points of doctrine differed some- 
what from those of many of his ministerial brethren. His orthodoxy 
was less rigid ; but his life was as much above reproach as that of any 
man. Amiable in his disposition, upright and honest in his dealings, 
affable and courteous in his intercourse with others, he was greatly 
beloved by the people of his charge. Five years after his death, his suc- 
cessor in office, addressing those who had been under his ministry, said 
of him : "The affection with which his name is mentioned, and the 
tears which do annually drop over his grave, are the surest testimony 
of yoxir attachment, and of his virtues." The following inscription is 
on his gravestone in the old burying-ground. 

"In memory of the 
\ Reverend Ebeuezer Thayer, 

who for nearly twenty-six years dispensed the bread of life to the 
society in this place ; and on September 6'*^, 1792, fell asleep in Jesus, 
supported by the Christian hope of a resurrection to eternal life : ae. 58. 

While o'er this modest stone religion weeps, 

Beneath, an humble, cheerful Christian sleeps, 

Sober, learn'd, prudent, free from care and strife, 

He filled the useful oflices of life ; 

Admir'd, endear'd, as Husband, Father, Friend, 

Peace bless'd his days, and innocence his end ; 

Blameless throughout, his worth by all approv'd, 

True to his charge, and by his people lov'd, 

He liv'd to make his hearers' faith abound, 

And died, that his own virtues might be crown'd." 

IMrs. Thayer survived her husband some years, and died in Boston, 
in 1809 ; '' leaving that good name, which is better than precious oint- 
iment." [See Genealogies — Thayer.] 

Mr. Thayer's best cane, given to "the senior deacon," descended to 
Dea. John Lamprey, and is now owned by Dea. Lamprey's great- 
granddaughter, Mrs. George W. Mace; his "every day cane" is still 
treasured as a relic, having lately passed into the possession of Dea. 
James Perkins. Both are of extraordinary length. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

THE PRESBYTERIAN SCHISM. 1792-1807. 
CANDIDATING. 

ALMOST immediately after the funeral services of the late pastor, 
the people began to confer about obtaining another minister. A 
toAvn nieeling was held on the 1st of October, 1792, for the double pur- 
pose of making some provision for the bereaved family, and of provid- 
ing for the supply of the pulpit. The action taken on the former 
subject may be found in the last chapter. In relation to the latter, the 
town appointed the three deacons, Dow, Lane and Lamprey, and Capt. 
Morris Hobbs, to apply to Mr. Isaac Smith to preach the next four 
Sabbaths, unless Mr. Shaw^ should come down seasonably that week to 
preach the next Sabbath ; and also to invite Mr. Nathaniel Thayer 
the eldest son of their late minister, to preach "two Sabbaths next after 
the expiration of the said four Sabbaths." 

Wliether Mr. Smith preached, agreeably to the invitation, is uncer- 
tain, though rather probable. After three of those Sabbaths were 
passed, the people observed a day of fasting and prayer, according to 
the custom of the times. Mr. Thayer preached the two Sabbaths spec- 
ified, but other engagements prevented him from remaining longer, as 
it was then term-time at Harvard College, 'where he was tutor. 

At an adjourned meeting, some changes were made in the commit- 
tee for supplying the pulpit. Dea. Dow was dropped, and Maj. Josiah 
Dearborn and Col. Jonathan Garland were added. The committee 
were instructed to apply to Mr. Thayer to preach here during the col- 
lege vacation, which would commence on the first Wednesday in Jan- 
uai'y, and in the meantime to have the desk supplied by others. 

Mr. Thayer again occupied the pulpit, agreeably to the desire of the 
town, and in February, 1793, received from the church and town a call 
to be settled in the work of the ministry, as successor to his revered 
father. The call, however, was not unanimous on the part of the 
church or the town. Of the former body, he received about four-fifths 
of the votes ; and of the latter, 95 out of 140. Sixty-one persons, im- 

iRev. Jereniiiih Shaw, pastor of the church in Moultonboroiigh— a native of Hampton, 
expected here to visit friends. 

(419) 



420 HISTOEY OF HAMPTON. 

mediately after the vote had been taken by the town, and ten on the 
second of April following, entered their dissent, declaring that they 
were not satisfied with the preaching of Mr. Thayer, and that they 
wished to hear other candidates. They also avowed their determina- 
tion not to do anything for his support, unless compelled by law. Mr. 
Thayer declined the cail, and the next autumn was settled as pastor of 
the church in Lancaster, Mass., where he remained through life. 

The next person invited to the pastorate was Mr. Daniel Dana; 
but the vote in this case not being unanimous, though the number in 
opposition was not large, Mr. Dana thought it not prudent to accept 
the invitation. A large portion of his subsequent life was spent in the 
ministry in Newburyport, where he died at an advanced age. 

Mr. Jonalhan Brown next appears as a candidate, and the town 
voted by a small majority, to invite him to settle here. When the 
subject was brought before the church, a considerable majority was 
found to be against him. Hence he could not be settled according to 
Congregational usage. 

AN EX PARTE COUNCIL. 

To negative a call given to any person by a town or parish, is an un- 
doubted prerogative of a Congregational church. In this case, how- 
ever, some of the friends of Mr. Brown were very indignant that the 
church should presume to interpose their negative. The minority of 
the clinrch feeling aggrieved, the majority proposed to them to refer 
the whole matter to a mutual council, but the proposition was rejected. 

The church, wishing for advice, then called an ex parte council, con- 
sisting of pastors and delegates from the First Church in^Berwick, INIe. , 
the First Church in Exeter, and the churches in Stratham and Green- 
land. The council convened October 1, 1794. Before organizing, the 
pastors and delegates endeavored to obtain an inttn-view with the dis- 
senting members of the church. Failing in this, the council was or- 
ganized, and having examined sundry papers containing the detail of 
the proceedings of the church, in the case under consideration, and 
having also heard the testimony of credible witnesses, they proceeded 
to answer several questions that had been proposed to them by the 
church. They gave it as their decided opinion : 

1, That the proceedings of the church, as stated in said papers, 
relative to the affair of calling Mr. Brown to settle in the work of the 
gospel ministry in this town, appear to have been regular and consti- 
tutional. 

2. That chuich members, who have withdraw^n from communion 
and absented themselves for a number of years, ought not to be admit- 
ted to vote in the church without the explicit consent of the chui'ch. 



THE PKESBYTEKIAN SCHISM. 1792-1807. 421 

3 . That no man has a right to vote by proxy. 

After answering these questions, the council proceeded to give advice 
agreeably to a request from the committee of the church, "for their ad- 
visement and direction to any further measure, that can be adopted, 
which may have a tendency to })romote the interest of religion and re- 
store peace and brotherly love in this church and town." Assuming 
that the church and town would not be likely to unite in the settlement 
of Mr. Brown, the council advised to the inviting of some candidate 
agreeable to both parties ; but if this could not be, then for the church 
to propose to their dissenting brethren the calling of a mutual council 
to settle their differences. 

THE CHANGE TO PRESBYTERIANISM. 

It does not appear from the records, that any effort was immediately 
made to induce the town to employ a new candidate. The advice of 
the council was judicious, but in acting upon it, there was need of 
great caution. It was important to wait for a fitting opportunity. In 
the meantime, the town, despairing of bringing the church to assent 
.to the settlement of Mr. Brown, held a meeting, to consider the scheme 
of changing the plan hitherto followed in choosing a minister — in other 
words of becoming Presbyterians. At this meeting, held December 15, 
immediately after its organization, a remonstrance, signed by sixty- 
five legal voters, against any action upon any of the articles in the 
warrant, relating to the settlement of a minister on the Presbyterian 
plan, was presented and read ; but the majority, notwithstanding 
such strong opposition, immediately voted to "adopt the mode or plan 
of calling a candidate or preacher to settle in the woik of tlie Gospel 
ministry, agreed upon b}^ the Presbytery of New York and Philadel- 
phia;" and then voted to give Mr. Jonathan Brown a call to settle in 
the ministry according to this plan — the vote in the former case be- 
ing eighty-two for and sixty-five against, and in the latter, eighty for 
and sixty-four against. 

A committee, consisting of Dea. William Lane, Dea. John Fogg, 
Capt. Caleb Tappan, Lieut. Cotton Ward and Lieut. Benjamin Shaw, 
was then chosen, to communicate these votes to Mr. Brown. 

Before the meeting of the Presbytery, at which the votes were to 
be considered, seventy-two of the legal voters of the town, including a 
large majority of the bi'ethren of the church, chose a committee to re- 
pair to Londonderry and appear before the Presbytery, to oppose the 
petition of the town. 

The committee represented to the Presbytery the improbability — 
not to say impossibility — of the petitioners being conscientious Pres- 



422 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

bj'teriaus, as the change had been so sudden, and evidently designed 
to carry a point ; and they portrayed some of the evils that must nec- 
essarily result from the petition being granted. 

The church, meanwhile, desirous of a reconciliation, asked for a mu- 
tual council to settle their ditHeulties ; but failing to obtain the assent 
of the minority, they then offered to allow them to select the whole of 
the council themselves — one half of the number to be Congregation- 
alists, and the other half Presbyterians — provided that they would 
agree to abide by the result. This proposition was at once rejected. 

The Presbytery regarded with favor the request of the town to be 
received under their care, but thought it not judicious to place Mr. 
Brown in the pastoral office, under existing circumstances. 

The next candidate was Mr. Abraham Moore, who was introduced 
by the Presbyterians, and might have been, if they had desired it, 
settled according to the Cambridge platform, since the church would 
have consented to his settlement, as he was a very acceptable preacher. 
But this favorable opportunity for effecting a reunion, was neglected. 
Mr. Moore was soon after settled in Newbury, where he remained till 
his death. 

Mr. William Pidgin was the next candidate. After he had preached 
a few times, a town meeting was called to act in relation to his set- 
tlement. The warrant for this meeting is very unique, and its lan- 
guage is such as makes it evident, that it was with the selectmen, by 
whom it was signed, a foregone conclusion that the town would be 
n favor of his settlement. Immediately following the article for 
choosing a moderator, we read : 

"Whereas, at a full town meeting held in December last, there was 
a considerable majority in favor of adopting the Presbyterian form of 
church government, yet as there is a number of our brethren in the 
church and congregation, that cannot see their way clear to accede to 
that form, and as we think there is no essential difference, as it relates 
to the essence of Religion, between that and the Cambridge Platform ; 
and being willing to do every thing in our power for [the] peace and 
harmony of this town, we are willing to agree with our brethren to 
adopt the old Cambridge Platform of church government, and at this 
meeting to give Mr. William Pidgin a call to settle with us in the work 
of the gospel ministry ; and if we should be so unhappy as to be op- 
posed by our brethren in the above proposals, we trust they will not 
take it unfriendly, if we pursue our application to be adopted by Pies- 
bytery, and govern ourselves accordingly, and give Mr. William Pidgin 
a call to settle with us in the Presbyterian form of church government 
at this meeting, if the foregoing case should not be agreed upon," 



THE PRESBYTERIAN SCHISM. 1792-1807. 423 

Two of the selectmen refused to sign the warrant. 

After the meetintr was organized, October 19, 1795, it was adjourned 
to the 27th of the same month, at eight o'clock in the morning. At the 
adjournment, the following vote was passed : 

"In case the church of this congregation shall vote to give Mr. Wil- 
liam Pidgin a call to settle in the gospel ministry in this town, that 
the town will accord with said vote & settle & ordain him as minister 
of this town, agreeably to the Cambridge Platform of church govern- 
ment, anj'^ former vote or votes to the contrary notwithstanding." 

The meeting was then adjourned one liour^ probably for the purpose 
of giving the church a final opportunity to unite in the call. At the 
close of the hour, the business of the meeting was resumed, and the 
town voted "to adhere to their former vote, & give Mr. William Pid- 
gin a call to settle according to the Presbyterian form of church gov- 
ernment." A poll being demanded, sixty-three persons appeared in 
favor, and twenty against — the meeting not being fully attended. 

The salary offered to Mr. Pidgin was £100 per year, to be paid out 
of the interest of the fund belonging to the town, and the parsonage 
rent, and in addition, to keep for him on the parsonage annually, three 
cows, six sheep and one horse, summer and winter, said Pidgin to be at 
the expense of cutting the hay for their keeping ; also voted to give 
him the use of the Parsonage house, out houses and barn, orchard and 
garden, belonging to the town (the buildings and fences to be kept in 
repair by the town), so long as the said Pidgin should remain their 
minister. 

It was also voted: " that Mr. Cotton Ward, Dea. William Lane, 
Daniel Philbriek, Dea. John Fogg, Capt.. Jonathan Marston, Capt. 
Benjamin Shaw & Capt. Caleb Tappan be a committee to lay the 
proceedings of this meeting before the Presbytery at their next meeting, 
& to pray their adoption agreeably to former votes of the town ; and 
to present the call given to Mr. William Pidgin, in behalf of the 
town." The meeting was then dissolved. 

Early the next morning the committee set out for Londonderry, 
to urge the Presbytery to receive them as Presbyterians. Their re- 
quest was granted — those opposed to the proceedings being denied a 
hearing. Being thus denied, their next recourse was to endeavor to 
dissuade Mr. Pidgin from accepting the call. A remonstrance was ac- 
cordingly sent to him, signed by seventy eight legal voters, including 
more than two-thirds of the brethren of the church, and some who were 
not members, in which they gave their views of the case and set forth 
some of the evils that they feared would result to the town, if he should 
accept the call and be settled in the ministry. 



424 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

REV. WILLIAM PIDGIN's MINISTRY. 179G-1807. 

The call of the town was communicated to Mr. Pidgin through the 
medium of the Presbj^tery. In his answer, after alluding to the mag- 
nitude and importance of Lhe work of the christian ministry, and his 
own insufllcieucy for it, he turns to the particular field to which he has 
been invited, and says : -'When I reflect, too, that you are not the 
whole of the Town, but a considerable number is found opposed to the 
measure — and the degree of uncertainly respecting what may be the re- 
sult of this disunion, should I accept the call ; — and reflect likewise 
on what might probably be your situation, should you now be left, when 
affairs have come to the present crisis; — these considerations, when 
viewed, serve to bring me into a dilemma truly solemn and important. 
Shall I go forward, or not? is the grand question." This question 
Mr. Pidgin decided in the aflirmative, by accepting the call. His an- 
swer is without date. 

The course pursued by the town appeared so objectionable to the 
clmrch, that they resolved to make one more effort to arrest it, by an 
appeal to the Presbytery. Accordingly, at the meeting of that body 
for the ordination of the candidate, a remonstrance was presented, 
signed by about the same number of persons as the one previously 
presented to Mr. Pidgin. The Presbytery, however, voted in favor of 
ordination. The minority of the old church, seceding, constituted the 
Presbyterian church, of which Mr. Pidgin now became pastor. 

The ordination services were performed on the 27th of January, 1796. 

THE COURSE OF THE OLD CHURCH. 

Tlie old church was now left in an embarrassing condition. A con- 
siderable number of its members, including two of the deacons, had 
separated from it. About five-ninths of the legal voters of the town 
had declared themselves Presbyterians ; and, being a majority, they con- 
sequently had control of the parsonage land, the ministerial fund and 
the meeting house. The church, under these circumstances, set apart 
Wednesday the 2nd of March for fasting and prayer, and invited sev- 
eral of the ministers in the vicinity to meet with them and advise in 
relation to their future course. 

The ministers invited were present on the day appointed, forming 
a clerical council, viz.: Rev. Samuel Langdon, D.D., of Hampton 
Falls; Rev. Samuel Haven, D.D., and Rev. Joseph Buckminster, of 
Portsmouth ; Rev. Benjamin Tluirston, of North Hampton ; Rev. Wil- 
liam F. Rowland, of Exeter ; Kev. James Miltimore, of Stratham ; Rev. 
Jeremiah Shaw, of Moultonborough ; Rev. John Andrews, of New- 



THE PRESBYTERIAN SCHISM. 1792-1807. 425 

buryport ; Rev. Huntington Porter, of Rye ; Rev. Joseph Langdon, of 
Newington ; and Rev. Messrs. Crafts and Perkins. 

The pubhc services of the day were held in a dwcHing-house, owned 
byCapt. Morris Hobbs, near his own home, it being the same that was 
afterward owned and occupied by his sou, Dea. Jeremiah Hobbs. A 
sermon was preached in the forenoon by Rev. Mr. Ibickminster, from 
Acts XV : 39, 40; and another in the afternoon, by Rev. Dr. Haven, 
from John xiii : 34, 35. Mr. Buckminster's sermon was pubUshed, and 
the following sentences are quoted, as showing the views of the minis- 
ters present : 

"By our coming and joining in these acts of worship, we publicly 
declare, that in onr opinion, yon have not forfeited your christian char- 
acter, uor your relation to the churches in this neighboi hood. We 
own you as a church of Christ and think that, as yon are a majority 
of that body in this place, and have once and again made conciliatory 
proposals to your dissenting brethren, which have been declined or re- 
jected, we act consistently, and have the countenance of the brethren 
at Antioch, with respect to Paul, in being with you this day and 
recommending you to tlie grace of God." "Though yon may not be able 
to pray that persons may become Presbyterians, yet pray tliat Pres- 
byterians and all other denominations of christians may become good 
men." "If you proceed in your present resolution of seeking a man to 
set over you in the Lord, be not governed by party names and dis- 
tinctions, nor seek one who draws his doctrines from human formnla- 
ries and systems ; but seek one who bows to the gospel of the grace of 
God, that owns no master but Ciirist, and that is not ashamed of his 
peculiar doctrines, and will not be a shame to his pure and heavenly 
precepts; one who, from love to Christ and his canse, will feed his 
sheep and feed his lambs, and take heed to himself and iiis ministry." 

The next Sabbath after the meeting of ministers, the Congregation- 
alists began to hold meetings by themselves for public worship, and 
continued that course as long as tlie Presbyterians maintained a sepa- 
rate organization. Their first preacher was the Mr. Perkins wlio was 
present at the council of ministers. He remained here a few Sabbaths 
only, and on the 17th of April, Mr. Jesse Appleton, who afterward be- 
came their pastor, was with the people for the first time, and continued 
to supply them personally, or by exchanges, till his ordination, which 
took place about ten months later. 

THE COXGREGATIONAL SOCIETT. 

An early movement was made for the formation of a religious soci- 
ety, that might, in connection with the church, make provision for the 



426 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

support of gospel institutions. A petition for an act of incorporation 
was presented to the Legislature at the fall session in 17t)6. The pe- 
titioners represented that they were conscientiously of the Congrega- 
tional persuasion, as their ancestors had been (rom the first settlement 
of the town ; that recently an unhapi)y dissension had arisen in the town, 
and a minor portion of the church and a major portion of the town had 
professed to be Presbyterians and had settled a minister of that de- 
nomination, from which act the petitioners had dissented ; — that they 
were desirous of enjoying the ordinances of the gospel agreeably to the 
dictates of their own consciences, and of being allowed in a corporate 
capacity to contract with, and settle a minister of their own persua- 
sion : — and they therefore prayed that they might be formed into a 
distinct parish. 

An order of notice was served on the town, and a town meeting 
called for November 2S, to take the subject into consideration, Capt. 
Jonathan Marston and Capt. Benjamin Shaw were chosen " a commit- 
tee in behalf of the town, to api)ear at the General Court to oppose 
the granting of the petition." Their opposition was unavailing. The 
prayer of the petitioners was declared "to be consonant to the spirit of 
the Constitution and the unalienable rights of men." An act of in- 
corporation was therefore granted, December 6, 1796, constituting the 
petitioners, eighty-one in number, with such others as might afterwards 
join them, a body politic and corporate with continuance and succession 
forever, by the name of the Congregational Society in Hampton, and 
enfranchising them and investing them with all such rights, privileges 
and immunities as were held or enjoyed by any other parish in the 
State. Provision was also made for admitting new members ; and 
Joseph Dow, Esq., was " authorized to call, and preside at, the first 
meeting" of the Society. 

The first meeting was held at their usnal place of public worship, 
three weeks after the passage of the act of incorporation. Col. Jon- 
athan Garland was chosen clerk, and Joseph Dow, Esq., Maj. Josiah 
Dearborn and Colonel Garland, selectmen, or wardens. The select- 
men were authorized to call all future meetings of the Society. Two 
days afterward they posted a warrant for a meeting, to act in relation 
to giving Mr. Appleton an invitation to become their pastor. At that 
meeting, January 17, 1797, a unanimous vote was passed to give him 
a call to settle in the work of the gospel ministry ; and to give him as 
a salary the first 3'ear, £90, to be paid, £20 of it in provisions at the 
following prices, viz. : corn, 3 shillings per bushel; pork 3 pence, and 
beef, 2 pence per pound ; also to give him the keeping of a horse, sum- 
mer and winter ; the second year, the same sum, and the keeping of a 



THE PRESBYTERIAN SCHISM. 1792-1807. 427 

horse and two cows, and also to provide him with a convenient house 
and harn, if lie should have occasion for them ; afterwards, to give him 
£95 annually, to be paid in money and provisions as before ; also to 
find him a house, barn and other necessary buildings, the summering 
of one horse, two cows and six sheep, and grass sufficient for hay for 
wintering them, and to furnish him with five cords of hard wood and 
five of pine, annually, during his ministry here. 

These proposals were made on condition that Mr. Appleton should 
agree to release to the society all his right and title to all the parson- 
age lands and buildings and to all the property, of whatever kind, ap- 
propriated to the use of the ministry in the town, whenever he should be 
legally put in possession of them. 

The church also met the same day and on their part unanimously 
voted a call to Mr. Appleton. Messrs. Jonathan Locke, Aln'aham P. 
Towle, Amos Knowles, John Dow and Benjamin Brown Shaw were 
€hosen a committee of the church, and Col. Christopher Toppau, 
Joseph Dow, Esq, Col. Jonathan Garland, Maj. Josiah Dearborn, Sam- 
uel Drake, Samuel Mace and Abner Page, of the society, to wait 
upon INIr. Appleton and present him with a copy of these votes, and re- 
ceive his answer. 

REV. JESSE APPLETON's MINISTRY. 1797-1807. 

Without much delay, Mr. Appleton accepted the call — reserving to 
himself the privilege of being absent two Sabbaths in each year, as- 
signing as a reason, the distance at which his relatives lived from 
Hampton, and the many casualties which might render journeying 
necessary. He also informed the church and society, that, from the 
shortness of the time which he had devoted to theological studies, it 
was necessary that he should be able to follow Paul's advice to Timo- 
thy, and '• give attendance to reading." This he could not do satis- 
factorily to himself, if he should be obliged to prepare two sermons 
every week, and he therefore intimated that he should wish to make fre- 
quent exchanges, as he had hitherto done. 

Mr. Appleton was ordained on Wednesday, February 22, 1797. 
The public services were held at the society's usual place of meeting. 
The sermon was preached by Rev. Samuel McClintock, D.D., of 
Greenland, from Acts ii : 22; Rev. Dr. Langdon gave the charge ; 
and Rev. Mr. Thurston, the fellowship of the churches. 

THE FIFTH MEETING-HOUSE. 

Capt. Morris Hobbs' house, before mentioned, in which the congre- 
gation had worsliipped during the past year, not being sufficiently com- 



428 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

modious, preparations were already begun for building a meeting-house. 
Situated as they were, the undertaking was an arduous one, but it 
was entered upon with a determination to carry it on to completion. 
A considerable amount of material and labor was contributed, by 
members of the society, and many of them furnished besides, more or 
less lumber at a reduced price. 

The frame was raised on the 24th of Ma}^ and the work was prose- 
cuted so vigorously that the house was in readiness to be occupied in 
less than six months from that time. To provide the necessary funds 
seasonably, so that the building committee might not be embarrassed, 
an early sale of the pews was agreed upon. It was voted that they 
should be sold by vendue to the highest bidder, under certain regula- 
tions adopted by the society. These regulations were, in substance, 
as follows : No bid less than half a dollar should be received, and no 
pew shoidd be sold for less than forty dollars. One sixth part of the 
pi'ice of each pew must be paid doAvn, and another sixth in twenty 
days ; one-half of the remainder, within six weeks from the daj^ of the 
sale, and the balance, by the first day of September following. .In 
case any person should fail to make his payments in this manner, he 
would forfeit the first payment and the pew, to the society. A com- 
mittee of eight men was then appointed for selling the pews, the sale 
to take place early in June. As the house was then in an unfinished 
state, and the pews had not been built, the sales were to be made by a 
plan already drawn, and accepted by the society. 

At the dedication of the meeting-house, November 14, 1797, the 
pastor of the church preached an appropriate sermon from i Kings 
VIII : 27. The first prayer was offered by Dr. Mc Clintock, and the 
last, by Rev. Mr. Buckminster. The next meeting in the new house 
was on Thanksgiving day, two days after the dedication, when Rev. 
Mr. Thurston, of North Hampton, preached. 

THE ECCLESIASTICAI. LAWSUITS. 

Each of the two churches had now a settled pastor, and for each con- 
gregation there was a comfortable house of worship ; but here was not 
an end of their dissensions and difficulties. A considerable amount of 
parsonage property and ministerial funds afforded ample scope for con- 
tention. These funds had been derived from the sale of lauds pur- 
chased of Rev. Timothy Dalton, nearly a centm-y and a half before, 
for the use of the church and town, and of other land appropriated by 
the town at different times for the support of the ministry. The par- 
sonage lands then remaining Avere from the same sources. The Pres- 
byterians having in their interest a majority of the legal voters of the 



THE PRESBYTERIAN SCHISM. 1792-1807, 429 

town, claimed the right of appropriating the whole income of this 
property for the support of their own institutions, and had accordingly, 
at the settlement of their pastor, voted to give him the use of the par- 
sonage buildings, and had made provision for the payment of his sal- 
ary out of the income of the parsonage and of the ministerial funds. 
But Mrs. Thayer was still occupying the parsonage, and, acting un- 
der the advice of the Congregationalists, relused to vacate it. 

In the spring of 1796 the town chose a committee, consisting of 
Elisha 8. Marston, Capt. Benjamin Shaw, Lieut. Cotton Ward, John 
Moulton, Daniel Lamprey, Capt. Jonathan Marston and Cornet Simon 
Nudd, '' to go to Mrs. Martha Thayer and demand a categorical an- 
SAver, whether she will move out of the parsonage house which tlie Town 
have voted to the Rev, Mr, William Pidgin & quit all claims to any 
of the Parsonage Lands & Buildings on the same belonging to the 
Town (Avhich slie retains) & remove all encumbrance of hers off the 
same by a Day appointed by said Committee — she Binding herself 
by her hand writing to perform the above — they to allow her a time 
sufficient to accomplish the same," In case of her refusal to comply 
with their demand, the committee were empowered and instructed "to 
proceed with her as the law directs, to disposses her of what she with- 
holds from the Town & the Rev'' Mr, William Pidgin." Vote, seventy- 
two for and fifty-one against ; remonstrance presented to the meeting, 
signed by fifty-three persons, 

Mrs, Thayer, having refused to vacate the parsonage house, and re- 
linquish all claims upon the parsonage lands, the town appointed Capt. 
Jonathan Marston and Oliver Whipple, Esq,, for attorneys, to appear 
in any court of law in this State, to sue and prosecute any action of 
ejectment commenced or to be commenced against Mrs. Martha 
Thayer, in behalf of said tOAvu. Thus the matter was brought into 
the civil court. 

The Congregationalists did not approve these proceedings, as they 
believed that the ministerial property had been bought, or set apart by 
the town for the sujDport of the Congregational ministry alone. They 
therefore felt themselves justified in advising Mrs. Thayer to keep 
possession of the parsonage-house, to prevent its falling into the hands 
of those who, they believed, had in equity no right to it. 

In a communication to the town, May 2, 1796, signed by more than 
fift}^ Congregationalists, after giving their views of the purpose for 
which the ministerial property was intended, they add : "Neverthe- 
less, we being willing and desirous to do everything in our power to 
promote the peace and happiness of the town, and to prevent expen- 
sive lawsuits if possible, would propose making choice of an equal num- 



430 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

ber of the Presbyterian and Congregational societies as a committee, 
to meet, and, if they can agree upon any mode of accommodation be- 
tween the parties, then to lay it before the parties in town meeting 
for their consideration ; but if no such agreement should take place, we 
are ready and willing to leave matters of dispute between us, to the 
deteiinination of judicious, disinterested men, such as should be mut- 
ually agreed upon." 

Tliis proposition for a committee of the two parties was brought 
before the town for consideration more than a year afterwai'ds (July 
10, 1797), and Lieut. Cotton Ward, Cornet Simon Nudd, Elislia S. 
Marston, James Leavitt, Capt. Jonathan Murston, Piiilip Towle, and 
Benjamin Shaw were appointed a committee on the part of the Pres- 
byterians, "to meet with a* committee that is, or may be, chosen by the 
Congregational Society, to see if they can agree upon a division of 
the property bought b}' the town for the use of the ministry" and re- 
port the result for the action of the town. 

On the part of the Congregational Society a committee was chosen, 
August 7, consisting of the following persons : Col. Christopher Top- 
pan, Samuel Mace, Daniel Lamprey, Jun. , Jonathan Locke, Abner 
Page, Joseph Dow, Esq., Abraham P. Towle, John Dow and Joseph 
Towle, Jun. 

Having but little contidence that any settlement would be effected 
by these committees, the society, the same day, chose Joseph Dow 
and Christopher Toppan, Esquires, Mnj. Josiah Deaiborn, and Messrs. 
Samuel Mace and Abner Page a committee to conduct the case if it 
should be necessary to bring it into court. 

Tlie committees chosen by the two parties for consultation were 
unable to agree upon any plan of accommodation. The Congrega- 
tional society theiefore commenced an action to recover what they 
considered as rightfully belonging to them, but withheld from them 
by the town. The suit was brought in the name of their minister, 
Rev. Jesse Appleton, and was managed by the committee previously 
ciiosen for that purpose. 

The town, on the 3()th of July, 1798, chose Capt. Benjamin Shaw 
and C:ipt. Jonathan Marston to manage the defense, with full power 
of substitution. At the same meeting another committee was chosen 
to join a similar committee on the part of the Congregationalists, with 
full power to effect a settlement of all matter of dispute, according to 
their discretion. Tiie committee were : Cornet Simon Nudd, Capt. 
Benjamin Shaw, James Moulton, James Leavitt, Elislia S. Marston 
and Jonathan INIarston, 3(1. 

The next spring it was proposed by the Congregationalists to make 



THE PRESBYTERIAN SCHISM. 1792-1807. 431 

an equal division of all the ministerial property between them and the 
Presbyterians ; or to leave it to disinterested men to make such a divis- 
ion as they should think proper; or to divide the income yearly ac- 
cording to the assessments on the members of the two societies 
respectively ; or to have Ihe town make pi-ovision for the full payment 
of the salaries of both ministers. 

When these proposals were submitted to the town for action, on 
the 19th of March, the town voted to post[)one indefinitely the con- 
sideration of them, declai-ing that the whole matter was still with the 
connnittee appointed on the oOlh of July preceding. 

The Congregational society, therefore, met again and appointed a 
committee of an equal nnmber on their part, and gave them like 
power. This committee consisted of the following persons: Colonel 
Toppan, Esquire Dow, Lieut. Daniel Lampre^', Abner Page, Joseph 
Towle, Jr., and Levi Batchelder. 

The committees of the contending parties having failed to make a 
settlement of their difficulties, propositions similar to those on which 
the town had declined to act on the 19lli of March, w-ere again brought 
before the town early in the next autumn. The town voted, that, as 
they had previously contracted with Rev. Mr. Pidgin, to give him the 
use of the paisonage house and certain lands, together with the in- 
terest of the funds belonging to the town, for his support and salary, 
they would not now be warranted by law to give any part of tliis 
grant "to any other minister or society whatsoever;" nor were they 
"as a town authorized to alien or convey any part of tlie purchase 
made by the tovvn in their corporate capacil}^ for their use, to or for 
any other purpose whatsoever." The articles in the warrant were 
therefore postponed, the town again voting "to confide in and abide 
by" the action of their committee formerly chosen. 

From this vote, it is evident, that, however desirous the committee 
might have been to settle the existing disputes, nothing effectual 
could be done by them that would be satisfactory to the town, unless 
the Congregatioualists would concede to them the whole ground. 
This they would not do, as they had full confidence in the justice of 
their cause, and there were also indications, that, although their suits at 
law had not yet been decided, they would ultimately be given in their 
favor. 

At the next annual meeting, March 18, 1800, the town directed 
the selectmen to furnish the agents appointed to carry on or defend 
the lawsuits between Rev. Mr. Appleton and the tovvn, and Mrs. Thayer 
and the town, with such money as they might from time to time need, 
or as the circumstances of the suits might require. A few months 



432 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Inter Capt. Benjamin Sbaw was chosen agent to carry on tlie suits for 
the town. 

At anotlier town meeting, Oct. 27, it was voted to settle tliese dis- 
putes on terms afterward to be agreed upon, and to choose a counnit- 
tee of six, three from eacli part}-, to devise, if possible, some plan 
likelv to effect an accommoihiUoii between the parties. It does not 
appear whether any plan of settlement was agreed upon by this com- 
mittee, to be submitted to the town. A series of propositions, of 
similar import with those brought before the town on the lOtli of 
March, 1799, and indefinitely postponed, were again offered for con- 
sideration, February 2, 1801, but whether by recommendation of this 
committee or by request of the Congregational society, we are not in- 
formed. The town voted to postpone all the articles, and immediately 
dissolved the meeting. 

At the annual meeting of the Congregational society in the spring 
of 1802 Josiah Maiston and Abner Page were chosen and empowered 
"to take care of the parsonage land belonging to this society and to 
prosecute an}' person that shall cut or haid off any wood from the 
same." The land here referred to was the home parsonage, which 
had been in tlie possession of Mrs. Tliayer, the widow of the late pas- 
toi'. Although a writ of ejectment had been brought against her by 
the town she had never been ousted. She had now, however, volun- 
tarily removed from tlie parsonage house and given up all claim to 
the land, and Rev. Jesse Ai)pleton had taken possession of it and was 
now occupying the house. This being done under claim of sight, he 
could not be disseized by the town, unless by a writ of ejectment. 

In the following summer the society instructed their agents for 
carrying on the suit against the town for recovering the parsonage 
property, "immediately to adoi)t such measures as might have a ten- 
dency to bring every matter relative to the affair^to as speedy a deter- 
mination as possible." 

THE INDENTURE OF 1803. 

Terms of settlement were at length agreed upon, and on the 24th 
of March, 1803, an indenture was made between the two i)arties, by 
which all their disputes were to be ended. The propert}'^ that had 
been the object of controversy was the parsonage house, with the 
outbuildings; the home parsonage, so called, containing somewhat 
more than (ifty acies, and several other tracts of land situated in 
Hampton and North Hampton, containing by estimation 174 acres; 
and besides these, United States 6 per cent, stocks to the amount of 
$4,570, with the income accruing therefrom since May 1, 1794. 



THE PRESBYTERIAN SCHISM. 1792 — 1807. 433 

The indenture now made was based on the assumption that this 
property belonged equallj- to the two contending parties. It provided 
that the parsonage house and out-buildings, the garden and orchard 
connected tlierewitli and containing about one acre, which were now 
occupied and improved by Rev. Mr. Appleton, should continue to 
be held by the Congregational society I'or the use oT their minister, 
so long as Rev. Mr. Pidgin should remain as minister of the town, 
and afterward be held jointly and equally by both parties forever ; and 
that the remainder of the home parsonage should be held jointly and 
equally by the two parties for tlie use of their respective ministers, 
and by these ministers should be jointly and equally possessed and 
occupied, so long as Rev. Mr. Pidgin should remain a settled minis- 
ter in the town, and afterward should be jointly and equally occupied 
by the parties until a further and different agreement should be made 
concerning it. 

It was provided that all the other parsonage lands should forever 
beheld in trust by the town for the following uses, to wit : "That the 
said town, by their selectmen or other agents shall annually lease 
and to farm lot the same for the town for one year, for so much money 
as can be obtained for the same, at a public auction for that purpose, 
to be annually notified and had in said town ; the rents to be paid 
within one year from the time of leasing said land annually, and se- 
cured by good and sufficient promissory notes — one-half the amount 
of which shall be made payable to the said Congregational Society 
for their own use. which said half part of said notes shall annually, 
on request, be delivered by said town to the selectmen or lawful agents 
of said society, to be by them disposed of as said society shall direct ; 
and the otlier half of said notes for said rents shall be for the use of 
said town." 

It wi.s also agreed that the interest of the funded stock should be 
received by the town, and one-half thereof be paid to the societ}' in 
quarterly payments ; and, as a portion of the principal of that stock 
would, b}' law, be paid annuall}', that the sums so received by the 
town, together with such part of the principal as had been received 
since 1794, should be loaned on good security, and one-half the inter- 
est arising therefrom, be annually paid over to the society ; that the 
town should keep an exact account or statement in writing, showing 
to whom and in what manner the amount of said principal should be 
loaned ; and would at all reasonable times, on request, exhibit and 
show the same to said society or their selectmen or agents. It was 
further stipulated that no part of the principal already received, or 
that might afterward be received from the funded stock, should ever 
28 



434 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

be alienated or disposed of otherwise than by being loaned for interest 
as aforesaid, except bj- the joint consent of town and society. 

It was further agreed that each of the parties should indemnify and 
save harmless the other party and its minister from all claims for the 
possession of any part of the parsonage lands or funded stock, and 
from all damages, losses or costs accruing to the other party in con- 
sequence of such demands or suits. 

This indenture was drawn up witli great care by Jeremiah Mason. 
Esq., of Portsmouth, who had been employed as counsel foi' the soci- 
ety, and was signed by the committees of the two parlies, appointed 
and empowered to make a settlement of their difficulties, about four 
years previous to the date of the indenture, viz. : Simon Nudd, Ben- 
jamin Shaw, James Moulton, James Leavitt, Elisha S. Marston and 
Jonathan Marston, Jr., on the part of the town, and Christopher Top- 
pan, Joseph Dow, Daniel Lamprey, Jr., Abner Page, Joseph Towle, 
Jr., and Levi Batchelder, on the i)art of the society. 

The following letter, addressed to the author by Edmund Toppan, 
Esq., in 1838, explains more fully the course of these two lawsuits : 

Dear Sir : — In the years 1797-8-9 I passed several days at Ipswich and 
Salem, in examinina: and taking minutes from the ancient records of the to^\n 
of Hampton and other towns in NeAv Hampshire, formerly constituting in 

part the county of Norfolk My search was made in conse- 

t]uence of the famous Hampton religious suits. 1 was then a student-at-law 
in the office of Theo. Parsons, at Newburyport, who was counsel for the Con- 
gregational Society ^5. the town of Hampton. J recollect perfectly well that 
I procured a copy of the incorporation of the town of Hampton, of the 
original deed of the Eev. Timothy Dalton to the town of Hampton, and his 
last will, and of several other papers then thought to be of importance. 

I attended, I believe, every trial in the Superior court, of the Hampton 
actions, viz: Hampton vs. Martha Thayer ; and Jesse Apf)leton (for the Con- 
gregational Society) vs. Hampton. The deed of Mr. Dalton was formerlj- 
considered, by persons who had never seen it, to be a deed of gift, and by 
some, to the church only. But in the trials of the Hampton actions Judges 
Olcott, Farrar, Wiugate and Newcomb invariably charged the juries that the 
premises in Dalton's deed were purchased by the town of Hampton /<?r the itse 
oj the niitiistry. Judge liivermore, on the other hand, that the premises were 
sold to the town absolutely, as in a common modern deed of warranty, and 
that the town of Hampton could do as it pleased with the premises — and in 
one charge said, "even buy dead horses with it," if a majority of legal voters 
thought proper. 

That Dalton's deed was a deed of sale, &c., and not of gift, was proved by 
the deed itself ; and by Dalton's will, afterwards executed, in which he be- 
queatlied the very consideration money of the deed, due from the town of 
Hampton ; and by other circumstances proved by the town records. 

All the lands in Hampton reserved as town rights, ministerial rights, and 
by dillerent ai)pellations, commonly known as parsonage lands, wei-e consid- 
ered as appropriated to ike use of the ministry by a majority of the judges. 



THE PRESBYTERIAN SCHISM. 1792 — 1807. 435 

Verdicts were given in some of the actions in favor of the Congregational 
societ}' for an undivided moiety, &c., agi-eeably to the opinion of the court, 
but no rinal judgment was rendered in any action. All actions and causes of 
action between the parties were at last submitted to the determination of 
Judges jMiuot, Sewall and Dawes, of Massachusetts, as referees. A hearing 
was had before tliein at Boston, but the sudden death of Judge Minot pre- 
vented there being a report made. The papers were c()nse(]uentiy returned 
into court. But the parties were given to understand that a report, if made, 
would have been in conformity with the opinion of the court. Therefore the 
parties withdrew all the actions but one and made a settlement by deed. 
The action not settled, which was for cost in the suits, etc., was referred to 
(Governor Langdon, Judge Hale, &c., who reported that the Congregational 
Society should recover of the town one thousand dollars. 

Thus ended these famous suits. 

Yours i&c, 

E. TOPPAN. 

By the foregoing settlement of the claims of the two churches and 
pai'ishes, to the ministerial funds and parsonage propert}', one of the 
chief sources of contention was removed, or, at least, temporarily 
closed. The manifestations of unkind feelings between members of 
the two churches and congregations were now not so frequent or so 
strongly marked. It should not, however, be inferred that perfect 
harmony was immediately restored. The disaffection was too deeph' 
looted, and had been too long cherished, to be eradicated at once. 

The Presbyterians, as we have seen, bad an advantage in point of 
numbers, enabling them to determine what measures should be adopted 
in town meeting ; and it need occasion no surprise if in some cases 
they were not quite impartial in the exercise of their power. 

We institute no comparison as to the religious character and the 
moral worth of the members of the two churches and congregations, 
either separately or in the aggregate. Virtue and piety were not the 
exclusive property of either party. Each church was strongly attached 
to its pastor. Mr. Appleton was a man of unblemished character. 
Here he was invulnerable. If his opponents, in the heat of excite- 
ment, sometimes burled at him the shafts of calumny, they always 
fell harmless at his feet. Though very young at the time of his set- 
tlement, he was ever remarkable for his prudence. It w'as well said of 
him that he was "wise as a serpent and harmless as a dove." His 
Simplicity and purity of character in many cases won the affection of 
individuals who had been unrelenting in their opposition to his church 
and societ3% 

Mr. Pidgin also, in the troubles which arose after a few j'ears, was 
declared by his people to have had an "established reputation for 
piety and good morals, even frona his youth, as far as we have been 



436 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

able to gather." He took an active interest in public affairs and held 
his people together, so thai, even after an acknowledged lapse from 
moralitj, the}' desired "to have the near connection of minister and 
people yet continued." It was thought expedient, however, that the 
wa\' should be prepared for his retiring from the pastoi'ate. Mr. 
Pidgin probably asked for a dismission, but this appears of record 
onl}' by inference from the warrant of the selectmen to call a meeting 
of the Presbyterian portion of the legal voters of the town, '"to see if 
they will lie of the mind to comply with the request of the Rev. Will- 
iam Pidgin to dismiss him from being an}- longer a minister of the 
town of Hampton." 

The meeting was holden April 20, 1807. when it was voted not to 
dismiss him at that time, but to continue him in office on terms pro- 
posed by Mr. Pidgin himself, namely: that either party to the con- 
tract might dissolve the relation between them at will, by giving 
seasonable notice. This meeting seems to have been called chiefly 
to pave the way for an easy dissolution of the pastoral relation, for, 
at a legal meeting of the society on the 6th of July, 1807, called "to 
consider the affair relative to the dismission of our pastor, the Rev. 
William Pidgin, from his pastoral relation to this Presbyterian church 
and societ}'," it was voted "to dismiss him from being any longer our 
pastor." 

A committee was chosen to provide for a session of the presbytery 
in this pl.nce at the expense of the town, and to ask counsel and 
assistance of them in the destitute condition of the societv. Col. 
Benjamin Shaw, James Leavitt, Esq., and Lieut. Philip Towle consti- 
tuted the committee. It was also voted that this committee should 
be emi)owered to supply the pulpit under direction of the presbytery 
until some other agreement should be made. 

Rev. William Pidgin was born at Newburyport, Mass., March 1, 
1771, and graduated at Dartmouth College in 1794. After his dis- 
mission from the Presbyterian church here he was settled at Minot, 
in the State of Maine, February 11, 1811, where he remained a little 
more than eight years and was dismissed from his pastoral charge 
August 14, 1819. He afterwards removed to Portland, Me , where 
he died, in 1848. [See Genealogies — Pidgin.] 

After the termination of the lawsuits for the recovery of a part of 
the parsonage property and the ministerial funds, nothing occurred 
for several years to interrupt the harmony or check the prosperity of 
the Congregational church and society. 



THE PRESBYTERIAN SCHISM, 1792 — 1807. 437 



rRKSIDKNT APl'T.KTON. 

On Sunday, September 20, 1807, the pastor announced his appoint- 
ment to the presidency of Bowdoin CoUege,' liis present indecision 
as to his duty, and his desire for a mutual council, after suflicient 
time should have been given the church for deli])eration. 

A month later it was voted to call such a council. Mr. Appleton, 
Deacons Lamprey and Garland and Colonel Topjian were chosen a 
committee of arrangements. 

Accordingly, an ecclesiastical council convened at the parsonage, 
agreeably to letters missive, November 10, 1807. All the churches 
invited were represented by their pastors and delegates, as follows : 
South church, Andover, Mass., Rev. Jonathan French, pastor; dele- 
gates, Pearson and Poor. 
First church, Newbury, Mass., Rev. John S. Popkin, pastor ; delegates, 

March and Little. 
First church, Newburyport, Mass., Rev. John Andrews, pastor ; dele- 
gates, Abbot and Farnham. 
North ciuirch, Portsmouth, Rev. Joseph Buckminster, D.U., pastor; 

delegate, Harris. 
Church in Epping, Rev. Peter Holt, pastor; delegates, Stearns and 
Prescott. 

The council was organized by the choice of Rev. Mr. French as 
moderator, and Rev. Mr. Popkiu as scribe. 

Mr. Appleton made to the council the following statement: 

''Though I have urged the church to the calling of this council, I 
would have it understood that the measure has been urged with a view 
to ascertain and pursue the path of duty, and not from any misun- 
derstanding which has existed between the people and me. 

1 desire to take this opportunity to bear them an honorable testi- 
mony. The harmony between them and myself has been without any 
interruption. They have treated me with uniform kindness and affec- 
tion, and to render m}' situation comfortable have made pecuniary 
exeitious, to which I believe most people of no greater wealth would 
not have consented ; and since the appointment which has occasioned 
the convening of this council took place, they have, so far as I know, 
proceeded with a good degree of deliberation and prudence. I have 
likewise a comfortable persuasion that the same deliberation and pru- 
dence will mark their conduct when they receive the result of the 
council, whatever it may be." 

1 Made vacniit by tlie death of Kev. Dr. ilcKeaii. 



438 HISTORl' OF HAMPTON. 

The council could have but one result — to advise the pastor's accept- 
ance of the presidency of Bowdoin College, for which he was so emi- 
nently fitted ; and reluctantly, but proudly, the people gave him up, 
after a pastorate of a little more than ten years. 

During Mr. Appleton's ministry fifty-nine persons were admitted 
to the church and one hundred twenty were baptized. 

While at Hampton he w^as a trustee of Phillips Exeter Academy. 
In 1803 he was one of the most prominent candidates for the chair of 
theology at Harvard University, to which Dr. Ware was chosen. 

Kev. Jesse Appleton, D.D. was a descendant of Samuel Appieton, 
who came to America in 1685 and settled at Ipswich, Mass. His 
father was Francis Appleton, of New Ipswich, N. H., where the son 
was born. He fitted for college in the academy of his native town, and 
at the age of sixteen entered Dartmouth College, in 1788, graduating 
in 1792. The next two years lie spent in leaching at Dover and at 
Amherst. He studied theology with Eev. Dr. Lathrop, of West 
Springfield, Mass., and began preaching in the summer of 1795. He 
was invited to settle in the ministry at Leicester, Mass., but declined 
this call in favor of the one received from Hampton not far from the 
same time. 

He became at once a close, uniform and systematic student. In 
the distribution of his lime he was strictly methodical. By the time 
he left Hampton he was a theologian, accomplished beyond his years. 
As a preacher, he was entirely free from all display of learning or 
study of effect. His manner was chaste, dignified, earnest and very 
impressive. Most of his sermons w'ere written while he Avas in Hamp- 
ton. He made it a rule to write but one sermon a week. Monday 
being devoted to i)astoral visits, he was accustomed to begin his ser- 
mon on Tuesday and end it on Friday. He also meditated his prayers. 
Those who heard him conduct the public devotions were impressed 
with the profound reverence, the elevation, fervor and copiousness 
which characterized them. 

He was inaugurated as president of the college in December, 1807, 
and entered immediately on the duties of his office. Such a man 
could not but gain the respect and affection both of the students and 
of his associates in the government. His success in communicating 
instruction was correspondent to his eminent qualifications. His pri- 
vate journal shows how absorbing was his interest in the moral and 
religious welfare of the college. He received the degree of Doctor of 
Divinity from Dartmouth College, and also from Harvard University. 
He was a member of the American Academv of Arts and Sciences. 



THE PRESBYTERIAN SCHISM. 1792 — 1807. 439 

He continued to discharge the duties of the presidency till the failure 
of his health, a few n)onths before his death, which occurred on the 
24th ot November, 1819. Thus died Dr. Appleton, at the age of 
forty-seven years. His funeral sermon was preached by Rev. Dr. 
Tappan, of Augusta, Me., and prayers were offered by Rev. Dr. Gil- 
lett, of Hallowell. 

Dr. Appleton preached and published quite a number of occasional 
sermons, and in 1837 there were published in two large octavo volumes, 
"The works of President Appleton, embracing his Course of Theo- 
logical Lectures, his Academic Addresses, and a Selection from his 
Sermons, with a Memoir of his Life and Character, by Prof. Packard." 
The foregoing sketch is made up chiefly of extracts from this memoir. 
[See Genealogies — Appleton.] 



CHAPTER XXV. 

LAST YEARS OF THE TOWN MINISTRY. 1807-1839. 

THE UNION OF 1808. 

THE two churches being uow without pastors, the inquiry was 
made whether they might not be reunited, as there appeared to 
be no good reason for keeping up two separate organizations, 
and supporting two ministers, when the people might as well be ac- 
commodated by one organization ; especially as there was no such 
diversity of doctrinal views, as need prevent their attendance upon 
the same ministry ; and if a union was desirable, no future time would 
probably be more favorable for its consummation. 

With which church or society the suggestion of a reunion origin- 
ated, we do not know. At an adjourned meeting of the Congiega- 
tional society on the 27th of November, 1807, a week or two after 
the dismission of Mr. Appleton, it was voted, that the selectmen 
(wardens) of the society be authorized to meet the selectmen of the 
town for tlie purpose of employing some minister to preach atone of 
the meeting-houses on the first two Sabbaths in December, with a view 
to the union of the two churches. They were also to decide at which 
of the meeting houses the services should be held, and, if possible, to 
agree upon articles to be inserted in a notification for a town meeting 
to be held as soon as it seemed proper. The Congregational society 
also passed the following vote, viz. : ''That this Society consent to 
unite with the other Society in the public worship of God, until they 
have reason in their opinion to [revoke], and do levoke this vote." 

A town meeting was held about two weeks afterward, to take pre- 
paratory steps for uniting the two religious societies. A committee 
of ten persons, five from each society, was chosen, authorized to pro- 
cure a preacher and to determine at which house the meeting should 
be held. The committee were instructed to report their doings at an 
adjourned meeting, together with such articles as ihey might think 
necessary for the town to adopt. Col. Jonathan Garland, Col. Benja- 
min Shaw, Jonathan Marston. Jun., Josiah l^ow, Capt. Thomas 
Ward, John Perkins. Jeremiah FIobl)5, Joshua Lane, Ens. Amos Towle 
(440) 



LAST YEARS OF THE TOWN MINISTRY. 1807 — 1839. 441 

and Edmund Toppan, Esq., were chosen to eousUtute the committee. 
The meeting was then adjourned two weeks, and at that time, two 
weeks longer. 

The town met according to adjournment on the 25lh of January, 
1808. The committee presented their report, of whicli the following 
abstract is given : 

The committee considered a union of the two societies as "exceed- 
ingly desirable in every point of view." They were aware of the 
difficulties to be encountered in effecting such a union ; and while they 
believed the more important ones would be obviated by the plan they 
were about to propose, many trivial objections they had been ol)liged 
to pass unnoticed, considering that in a spirit of conciliation, these 
should be overlooked by both parties. The great object of the com- 
mittee had been "to place the two societies on equal footing, and to 
do equal justice to both." They hoped that the adoption of the meas- 
ures proposed by them would insure to the present, and perpetuate 
to the future inhabitants of the town, "the inestimable blessings of 
peace, harmony and union." 

They therefore recommended that the two religious societies be per- 
manently united. To effect such a union, they proposed that the new 
meeting-house should be appraised at the sum of four thousand dol- 
lars, and that this sum should be paid to the Congregational society 
and divided among the individuals of the society in proportion to the 
sums which they severally- contributed towards building it, and in 
consideration of this payment, that the pew-holders should relinquish 
yll claim to their respective pews; that the pews should be sold by 
public auction under the direction of the selectmen (wardens) of the 
Congregational societ}', so that the members of the two societies 
should have equal privileges in the purchase of the pews ; "and that 
said meeting-house be thereafter considered in the same manner as if 
it had been built by the town of Hampton." 

The committee further proposed that one-half of the aforemen- 
tioned sum of four thousand dollars should be payable in one-j-ear 
from the first day of March following ; and the other half in one year 
afterward ; that the notes of individuals purchasing pews should be 
made payable on these conditions to the Congregational society and 
placed in the hands of the selectmen thereof, to the amount of four 
thousand dollars, and if the pews should sell for a larger sum, then 
the notes for the remaining sum should be given to the town ; but if 
the}' should not sell for so large a sum as four thousand dollars, the 
deficiency should be made up by the whole town. 

The committee also recommended that the town should choose a 



442 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

committee to appraise the pews in tlie old lueeting-house, and that 
the owners of the pews should be entitled to receive ol the selectmen 
the sums at which their pews should severally be appraised ; one-half 
thereof in one year, and the other half in two years from the first day 
of March following. 

The committee also recommended that the further sum of two hun- 
dred dollars should be paid by the town to the Congregational society, 
in consideration of said society's relinquishing any exclusive interest 
claimed in some of the parsonage buildings, which were built by Rev- 
Mr. Thayer, and which the society had purchased of his widow ; and 
also discharging the town from all demands for repairs made on the 
parsonage buildings and fences. 

The next recommendation of the committee was in relation to the 
ways and means of supporting a minister. They proposed that in 
future, whoever might preach should be paid therefor out of the inter- 
est of the funds and rents of parsonage possessed by the town and 
society equally : and on the settlement of an}- minister in future, the 
use and income of the whole parsonage and personal or other property 
in the possession of the town and Congregational society for the sup- 
port of a minister, should first be appropriated for the paj'ment of his 
salar}' ; and if any further sum should be needed, it should be paid by 
the whole town. 

The committee conclude their report by recommending that the two 
religious societies in the town attend public worship together at the 
new meeting-house, until some other arrangement be made by con- 
sent of the societies. 

After an ineffectual attempt to amend the report of the committee, 
it was adopted by the town, Jonathan Philbrick and Josiah Sanborn 
being the only persons who entered their dissent at the time though 
forty others concurred with them afterwards. The committee that 
made the report were constituted a committee for supplying the desk ; 
and received from the town the following instruction : "That this 
committee shall consult Messrs. Buckmiuister, Dana and Holt pre- 
vious to their supplying the desk with a candidate." 

KEV. JOSIAH WEBSTER, PASTOR. 

On the 18th of April, the town voted to extend a call to Mr. Josiah 
Webster, and chose a committee to determine what salary to offer. 

In accordance with the report of this committee, it was voted to 
give Mr. Webster the improvement of the home parsonage — except 
the pasturing of one cow during the life of Elizabeth Lane — the build- 
ings and fences to be kept in repair by the town, and also an annual 




Portrait Contributed as a ToUen of Esteem, by Former Parishioners and 
Their Descendants. 



LAST YEARS OF THE TOWN MINISTRY. 1807 — 1831). 443 

salary of five hundrod twenty-five dollars "'during his being a minister" 
of (he church and town. 

Owing to the peculiar circumstances of the people at this time it 
seemed proper that the church should await the action of tlie town be- 
fore giving a call to any man to settle in the ministry. The town now 
asked the church to concur in the call to Mr. Webster. This was 
done, without delay and without opposition. 

The votes of the church and of the town having been comnninicated 
to Rev. Mr. Webster, he soon after gave his answer acceptino- the 
call, as follows : 

"To the church and people of the town of Hampton : 

Dearly beloved brethren & friends, 

Your call for me to settle with you 
in the gospel ministry has been deliberately & prayerfully considered. 
At once to relieve your minds, I tender to you an affirmative answer. 

When I contemplate the scene of trials through which you have 
passed ; when I consider the providence of God, so conspicuous in 
your present union ; when I reflect upon the state of our moral estab- 
lishments, and at the same time glance a thought to the great day of 
final retribution, I dare not give a negative. 

■ Being unacquainted with the expense of living in this region, I am 
unable to judge of the competency of your appropriations for my sup- 
port. But I rejoice to say, that I am ready to make the experiment. 
It is with pleasure that I affirm my entire willingness to trust your 
benevolence for what may be competent and honorable. 

But, beloved, most of all, let me trust, & let me not be disappoint- 
ed, in having your prayers for that divine aid without which I can do 
nothing. And may the God of peace, order, grace and all consola- 
tion ever dwell among you & grant you every needed blessing ; which 
shall ever be the prayer of your very affectionate friend & very humble 
servant in the work of our Lord Jesus Chiist, 

JosiAii Webster." 

Hampton^ May 7, 1808. 

Mr. Webster's answer was communicated to the town at an ad- 
journed meeting on the 9th of Ma}-. The time appointed for the in- 
stallation was Wednesday, the 8th of June following. 

One week later, at a church meeting. Colonel Toppan, Deacons 
Lamprey, Garland and Fogg, and Mr. William Lane were chosen to 
unite with the pastor elect, in calling an ecclesiastical council. Invi- 
tations were sent to thirteen churches in the county of Rockingham 
and eight in the county of Essex, Mass. On the day appointed for 



444 HISTOR"S OP HAMPTON. 

tlie installation, twenty of the churches invited were represented in 
the council, of which it is recorded that the "proceedings were har- 
monious" . . . and '-the installation took place." For the pub- 
lic services, the parts were assigned as follows : introductory prayer. 
Rev. Joseph Buckminster, D.D., of Portsmouth ; sermon, Rev. Sam- 
uel Worcester, of Salem, Mass. ; inducting prayer, Rev. Elihu 
Thayer, D.D., of Kingston ; charge, Rev. Stephen Peabody, of At- 
kinson ; right hand of fellowship, Rev. Jacob Abbot, of Hampton 
Falls ; concluding prayer. Rev. Moses Dow, of Beverly, Mass. 

About three months after the installation, the church passed the 
following vote : ''That qU persons in this town, of good moral charac- 
ter, who have had baptism for their children heretofore shall still en- 
joy the privilege, though they may not be in full communion." The 
intention of the church does not appear to have been to perpetuate 
the practice here noticed ; but to restrict it to those who had already 
enjoyed it. 

The next month the church chose a standing committee of six men, 
"to assist the pastor in any affairs relating to the advancement of 
the spiritual welfare of this church and congregation, and to inspect 
the conduct and morals of professing christians ; likewise to attend the 
pastor in catechizing children or young people." The religious state 
of the community at that time was not encouraging. Church disci- 
pline had been greatly neglected, Arminian views in theology were 
prevailing to a considerable extent, and there was much hostilit3' to 
the old Puritnn faith. It was under such circumstances that the 
church committee were chosen. They visited and conversed with de- 
linquent members and labored earnestly to reclaim them. In some 
cases, they were successful ; in others, their efforts failed entirely ; 
and from several members, the church withdrew fellowship. 

No marked change in church and community was at once apparent, 
but a gradual improvement was in progress. In 1809 there were 
some conversions and a few persons united with the church. A few 
also were received the next year ; but the whole number of admissions 
during the first ten years and ten months of Mr. Webster's pastorate 
was only tliirty. Through all these years, the pastor continued to preach 
the gospel with great plainness, and to labor assiduously for the spir- 
itual welfare of the people of his charge. Nor did he labor in vain. 
The Sunday-school, established in August, 1818, continues to the pres- 
ent, a potent factor in the work of our several churches. In 1819 
a general religious interest pervaded the town, during which, thirty- 
four persons were received into the church ; again, in 1823 there 
was more than ordinarv interest, as the result of which, eleven were 



LAST YEARS OF THE TOWN MINISTRY. 1807 — 1839. 445 

added ; but the most powerful revival during Mr. Webster's ministr}- 
was in the fall of 1826, and the winter and spring following. As the 
fruits of this awMkeuing, fifty members were added to the church in 
1827. There was also a revival in 18-32, which resulted in the ad- 
dition of nearly twenty more. During his ministry in Hampton, Mr. 
Webster received one hundred seventy persons to the full comnmnion 
of the church. 

RISE OF THE BAPTIST SOCIETY. 

It remains now to consider Mr. Webster's ministry in his relation 
to the whole town ; as, after the union of the two religious organiza- 
tions, which resulted in his settlement, all the people were nominally 
Congregaiionalists, and he, their minister. Only three men. as far as 
can be learned, claimed to be of a ditferent persuasion, two of whom 
had joined a Baptist society in Portsmouth. It should not, however, 
be inferred, that all the people cordially united in the settlement and 
sui)port of the present pastor. 

About that time some of the people became interested in the move- 
ments of a few leading men of the new religious sect, then calling 
themselves christians, and adopted, to some extent, their principles, 
which differed radically from those held by Mr. Webster and his 
church, generally. They, as might have been expected, did not con- 
tinue, voluntarily and cheerfull}' to aid in the support of the pastor. 
There were otliers in the town, who, though they did not affiliate 
with the new sect, never lelished some of the doctrines held and 
taught by Mr. Webster. One after another of this class began to 
neglect his ministrations ; but thi>^ course for many years caused no 
serious difficulty. The meetings on the Sabbath and at other times 
were generally well attended, and the minister's salary was prompt- 
ly paid. vStill, some of those who had absented themselves became 
restive under taxation for his support. 

Ten years from the beginning of Mr. Webster's ministry a town 
meeting was holden, by request, '*to see if the town wished for his 
services as their minister any longer." A majority of the voters at 
the meeting were friendly to Mr. Webster. Instead of acting im- 
mediately upon the main article in the warrant, they voted to post- 
pone ii, and act upon the next article, under which a consultation 
with the pastor was to be held, and all further action postponed to an 
adjourned meeting. But nothing came of it, and things remained 
as they had been. 

'•'A BONE OF Contention." 
At the annual town meeting in 1819, there was inserted in the war- 
rant, by request, the following article : ''To see if the town will give 



446 HISTORY OF HAMPTON, 

the Baptist Society in suiil town a pait of the land and monies to 
support the gospel among theni." The town leCused to take any ac- 
tion upon the subject. 

At an adjourned meeting on the •2i)th of the same montli. the town 
voted to adopt the report of a committee previously appointed, rec- 
ommending the building of an out-honse at the parsonage, according 
to a plan presented, and took measures for carrying the same into 
effect. The passing of this vote called forth a remonstrance, signed 
by forty-three legal voters. The remonstrance, dated March .'51, 
1819, is in the following words : 

"We, the undersigned, legal voters and inhabitants of said Hamp- 
ton, do hereby protest and dissent against a vote passed at the ad- 
journment of the last annual meeting, to build any building, or make 
any repairs, relative to the vote, on the parsonage, at our cost or ex- 
pense, either by taxes, or our property witldiolden from us by the 
town." 

It is not necessary to give the names of the signers of this protest. 
It is sufficient to state — and that is the purpose for which the matter 
is here introduced — that nearly all the signers were connected with 
the Baptist societ}', incorporated more than a year before. They had 
asked for a part of the income of the parsonage lands and ministerial 
funds, but had failed of obtaining it, and they thought it unfair to be 
called upon to pay directly or indirectly any sum however smalt, lor 
the maintenance or convenience of a minister of another denomina- 
tion, on whose ministrations they did not attend. Whatever opinion 
may be held as to their right to any part of the ministerial funds, it 
certainly accords with the prevailing sentiments of the present dav, 
that they ought not, in a case like this, to be compelled to pay a tax. 
The passing of the Toleration Act, so called, l)y the New Hamp- 
shire Legislature, in 1819, left people at liberty to act as they pleased 
in regard to paying a tax for the support of a minister. That act, 
however, coidd not impair the validity of the contract previously 
made with Mr. Webster. His salary continued to be paid by the 
town, though a considerable number of the inhabitants had, from 
time to time, "signed off" from paying any portion of it. The first 
instance of this occurred in March, 1823, when about thirtv jjcrsons 
refused to be longer taxed. 

No further request for a division of the income of the ministerial 
property was made to the town during the next six or seven years. 
But soon after the annual town meeting in 18o0, the selectmen, by re- 
quest, called another meeting, to see if the town would make pro- 
vision that the Baptist society might receive from year to year their 
just and equitable proportion of the annual proceeds of the ministerial 



LAST YEARS OF THE TOWN MINISTRY. 1807 — 1839. 447 

property, according to taxation, or in any other suitable manner. 
An ineffectual attempt was made to refer the whole matter to a com- 
mittee, to report to the town their views. This failing, the question 
was then put, whether provision should be made for the Baptist society, 
and it was decided in the negative, the vote standing as determined 
by a poll, seventy for and eighty-seven against the measure. 

At the annual meeting the next spring, the same subject was again 
brought before the town in a proposition to divide ihe income of the 
ministerial property among the several religious societies in the town 
according to taxation. The following preamble and resolution were 
then offered, and passed by a vote of ninety-five to seventy-seven : 

''Whereas there have been different opinions respecting the minis- 
terial property in the town of Hampton, and already much time and 
money expended in legal contests respecting this property ; whereas 
the common votes of the town and common suits at law are never 
likely to settle disputes on the subject; whereas it is highly impor- 
tant to the well-being of any community, that harmony and a general 
good understanding be maintained among the people ; and being de- 
sirous that justice and the best interests of the town be promoted ; 
Therefore, Resolved, that all questions respecting the ministerial 
property of Hampton be referred to three able counsellors at law, to be 
chosen by a committee of six, three to be chosen by each society, or 
their agents, which referees shall have full power to make such a dis- 
position of the property between said town and Baptist societj- in 
said Hampton, as may be final, or put the subject, if possible, beyond 
all further dispute." 

The preamble and resolution having been adopted, James Leavitt^ 
Esq., Jeremiah Hobbs and Maj. John Lovering were chosen as the 
committee on the part of the Congregational society. The Baptists 
generally were opposed to such a reference, and do not appear to 
have appointed a committee on their part. Hence, referees were not 
chosen. 

A little more than two years afterward another town meeting was 
called for a similar purpose, when the town again refused to allow the 
Baptist society any portion of the funds. A poll being demanded, 
the vote stood forty-five for, and seventy against. Again, about three 
weeks later, the town not only refused the request of the Baptists, 
but passed a vote, afflrming the appropriation of the parsonage and 
funds to the use of the Congregational society. 

No meeting of the Congregational society had been held for several 
years, but it was now thought advisable to meet again as formerly. 
There were, however, no oflflcers authorized to transact any business, 



448 HISTORY OP HAMPTON, 

or call n meeting of the society for choosing officers. Application 
was therefore made to John T. Burnham, Esq., of Exeter, to call a 
meeting, to choose officers for the society and to make provision for 
holding meetings thereafter. The justice issued his warrant to Jo- 
siah Dow, one of the petitioners, requiring him to notify" the members 
of the society to meet for the purposes named in the application on 
the 25th day of November following (1833). The society met at the 
time and place designated, and chose Josiah Dow, moderator ; Daniel 
Towle, clerk and treasurer ; and Jeremiah Hobbs, Samuel D. Taylor 
and Samuel Batchelder, selectmen and assessors ; and made provision 
for holding future meetings. 

Agitation of the question about the division of ministerial funds was 
again renewed in 1835. At an adjournment of the annual town meet- 
ing, March 24, two questions relating to the subject were to be acted 
upon : the first, whether the Baptist society should have their propor- 
tion according to taxation ; the second, whether the funds should be so 
divided that every legal voter in the town might have his share ac- 
cording to taxation. The action of the town on the first proposition 
was as follows : Voted, that these funds be divided and the proportion 
mentioned in the warrant paid over to the Baptist society. The select- 
men were instructed to make such a division and the treasurer to de- 
liver the property into their hands for that purpose. To these votes 
the selectmen of the Congregational society objected, regarding them as 
"being in direct violation of the eleventh and twelfth articles of the re- 
port of the committee of union between the town and Congregational 
society," which report had been adopted by both parties, and, in their 
view, was still binding. By those articles, the whole income of the 
parsonage and the personal or other property in possession of the town 
and Congregational society for the support of the minister should in 
the first place be appropriated for the payment of the salary of the 
minister who should afterwards be settled, and the balance of the 
salary, if any, should be paid by the whole town. Rev. Josiah Web- 
ster had been settled under this arrangement, and while his ministry 
continued, the funds could not legally be diverted to any other pur- 
pose. 

The town then voted, "that, the Rev. Josiah Webster be no longer 
considered as a minister of the town of Hampton." It was also voted 
"that a committee of three persons be chosen to select in certain lots 
such parsonage wood in [the] Old Swamp, as may be thought decaying . 
to the amount of two hundred dollars, or more, and sold [sell the 
same] at public auction, on or before the first day of December. 1835, 
the proceeds to be returned to tlie town." Aaron Coffin, Tristram 



LAST YEARS OF THE TOWN MINISTRY. 1807-1839. 449 

Shaw and Abraham Fogg were chosen a commifctee for this purpose. 
To these votes the selectmen of the Congregaticmul society objected in 
open town meeting. The measures wore, however, carried into effect 
by the committee. 

About one week afterward there was a meeting of the Congregational 
society held by adjournment, wlien, in consideration of the recent 
Votes of the town, diverting the income of the funds to a different ob- 
ject from that contemplated in the plan of union, it was voted, in ac- 
cordance with an article in the warrant for the meeting, "to revoke 
the vote of union passed by said society, November 27th, 1807, and 
also all other votes referring to tiie same." The right to revoke they 
had expressly reserved to themselves, whenever, in their opinion, there 
should be reason therefor. 

The society then chose Daniel Towle, Josiah Dow, Jun. and Thomas 
"Ward, together with their selectmen, a committee "to protect the 
property of the Congregational society by all just and legal means, 
according to the best of their judgment." 

In the warrant for the annual town meeting in 1836 was an article, 
'*To see if the town will vote to revoke all former votes respecting 
the ministerial funds and pai'sonage property." The meeting was ad- 
journed to the fourth Tnesda}' of the same month, when the subject 
was indefinitely postponed. 

Simeon B. Sliaw, Aaron Coffin and Tliomas Leavitt, Esq., were 
chosen a committee, "to go and try to compromise with the Rev. Jo- 
siah Webster, and make report" [to the town]. At their conference, 
Mr. Webster offered to relinquish his claim upon the town for twp 
thousand dollars and the use of the parsonage till he could find another 
place to which to remove. The committee offered to pa}^ him his 
salary and one thousand dollars and to give him the use of the parson- 
age till the next spring. Failing to agree on terms of settlement, 
Mr. Webster then proposed to submit the matter to arbitration ; but 
after several ineffectual attempts to agree upon referees, that plan was 
dropped, and nothing more attempted in the way of compromise. 

A committee of four men from each society failing to settle the dif- 
ferences, the town next instructed the treasurer "to pay over to the 
selectmen or agents of the Congregational society in Hampton the one 
half part of the interest on ministerial funds, and the one half part of 
parsonage rents for the year 1835 and also the year 1836, "'agreeably 
to the Indenture between said town and Congregational Society." 
Thirteen persons remonstrated against this vote, for the following rea- 
son : "Because we believe that there is no legall}' organized Congrega- 
tional society in the town. We believe that there has not been such 
29 



450 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

a societ}' in the town for more than twentj'-seven 5'ears, & we cannot 
give our votes acknowledging any society of the kind." 

Tlie selectmen, by request, soon after called another meeting in 
relation to the funds, "to see if the town would sell all the parsonage 
land except the Home Parsonage, and divide the proceeds and all the 
ministerial funds among all the voters and other taxpayers living in the 
town, and choose a committee to carry the same intoeftect; or invest 
the proceeds of the sales and all the notes and Bank Stock, constituting 
the ministerial property, in a fund, the income of which should annu- 
ally be paid to such religious societies as the voters and other tax- 
payers living in the town, should from 3'ear to year direct; — and 
where individuals fail to give any direction, such part as they would 
be entitled to, to be divided equally among the several religious soci- 
eties in the town ;" for at this time, still further to complicate the 
situation, a third denomination, the Methodist, was gaining adherents. 
The meeting was organized by the choice of a moderator, and then 
immediately dissolved. Articles of similar import had been acted upon 
but failed to be adopted at the previous meeting. 

A petition for another meeting, to act on nearly the same articles 
was within a few days presented to the selectmen ; but they, with the 
result of the last two meetings before them, failed to call a meeting. 
Application b^'^ one-sixth part or more of the legal voters was then 
made to Uri Lamprey, Esq., a justice of the peace, to call a meeting, 
and he issued his warrant to the constable, to notify a meeting to be 
holden on the 23d of May. 

At that meeting, Samuel Garland, Jr., was chosen moderator. 

It was voted to sell all the parsonage property except the home 
parsonage and the woodland in the old swamp. It was also voted 
(twenty-six persons voting), to divide all the interest and income of 
the parsonage property equally among the legal voters and estates 
not owned by legal voters [but] owned by persons living in the town, 
l)ayable to such religious societies as said legal voters and [owners of] 
estates should severally direct, and in case of no direction, to divide 
equally among the religious societies in tlie town ; and that a commit- 
tee of five should be chosen to act in behalf of the town, to sell and 
give warranty deeds of the above property, on or before the first 
Monday in June following (less than fourteen days, thus debarring 
the town from annulling these votes at another meeting). 

The treasurer was directed (ten persons voting) to pay over to the 
selectmen, on or before the first Monday in February following, all 
the income of parsonage property in his hands. The selectmen were 
directed to cause a division of the property to be made agreeably to 



•p^^ 




/^-^^^i^-^^S:^ 



LAST YEARS OF THE TOWN MINISTRY. 1807-1839. 451 

a former vote, on or before tlie first d;iy of March, 1837 (fifteen per- 
sons having voted in favor of the hist motion). Objection was made 
as follows : 

"Hampton, May 23, 1836. 
"We, the subscribers hereby object to all the votes passed at this 
meeting-, so far as it regards the ministerial property in this town, in 
behalf of the Congregational Society. 

Samuel Batchelder, ^ Agents for the 
Jeremiah Hobbs, V Congregational 
Daniel Towle, ) Society," 

A vote was then passed to indemnify the committee from all costs 
and damages. A poll being demanded, thirty-four persons voted in 
the affirmative and tliirteen in the negative. 

The committee proceeded to sell and convey the parsonage lands, 
agreeably to the instructions received. 

LITIGATION. 

No means were then left to the Congregational society, to recover 
what they regarded as their property, without recourse to the law. 
A suit wasaccordingl3' commenced against the town in a plea of cov- 
enant. Depositions were taken before Thomas A. Dexter, Esq., 
commissioner, etc., at his office in Boston, and the case came on for 
trial at the term of the Court of Common Pleas, held at Portsmouth, 
in February, 1837. The next month, at the annual meeting of the 
society, Samuel Batchelder was chosen agent, and continued in that 
office by annual elections, till the case was settled. On the part of 
the town, E. W. Toppan and Simon Towle, Jr., were successively the 
agents employed, till the annual meeting in 1838, after which, the man- 
agement of the case passed into the hands of the selectmen. 

MR. Webster's death. 

From contentions in town meetings and courts of law we now turn 
to different scenes. 

John Calvin Webster, the third son of Rev. Josiah Webster, had 
been appointed by the American Seaman's Friend Society, as sea- 
man's chaplain at Cronstadt, in Russia, and arrangements had been 
made for his ordination in the North church, in Newburyport, on the 
loth of March, 1837. His father had been a[)pointed to preach the 
sermon. As the time for the ordination drew near and he was at work 
upon his sermon he found himself afflicted with a heavy cold, attended 
with a slight inflammation of the lungs, and when the day came he 



452 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

was so ill that under ordiiiaiy circurastanccs he would probably have 
declined to preach. But from iiis relation to the candidate, he had a 
strong desire to perform the part assigned him. The services of tlie 
day were deeply interesting and the excitement of the occasion aided 
him, invalid as he was, in the delivery of his sermon ; but it proved 
to be his last. Tiie effort had been too great. The next day he re- 
turned home sick and exhausted, and, taking his bed, he remarked 
that he thought his work on earth was done, and added : ''AYell, if It 
be so, I know not with what act I could close life with more satisfac- 
tion." He continued to decline till the 27th of the month, when he fell 
asleep in death. During his sickness he was often delirious, but in 
lucid intervals his faith in God was unfaltering ; and thus he died. 
The funeral services were held at the meeting house on the Friday 
following his death. A sermon was preached by Rev. Daniel Dana, 
D.D., of Newburyport. 

Mr. Webster was a son of Nathan and Elizabeth (Clifford) Webster, 
of Chester, N. H., and was born January 16, 1772. His preparatory 
studies were under the direction of Rev. Mr. Remington, of Candia, 
Rev. Dr. Thayer, of Kingston, and Hon. Stephen P. Webster, then 
preceptor of Atkinson Academy. He was graduated at Dartmouth Col- 
lege in 1798, and immediately commenced the stud}' of theology with 
Rev. Stephen Peabody, of Atkinson. In November, 1799, he was 
ordained pastor of the church in the second parish in Ipswich, Mass., 
then called Cliebacco parish, now constituting tiie town of Essex, 
where he continued till 1806. He used to say that while at Ipswich 
he greatly profited by the advice and varied instruction which he re- 
ceived from Rev. Dr. Worcester, of Salem. 

Mr. Webster married P^lizabeth, daughter of Maj. Eliphalet and 
Martha (Webster) Knight, of Atkinson. They had five sons, four of 
whom were educated at Dartmouth College, and two daughters, who 
died in infancy. [See Genealogies — Webster (6)]. 

The following inscription, prepared by Rev. Dr. Dana, of Newbury- 
port, is found upon the monument at Mr. Webster's grave, in the 
cemetery near Mr. Nathaniel Johnson's, and well expresses the esteem 
in which the beloved pastor was held : 

"Sacred to the memory of Rev. Josiah Webster, A.M., an exem- 
plary Christian, an impressive and distinguishing Preacher, a faithful 
and affectionate Pastor, a devoted and efficient Friend to the Cause of 
sound Learning, to the Interests of the Church of God, to the Welfare 
of his Country and Mankind. 

'I heard a voice saying unto me, write, Blessed are the dead that die 



LAST YEARS OF THE TOWN MINISTRY. 1807-1839. 453 

in the Lord, from henceforth ; yea, saith the Spirit, that they may rest 
from tlieir hibors ; and their works do follow them.' 

Mr. Webster was born at Chester, Jan. 16, 1772; was graduated 
at Dartmouth College, August, 1798; ordained at Essex, Mass., No- 
vember, 1799; installed at Hampton, June, 1808; died March 27, 
1837, Aged 65."i 

About three weeks after Mr. "Webster's death the town held a special 
meeting, one purpose of which was to see what the town would do 
about the payment of his salary, and what to do with the home par- 
sonage and parsonage house. Although, two years before, the town 
had voted that Mr. Webster be no longer the minister of the town, 
the death of the good man, whom all respected, following so soon, put 
an end to strife for the time being, and a vote was passed to pay the 
administrator of his estate, when one should be appointed, all the in- 
terest that had arisen from the ministerial funds and all the parson- 
age rents for the years 1835 and 1836; also the money for which the 
wood was sold on the two acres in the old swamp ; and the remainder 
of salary due, to be paid by the whole town, agreeably to the eleventh 
and twelfth articles in the report of the committee of union. To Mrs. 
Webster was voted the use of the home parsonage and the parsonage 
house for one year. 

In the autumn of 1838, two hearings of the parties, in the suit be- 
tween the Congregational society and the town, were had before Thomas 
E. Sawyer, auditor, "at Samuel Dearborn's inn, in said Hampton." 
The next year, in March, when the town's half of the home parsonage 
was rented, it was voted, that the proceeds be divided between the 
Baptist and Methodist societies, according to taxation ; but at another 
meeting. May 8, that vote was recalled and it was voted to divide said 
proceeds equally between the Baptist and Methodist societies. At the 
same meeting. May 8, Joseph Dow, Ebenezer Lawrence and Daniel 
Towle were chosen a committee, to take into consideration all the 
articles iu the warrant relating to agents or agencies, one of which 
was "to see if the town will authorize their agent or agents to settle 
the controvers}^ between the town and the Congregational society." 
On recommendation of the committee, the town voted that the select- 
men settle all lawsuits in which the town is interested as a party, as 
speedily as they can, consistently with the interests of the town. The 
society, on its part, chose a committee of three, between whom and 



5 The portrait of Mr. Webster here given is from a small painting on ivory, executed in 
1S07. The dMte had long been unknown till the painting was taken from its case for repro- 
duction in this work. 



454 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

the selectmen an agreement was reached and the vexing hiwsuit 
brouglit to an end. 

THE INDENTURE OF 1839. 

A new indenture was made September 21, 1839, a brief summary 
of which is as follows : 

Whireas, A controversy has arisen between the town of Hampton and the 
Congregational society in said town, hi relation to certain alleged violations 
of the indenture of 1803; and whereas, Simon Towle, Jr., David Page and 
Ebenezer Lane, selectmen of the town, have been appointed by the town to 
settle the controversy, and Samuel Batchelder, Josiali Duw, Jr., and Thomas 
Ward have been appointed by said society for a like purpose; now tlierefore, 
it is agreed by the said town and society, that the town hereby convey to the 
society all the promissory notes, contained in the annexed schedule, and 
which have been this day endorsed and delivered to said society; 

And the society, on their part, acknowledge the receipt of said notes, to- 
gether with $254.90 from the town, which, together with the account of judg- 
ment recovered l)y them at the Court of Common Pleas, holden in and for the 
county of Rockingham on the first Tuesday of September, A. D., 1839 (which 
judgment was rendered on an agreement of the parties), are received by said 
society in full satisfaction for all parsonage lands sold by the town and all 
damage on account of the same; and in full discharge of all the claims of the 
society to the funded stock of the United States, mentioned in said indenture, 
and of all the rents and income of said lands, and interest and proceeds of 
said funded stock, except so much thereof as may have been invested in stocks 
in the Exeter Bank; and in consideration thereof, the society do hereby re- 
lease and quitclaim to the town all their right and claim to any and all of the 
lands conveyed by the town, as aforesaid. 

And it is further agreed between tlie parties, that so much of said indenture 
as relates to the home parsonage, containing fifty acres, more or less; and so 
much as relates to two other tracts of l^nd [which are described], shall re- 
main in force. 

And it is further agreed between said parties, thut they are joint owners of 
twenty shares of the capital stock of the Exeter Bank, which was bought 
with the proceeds of said United States stock; and, as soon as may be, the 
certificate thereof shall he surrendered to the Bank and separate certificates 
issued to each of said parties for one-half of said shares; and that each of 
said parties receive one-half of any dividends now remaining due on said 
stock. 

This instrument, dul}- signed, sealed and witnessed, was now the 
compact between the two long-contending parties. The promissory 
notes conveyed to the society amounted, principal and interest, to 
S3, 330. 08. Tlie following year (Marcli 30) the town treasurer was 
directed to transfer to tlie selectmen so many of the notes, held by 
the town against certain individuals, for money loaned out of the sur- 
plus revenue, as might be necessuiy to cancel all the notes held against 
the town to pay the execution in favor of the Congregational society, 



LAST YEARS OF THE TOWN MINISTRY. 1807-1839. 455 

and that the selectmen, with these notes, or with money received for 
them, cancel all the above-named obligations of the town within twelve 
days. 

At another meeting, April 20, the town voted to unite with the 
Congregational society, in the appointment of a disinterested commit- 
tee of three men, not residing in Hampton, to appraise the home par- 
sonage, so called, and sell and convey their half of it to the society, 
agreeably to the appraisal ; and chose John Johnson, Uri Lamprey 
and Ebenezer Lane to carry this vote into effect. 

The same day, the society held a meeting, passed a similar vote 
for appraisal, voted to buy the town's half, and chose Joseph Pliil- 
brick, David Page and Thomas Ward, to join with the town commit- 
tee, in the accomplishment of this end. 

The town also voted to pay all the expenses of the recent lawsuit 
between town and society, for which the town was liable, and that 
then all the ministerial funds in the town's possession, after settling 
with the Congregational society, be divided between the Baptist and 
Methodist societies in the proportion of three-fifths and two-fifths re- 
spectively. 

In this manner, after two hundred years' control, the management 
of church affairs passed from the town forever. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

THE INDEPENDENT CHURCHES. 
THE CONGRKGATIONAL CHDRCH IN RECENT TEARS. 

THE toivn ministry having now been abolished and a disposition 
of the ecclesiastical property effected, as related in the last chap- 
ter, the further history of the old church should retire to a subordinate 
place in these pages, along with that of the other churches which have 
ai'isen ; for the affairs of the town, as such, are henceforth purely 
secular. 

After Mr. Webster's death, in March, 1837, the church remained 
without a pastor for nearly a year. In February following, the church 
and society, with great unanimity, invited Mr, Erasmus D. Eldredge 
to become their pastor. The invitation was accepted, and Mr. Eldredge 
was ordained April 4, 1838. The sermon was preached by Rev. 
Luther F. DimmicU, of Newburyport ; and the other principal parts 
in the service were : ordaining prayer by Rev. Samuel W. Clark, of 
Gi'eenland ; charge by Rev. Jonathan French, of North Hampton ; and 
right hand of fellowship by Rev. Sereno T. Abbott, of Seabrook and 
Hampton Falls. 

The old meeting-house, which was then and still continues to be 
owned by the town, was now somewhat out of repair ; and in February, 
1843, after long agitation of the subject, the society decided to build 
a new one, which should be their property, subject to their own con- 
trol. Samuel D. Taylor, Obed S. Hobbs, David Knowles, Thomas 
Ward and Josiah Dow were chosen a building committee. A site 
had already been purchased, nearly opposite the old house, and as 
soon as practicable, after spring opened, the work was begun. 

At the annual meeting of the society that year, Joseph Dow, Thomas 
AVard and James Perkins, Jr. were chosen a committee, to prepare 
a code of by-laws, which was adopted. The name, selectmen, for 
the executive board of the society, had been changed to wardens, the 
previous year. According to the new code, the time of the annual 
meeting was fixed for the fourth Monday in March, the date which 
has ever since prevailed. 
(456) 



THE INDEPENDENT CHURCHES. 457 

On Thursday, January 4, 1844, the nevv church was dedicated ; and 
the same day, the pews were sold by auction. The next year a part 
of the basement was finished for a vestry. In 1846 Daniel Ilobbs 
was appointed ''to have charge of the musical instrument belonging 
to the society .... the double bass-viol, recently bought by sub- 
scription." In 1849, somebody, evidently, objected to insurance, for 
we find this curious record : 

"Voted, to insure the meeting-house. 

Voted, that we trust the safe-keeping of this house to the kind 
Providence of God." 

Severe illness in 1847, compelled Mr. Eldredge to suspend his labors 
for six months. In two years more, it had become evident that his 
weakened lungs could no longer bear exposure to the sea air. Re- 
luctantly he asked a dismission ; reluctantly it was granted — and the 
hajjpj^ connection of eleven years was severed by a council, convened 
on the 7th of May, 1849. During his pastorate, several revival sea- 
sons were enjoyed and there were a considerable number of additions 
to the church. 

Rev. Erasmus Darwin Eldredge was a sou of Dr. Micah and Mrs. 
Sally (Buttrick) Eldredge, of Dunstable, Mass., where he was bora 
March 10, 1804. He was graduated from Amherst College in 1829, 
and studied theology at Andover, with the class of 1833. He married 
Isabella Tappan Hill, daughter of Dea. John Hurley Hill, of Ports- 
mouth, where she was born August 20, 1812. Their infant son, John 
B. H., died the day of Mr. Eldredge's ordination, keen sorrow and 
disappointment thus mingling with, and for a time overpowering the 
joy of establishing the first home and entering the first pastorate. A 
daughter and a son were born in Hampton, and another son, the only 
survivor of the family, after they went awny. 

Soon after leaving Hampton, Mr. Eldredge was settled at Salisbury 
in this state, where he remained till 1854. Subsequently, he had 
charge of a female seminary in Monticello, Ga. He taught also in 
Milledgeville and preached in Perry, in that state. In 1861 he re- 
turned to New Hampshire and preached for a year in Alton ; but re- 
moved to Kensington in 1864, bought a farm, and was pastor there 
eleven years, as long as he was able to preach. There Mrs. Eldredge 
died. May 1, 1873, loved, honored and sincerely mourned. 

Soon after her death, Mr. Eldredge removed to his daughter's home 
in Georgia, and died at Athens, in that state, April 18, 1876. His 
remains were brought to Hampton for interment, where they rest be- 
side those of his wife and his first born. On his gravestone is this 
just tribute to his worth. He "labored as a faithful, beloved and 



458 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

successful minister of the Gospel for 38 years." [See Genealogies — 
Eldredge.] 

Four months after the dismission of Mr. Eldredge, namely, on the 
6th of September, 1849, his successor in the pastoral office, Rev. 
Solomon P. Fay, was ordained. Rev. John M. Steele, of Winchester, 
Mass., preaching the sermon. 

Within the next three years, fourteen acres of the parsonage land 
were sold. In 1851 the barn was burned, and the house narrowly 
escaped. 

During this prosperous ministry of five years, thirty-four members 
were admitted to the church. August 29, 1854, Mr. Fay was dis- 
missed, to accept a call to Dayton, O, He still occasionally visits 
the scene of his first pastorate, where he is ever a welcome guest. 
[See Genealogies — Fay. J 

The church was then without a pastor for a j^ear ; but on the 3 1 st 
of October, 1855, Rev. John Colby, then recently graduated, was or- 
daiued, Rev. Dr. Cleveland, of Lowell, Mass., preaching the sermon. 
The same year, the meeting-house was frescoed, at a cost of two hun- 
dred fifty dollars. Tn the great revival that overspread the country 
in the winter of 1857-8, all the Hampton churches participated. 

Mr. Colby brought grief to the people, in the autumn of 1863, by 
asking a dismission, in order that he might accept an invitation to 
enter the army as a chaplain. A people loyal to the government 
could not say nay, and Mr. Colby Avas dismissed by council, Novem- 
ber 18th. It so happened, however, that the regiment he expected to 
join was not mustered, and other duties awaiied him. [See Geneal- 
ogies — Colby.] 

After a temporary supply, of one year, by Rev, James B. Thorn- 
ton, a pastor was again found in Rev. John Webstek Dodge, who 
had been settled for a time in Gardiner, Me., where he was ordained 
December 6, 1860. Professor Smyth, of Andover Theological Seminary, 
preached at his installation in Hampton, October 19, 1865. In 1867 
a new pipe organ was procured at an expense of eleven huudred dol- 
lars, and the church was recarpeted. After a successful pastorate, 
during which twenty-five persons united with the church, Mr. Dodge 
was dismissed, Nov. 18, 1868, to accept a call to the pastorate of the 
Congregational church in Yarmouth, Mass., where he was installed 
December 30, 1868, and where he remained till the autumn of 1891, 
when on account of impaired health, he retired, and removed to New- 
buryport. 

Rev. John W. Dodge, son of Moses and Susan (Webster) Dodge, 
of Newburyport, was born in that city, October 16, 1836 ; was grad- 



THE INDEPENDENT CHURCHES. 459 

uated at Amherst College, 1857 ; Andover Theological Seminar}^, 1860 ; 
married, November 7, 1860, Mary Hairis Toy, of Simsbury, Conn. 
They have children : 1 , Mary Webster, baptized in Hampton, August, 
1866 ; 2, George Toy; 3, Susan Webster. 

Rev. James McLean, fiom Menasha, Wis., was the next pastor. 
He came in the autumn of 1869, and, having preached as stated sup- 
ply for a year, was installed, December 15, 1870. In the spring of 
1871, the estate dedicated to the use of the ministry since the settle- 
ment of the town was forsaken and sold, and a new parsonage bought, 
nearer the church ; but this being found unsuitable was in turn sold 
after a few montlis, and a vacant lot purchased, with a view to build- 
ing. Mr. McLean was dismissed January 30, 1872, 

From this time, there was no installed pastor for twelve years. 
Eev. F. D. Chandler was employed nearly two years ; Rkv. John 
8. Batchelder [see Genealogies — Batchelder (38) ], three years; 
Rev. William H. Cutler, four and a half years ; and tx'ansient preach- 
ers filled up the interval. Meanwhile, the Congregational society, 
instead of building a parsonage, bought Deacon Willcutt's homestead, 
adjoining their vacant lot, in 1878, and this house they have since re- 
modeled. The same year the Sabbath afternoon church service was 
omitted during the summer months, which was but a prelude to omit- 
ting it altogether. The old box stoves which had long done service 
in heating the church, were exchanged for a furnace, in 1881, and 
the next year the church was repaired and frescoed. 

Rev. Walcott Fay, the next pastor, son of Rev. Barnabas Maynard 
and Mrs. Louise Mills Fay, was born in Flint, Mich. ; studied at 
Williams and Oberlin Colleges, but did not complete the course, on 
account of illness ; pursued tlieology at Yale and Bangor, graduating 
from the latter in 1883. He came to Hampton from Oxford, Me., 
where he had been preaching for a few months, and was ordained 
pastor of this church,February 20, 1884, Rev. S. P. Fay, of Dorchester, 
Mass., former pastor, preaching the sermon. The day had been dark 
and lowering ; but during the ordination service the sun burst forth 
and shone full on the young pastor's head — bright omen of prosperous 
days to come. On the 31st of August following, in presence of an 
audience, crowded to the aisles, Mr. Fay preached the last sermon 
before his summer vacation ; and, at the close, was married to Mrs. 
Sallie (Rawson) Cox, of Arlington, Mass., Rev. S. P. Fay, by special 
license, performing the ceremony. 

In October of that year, Joseph Dow resigned the office of clerk of 
the church, to which he was elected in October, 1863, and John Will- 
cutt was chosen in his stead. Afterward, the pastor became clerk. 



460 HISTORY or HAMPTON. 

Mr. Fay's pastorate was a harmonious one, but it was sliort. He 
was dismissed, at his own request, November 16, 1886 ; and. a month 
later, was installed pastor of the Central Square Congregational church, 
in Bridgewater, Mass. Another remove was effected, inOctober, 1888, 
to his present pastorate, in Westborough, Mass. His son, Dexter 
Rawson, was born in Bridgewater. 

After Mr. Faj-'s removal, no effort was made to formally install a 
successor in Hampton, till the present year, 1892, when Rkv. John 
A. Ross, the acting pastor, who began his ministrations in July, 1887, 
WMS cordially invited to settle- The installation took place on the 
14th of June ; Rev. Cyrus Richard^ion, D.D. of Nashua, preaching 
the sermon. The affairs of church and society move prosperously on. 

Mr. Ross was born in Lunenburg, N. S. ; graduated from the Free 
Church College, now merged in Dalhousie College, Halifax, N. S., in 
1851 ; from the Free Church Divinity Hall, Halifax, in 1854 ; and was 
a resident at Andover Theological Seminary, in 1859. He married 
Louisa Todd, of St. Stephen, N. B. ; practised law for a short time, in 
Boston; w:is acting pastor at New Gloucester, Me., from 1860 to 
1864; supplied the church in Marion, la., 1864 to 1866, and was its 
pastor, 1866 to 1873; was pastor of the North Church, Belfast, Me., 
1873 to 1886 ; and came to Hampton after a short residence in Boston. 
Mr. and Mrs. Ross have a son, Wdliam T., civil engineer, in Brewster, 
N. Y. ; a daughter, Ellen A., married in Hampton, September 3, 1889, 
to Eugene S. Campbell, telegraph operator here, now of Wilmington, 
Mass. ; and a younger sou, John A., who lives with his parents. 

David S. Brown, for twenty years clerk of the Congregational 
societ}', retired from office in March, 1887, and John F. Marstonwas 
chosen clerk. 

A notable event within the present pastorate, was the two hundred 
fiftieth anniversary of the Congregational church in this town, cele- 
brated August 19, 1888, the Sabbath following the town celebration. i 
All the Hampton churches, together with the Congregational churches 
within the ancient limits of the town, were invited, and the house was 
filled to its utmost capacity. Rev. Mr. Ross preached au historical 
sermon, and the ex-pastors. Rev. Messrs. Fay, Colby, Dodge and 
Fay, the only survivors who have ever been installed here by a council, 
made short addresses. 

\_Note. The senior deacon, Joseph Dow, elected February 26, 1 857, 
died on the 16th of December, 1889. Josiah J. Dearborn is his suc- 
cessor in office ; and Jeremiah Locke has been chosen to relieve the 

iChap. xxxiu. 



THE INDEPENDENT CHURCHES. 461 

present senior deacon, James Perkins, from active duty, when he shall 
so desire. — £d.1 

The Woman's Missionary Society, connected at first directly, and 
now through the New Hampshire Branch, with the Woman's Board 
of Missions, was organized in 1871 ; and has, with its mission circles 
of young people, contributed an aggregate of about thirteen hun- 
dred thirty dollars, for foreign missionary work. A home missionary 
department was added in 1890. 

A Young People's Society of Christian Endeavor has been an active 
element in the church since 1888. 

THE FREE BAPTIST CHURCH. 

In Chapters XV and XXV have been sketched some of the events 
connected with the rise and gradual expanding of a new religious 
element in the old church of Hampton, and their outcome in the for- 
mation of the Baptist church. Let us briefly review : 

In the spring of 1808, a union of the Presbyterian and Congrega- 
tional churches was effected, which restored the latter to its former 
position as the church of Hampton, the town holding the property 
and exercising control. In June, of the same year. Rev. Josiah 
Webster was installed pastor. There were, however, a few citizens, 
who, either from jealousy, prejudice or principle, declined to be a 
party to this reunion. They had become interested, more or less, in 
the doctrines of Elder Elias Smith, who had been holding religious 
meetings in Portsmouth and elsewhere. Some of his teachings not 
harmonizing with the belief and doctrines of the home church, brotherly 
love was d/s-continued ; the seed of ill-feeling was sown ; strife and 
bickering were the outgrowth ; and the riot of September followed. ^ 

After the heat of passion had subsided, wiser counsels prevailed on 
both sides, — the old church recognizing the right of freedom of con- 
science, and the adherents of the new denomination, called Christian, 
entering a sphere of usefulness as a distinct sect. 

It was not until 1814, however, that they became strong enough to 
colonize. Mr. Simon Grarland, of North Hampton, gave a building, 
which they fitted up for a meeting-house where it stood, at the corner 
of his pasture, on Lobbs' Hole road ; and in Jul}', of that year, they 
held their first meeting there. Elders Jabez True and Henr}- Pottle con- 
ducting the services. From this time they continued to worship in 
their own house, some of the Little River people uniting with them till a 
church was built in that village ; when this house was moved on to the 

» Chap. XV. 



462 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Portsmouth road, opposite Giles' swamp. It was the same house that 
long afterwards was occupied b^^ the Methodists, and later, by the 
Adventists. It has since been placed on a lot near the present 
Methodist church, and converted into a comfortal)le dwelling-house. 

In 1817 the Legislature of New Hampshire passed an act, "To in- 
corporate John Dearborn (and twelve others) into a religious society, 
to be known by the name of The First Baptist Society in Hamp 
TON." At a legal meeting of the society, July 21, Joshua Lane was 
chosen Clerk, "to act as sucii until there be another chosen." 

The records of the society are meager during its early years. Tran- 
sient preuchers were employed till, in 1819, Polder John Hakriman 
became the pastor, who remained a little more than three years, and 
about 1822 removed to Plaistow and afterwards to Canterbur}'. 
[See Genealogies — Ilarriman.] 

From this tiuie the society held their meetings with or without a 
preacher, as occasion permitted, until 1834, when an enterprise was 
undertaken which greatly advanced their interests. 

In the beginning of that year, a new building site, the one still 
occupied, was purchased by a committee, consisting of Samuel Drake, 
Samuel Dearborn, David Towle, Jr., and Samuel Garland, and the 
societ}' proceeded at once to erect a house of worship, fort}' by forty- 
eight feet — which was completed by October. On the lOth of that 
month, the old house seems to have been used for the last time, and 
the meeting adjourned to the 16tli, to the house of Joshua Lane, where 
a church of twentj'-four members w'as organized. The Constitution 
adopted at this time begins thus: '"Believing that the cause of God 
requires the establishment of better oi'der than has been usual with 
the people called Baptists, in Hampton, and that the time has now 
arrived in which we should set in order those things that are wanting 
among us : we therefore, whose names are hereunto annexed, agree to 
form ourselves into a church, to be called the Church of Christ 
WITHIN THE First Baptist Society in Hampton." Then follow the 
articles of agreement. The same year. Rev. Timothy Cole became 
pastor, and continued in office till 1838. It was during his pastorate 
(in 1837), that the use of the old meeting house was given to the 
Methodists, who repaired and rededicated it, as related in the history 
of that church. 

In 1838 Rev. Eltas IIutchins was called to the pastorate. The 
next year the division of the ecclesiastical property among the re- 
ligious societies of the town was agreed upon, as related in Chapter 
XXV. A section and tower were added to the church edifice. 

Flder Hutchins was born in New Portland, Me., June 5, 1801. He 



THE INDEPENDENT CHURCHES. 463 

began to preach before he was eighteen 3'ears old, when he entered 
upon an itinerant ministry, which he followed for nearly fonrleen 
3'ears. He was ordained as an evangelist, at Wilton, P'ebrnary 1, 
1824; spent several years in missionary work in Ohio and Indiana; 
h\bored also in North Carolina, where "many ofthe slaves flocked to[)ear 
him preach." In 1832 he married Lncy Ambrose of Sandwich, and soon 
after, became pastor of a chnrch in North Providence, R. I., resigning in 
1838. After tiie Hampton pastorate, he was settled five years in 
Newmarket, where his wife died, leaving an infant daughter. In 1845 
he accepted a call to the Washington street chnrch, Dover; and the 
next year married the widow o( the Rev. David Marks. In 1858 ill 
health, from which he never recovered, com[)eIIed him to resign his 
pastorale. He died in Dover, September 11, 1859. 

Elder Hutchins was for many years officially connected with the 
various missionary' and educational societies of liis denomination. 

Rev. Porter S. Burbank was the next pastor of the Free Baptist 
chnrch. He came in 1840, and remained five 3'ears, when he was 
succeeded by Rev. William D. Johnson for a time; but Elder Bur- 
bank returned in 1846, to another pastorate of two years. 

In 1840 occurred another important ei)och, when the church joined 
the Rockingham Quarterl3' Meeting — that is, changed from Christian 
to Freewill Baptist, now called Free Baptist. Four 3-ears later the 
Constitution was revised, and the present church covenant adopted, 
the pastor, together with David Garland, Amos Towle, Samuel Drake 
and Daniel Moulton being the committee on revision. The church 
had then recentl3' received an accession of twent3'-five members, as 
the fruits of a revival the preceding 3'ear. 

Rev. Porter S. Burbank was licensed to preach In' the Waterville 
Quarterly Meeting, at Industr3', Me., in 1836. He was principal of 
Strafford Academ3', N. H., three 3'ears, and taughl elsewhere, in var- 
ious high schools and seminaries ; was president of the Education So- 
ciety eleven years, and corresponding editor of the Morning Star from 
1833 to 1866. He was ordained, June 13, 1840; and besides his 
Hampton [)astorate, held others, in Deerfield, New Hampton and 
Danville, and in West Buxton and Limerick, Me. He spent the last 
ten years of his life in South Parsonsfield, Me. [See Genealogies — 
Burbank.] 

Rev. William P. Mkrrill became pastor in 1848. The next 3'ear 
the meeting-house received a new coat of paint. Soon after the paint- 
ing, lightning struck the tower — not, however, doing very serious 
damage. The pastor, referring to the event on the next Sabbath, re- 
marked : "The Lord didn't show much respect for the new paint." 



464 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Rkv. R. Ashley became pastor in 1850, Rev. Frederic Moclton, 
in '51 and Ri:v. Wilmam Rogers, in '53. Thus far, the pastors had 
lived in liiied houses, wlierever they could be obtained most conven- 
iently ; but in 1854 the societ3' built the parsonage which has ever 
since been the home of its pastors, Ehler Rogers and his family' being 
the first to occupy it. After a three years' pastorate, he was succeeded 
b3' Rev. William H. Waldron, one j'ear, and Ret. William C. 
Clark, one year. During the latter pastorate occurred the great re- 
vival of the winter of 1857-8, following which twenty-four converts 
were baptized by Elder Clark and received as members of the church. 

On the 8th of September, 1858, Rev. De Witt C. Durgin was or- 
dained and became pastor of the church — which pastorate was held 
twelve years, being the longest in the history of the church. 

Mr. Durgin was born in Thornton, N. H., March 29, 1830, being a 
son of Captain Francis and Maria (Eager) Durgin. He entered 
AVaterville College, Me., in 1852, and was graduated from Union Col- 
lege, N. Y., in 1856. For the next two years, he was principal of 
Lackawanna Institute, Pa. He married Caroline A. Chapman, of 
North Parsoufield, Me., in 1857, and the next year, came to Hampton, 
where his ministry was characterized by a cordial fraternil}' with pas- 
tors and people of other denominations, and the whole period was one 
of good will among the churches. 

Mr. Durgin was principal of Hampton Academy for a time. He 
represented the town in the General Court in 1869 and 1870. Dur- 
ing his pastorate, he received twenty-one new members to the church. 

After leaving Hampton he preached one year for the Hampton Falls 
and Seabrook society, at the church known as the "Line church," 
thence removed to Newmarket, where he was pastor for three j'ears. 
From the latter place, he was, in 1874, called to the presidency of 
Hillsdale College, Mich., — an ofBce for which he was eminently fitted 
and which he filled successfully for ten 3'ears. The degree of Doc- 
tor of Divinity was conferred by Bates College, in 1875. 

In 1881 he went to England, as a delegate to the General Baptist 
Association ; and the same year visited Iceland, where he was made 
a member of the Icelandic Antiquarian Society. His lectures on Ice- 
land are an outcome of his explorations there. 

Dr. Dui'gin now preaches in Newmarket, where he and his wife re- 
side. Of their two children, born in Hampton, Clinton C. is a lawyer 
in Grand Rai)ids, Mich, and Carolyne G. is professor of Greek in Pike 
Seminary, N. Y. 

Rev. Francis H. Ltford was called to the pastoral office in Hamp- 
ton, in 1870 ; succeeded by Rev. George J. Abbott, in 1873. At 




REV. DE WITT C. DURGIN, D.D. 

Portrait contributed by former parishioners, pupils and fellow-citizens of Hampton, in 
token of their regard. 



THE INDEPENDENT CHURCHES. 465 

the annual town meeting in 1874, Mr. Al)l)ott was elected superintend- 
ent of the public schools, and held the oflice one year. He continued 
pastor till 1877. lie died in Oakland, Me., November 3, 1883. 

The nexti)astor, Rev. LotL. HAuatoN, was born in Madison, N. 11., 
in 1826 ; entered Bangor Theological Seminary in 1860, having already 
been a preacher several years ; and after graduating, continued pas- 
toral and SundaN'-school work in Maine till June, 1876, when he set- 
tled in Portsmouth for a year. He married Mary J. Butler, and in 
August, 1877, came to Hampton, where he was an acceptable and 
successful pastor nearly four years. They now live in Pomona, Fla. 
Their son, George B., was born in Hampton, October 24, 1879. 

In the spring of 1878, ihe church was moved back on the lot, giving 
better frontage, and raised about ten feet, and a convenient and at- 
tractive vestry added as a basement. 

Rkv. F. p. Wormwood became pastor of the church in 1881, and 
Rkv. Arthur L. Morey, the next year. 

Tlie venerable Daniel Moulton, who was elected clerk of the church 
Deceml)er 6, 1851, resigned the office in the springof 1883, when the 
churcli gave him a vote of thanks '"for faithful and long-continued 
service." 

Mr. Morey was born in Moira, N. Y., January 11, 1847. He served 
three years in the war, from the age of fourteen. After this, he ob- 
tained an education, graduating from Bates College in 1876. July 3, 
of the same year, he married Hattie W. Patterson, of Lewiston, Me., 
and on the 2oLh of October following, was ordained at Lancaster, 
N. H. After preaching for awhile, he entered Bates Theological 
School, graduating in 1882. He then came to Hampton, and re- 
mained three years. He died in West Derby, Vt., May 12, 1887. 
His wife and one child survive him. 

The next pastor, Rev. John B. Merrill, son of Ralph D. and 
Judith (Coggswell) Merrill, of Atkinson, was born May 4, 1846 ; at- 
tended Atkinson Academy, and studied under a piivate tutor from 
Harvard College one year. He married Sarah A. Merrill, June 11, 
1869, and has two daughters. 

His parents were Congregationalists, and he began to preach in 
that denomination ; but joined the Free Baptists in 1867, and held 
several pastorates in Maine and New Hampshire. He came to Hamp- 
ton in 1885. Soon after, the question of remodelling the chuich be- 
gan to be agitated — a measure which was carried out the next year, 
at a cost of about $3,100, and a large amount of free labor. The 
pastor himself was indefatigable, his hammer resountling with the rest; 
his skilful hand wielding the brush in decorative painting. 
30 



466 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

The preceding winter a marked revival had ])een enjoj-ed, which re- 
sulted in the addition of t\vent3-one members to the cluirch. 

At a chinch meeting, March 14, 1886, the following resolution was 
adopted : 

"Whereas, the duty of the church to care for its members severally 
is unquestioned, and the covenant meeting is a great help to those 
who attend. 

Therefore, resolved : Tliat we recommend that the churcli of this 
Quarterly Meeting establish one of their covenant meetings as an 
annual covenant meeting, at which every member be previously in- 
vited to report, by personal presence or by letter, or verbal report of 
some member, and that resident members that do not report for one 
year be visited b}' a committee." 

February 4, 1887. "Voted that the annual covenant meeting of this 
church be held on the Friday evening preceding the first Sabbath in 
May." 

April 29, 1887. The record of the annual covenant meeting shows 
that there vv^ere then eighty-two members of the chuich. 

Early in 1888 Mr. Merrill resigned the pastorate, and soon after 
removed to Epsom. In the autumn of the same year, the church 
voted to request the Quarterly Meeting at Caiidia, to send a council 
of ministers to ordain Rev. Willis A. Tucker as pastor. Accord- 
ingly, the ordination service was held on the evening of October 29, 
1888, and was as follows: sermon by Rev. D. "W. C. Durgin, D.D., 
(former pastor), from Hebrews xiii : 17; ordaining prayer by Rev. 
J. C. Osgood : charge to the church, Rev. F. K. Chase ; charge to 
the pastor, Rev. J. S. Harrington : right hand of fellowship, Rev. 
C. C. Foster; address of welcome to christian work in Hampton, Rev. 
J. A. Ross, pastor of the Congregational church ; benediction by the 
pastor. 

Rev. Willis A. Tucker, son of Francis A. and Lydia M. (Edes) 
Tucker, was born at Guilford, Me., educated in the academies of 
Monson and Foxcroft, and gradiuited from Cobb Divinity school in 
1888. In 1879 he married Martha 8. Hammond, and has two children 
living. His connection with the Hampton cluirch terminated in 
April, 1892, when he immediately entered u|)on a new i)astorate at 
South AVindham, Me., and the Free Baptist church in Hampton is now 
to seek another pastor. 

Leacons, from the beginning to the present time: Amos Towle, Jr., 
Joshua Lane, Alvin Emery, David Garland, Jr., Charles M. Perkins, 
"William L. Blake, John A. Towle, David J. Garland. 

Cleiks of the church : Joshua Lane, Samuel Garland, Samuel Drake, 
Daniel Moulton, John M. Akerman, Frank B. Brown. 



TITE INDEPENDENT CHURCHES. 467 

A Ladies' Missionary Society, with well-sustained interest, is con- 
nected with tUe cliurch. 

THE METHOUrST EPISCOPAL CHURCH. 

When Metliodism was introduced into Hain[)ton, a Congregational 
and a Cliristian society had occupied the ground for many 3'ears. 
Rev. James JM. Fuller preached the first Methodist sermon, in the 
North school-house, on Saturda}^ evening, sometime in the month of 
December, 1835. The Sabbath following, he preached to a small con- 
gregation in an old meeting-house, at that time unoccupied. He was 
stationed that year at Lamprey River, Newmarket. After two weeks 
Rev, James IL Patterson, stationed at Newfields, now South Nevvmar- 
ket, preached in the same place. From this time there was no more 
preaching by Methodists till sometime in July, 1836, when Mr.- Fuller 
came again. From July until November, there was preaching regu- 
larl}', once in two weeks, by local preachers ; the congregation grad- 
ually increased, and two or three were converted. 

Sometime in the month of November, the friends of Methodism held 
their first "piotracted meeting," at which about twenty were hope- 
fully converted to God, who were immediately united together in a 
class. The societ3' worshipped in the small house before mentioned, 
formerly occu[)ied by the Cliristian society. In the following spring 
the house was given to the Methodists, for their special benefit, as 
long as they should occupy it as a place of worship. After being 
repaired and fitted up for the purpose, it was rededicated to the wor- 
ship of God, on the 22nd of May, 1837. The sermon on the occa- 
sion was preached by Rev. J. M. Fullei-, from Psalm 93: 5 — "Holi- 
ness becometh ihine house, O Lord, forever." The same month the 
Sunday school was organized, with Jonathan Towle for superintend- 
ent. 

At the Conference at Great Falls, July 4, 1837, Rev. John Buod- 
HEAD was appointed to preach in Hampton. He labored faithfully and 
with some success until the following spring, wheu he was called to 
his reward, deeply lamented by the church of his choice. He died in 
peace, at his residence in South Newmarket, on the seventh of April, 
1838, leaving behind him many witnesses that his " labor was not in 
vain in the Lord." 

Rev. John Brodhead was born October 5, 1770, in Lower Smith- 
field, Pa. In 1794 he entered the travelling connection, and the two 
following years was stationed in New Jersey and Maryland. In 1796 
he came to New England where he was among the i)i()neers, forming 
new societies in various places in each of the New England states and 



468 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Lower Canada. He filled maii}'^ important offices in the clmrcli, and, 
especially in the early part of his ministry, his labors were exceedingly 
arduous and eminenll}' snccessfnl. 

His constitution becoming impaired, in 1811 he was stationed at 
Md)at is now South Newmarket, where, after this pei'iod he usually re- 
sided. During his life, he was several times elected to ti\e New 
Hampshire senate and council ; and was four yeiiis a representative in 
Congress, 

Father Brodhead was a good man, deeply pious, ardenth' and sin- 
erel}' devoted to the interests of the church and mankind. From the 
time of his death until the next Conference, the little society in Hamp- 
ton was supplied with preaching by brethren whose sympathies and 
labors were enlisted in their behalf. 

At the Conference held at Danville, Vt., July 5, 1838, Rev. "William 
Padman was stationed in Hampton. His labors, by the Divine liless- 
ing, were rendered successful in the awakening and convei'sion of some 
scores of souls, but few of whom, however, were gathered into the 
Methodist church. 

The next year Rev. Samuel A. Cushing preached a part of the year 
in Hampton, and Rev. Abraham M. Osgood, the remainder. In 1840, 
Mr. Osgood was returned and labored successfully with the struggling 
societ}' the second 3'ear. 

At the Conference held at Dover, June 23, 1841, Rev. Abraham 
FoLSOM was appointed to Hampton. He was careful to louk after tlie 
financial interests of the church. Through his influence, the legal so- 
ciety was formed knovvn as ''The First Methodist E[)iscopal Society of 
Hampton." It was organized April 8, 1842. This society received 
two thousand dollars of the ecclesiastical fund of the town, in its dis- 
tribution among the churches. Rev. Al)raham Folsom died in 1872, 
and his wife, lour years later. Both were bi'ought to Hampton, and 
interred in Mr. Sewell W. Dow's lot in the cemetery. 

At ihe Conference held at Newbury, Vt., June 22, 1842, Rev. Ho- 
ratio N. Taplin was statioued in Hampton. He preached with good 
success for two years. In this, as well as eveiy other station, he was 
greatly beloved, being a man of an excellent si)irit. He baptized four- 
teen persons, some of whom are among the present active members. 

Rev. Horatio N. Taplin was born at East Corinth, Vt., August 7, 
1817. He was converted in the eighteenth 3'ear of his age, and joined 
the Church Street Methodist society, Boston. There he remained 
two years, when he became convinced that God called him to preach 
the gospel, and returned to Corinth, to make preparation therefor. 
Soou afterward, he entered the Newl>ury Seminar}', where he remained 



TFIE INDEPENDENT CHURCHES. 469 

two years, and received a local preaclier's license. In May, 1841, 
he married Susan Ketchuin, of Barre, Vt., and in Jnne following, 
joined the New IIam|)sliiie Conference. He subseqnently labored as 
follows: At South Newmarket, two years.; Hampton, two years ; Ep- 
ping, two years ; Manchester Center, one year; Landaff, two years ; 
Enfield, one year : Sandwich, twoyears. In October, 1854, he was pros- 
trated by typhoid fever, which destroyed his physical energies, and 
induced quick consumption. He rose on the morning of January 19, 
1855, complained of faintness, and immediately expired, leaving a 
widow and three children. Brother Taplin was an acceptable preacher 
and a faithful pastor. In promoting the interests of Sabbath-schools 
and in gaining the affection of the young he excelled. 

In 1844 Rkv. John F. Adams supplied at Hampton ; the following 
year Rev. James M. Young. In 1856 Rev. Charles H. Chask was 
appointed here ; and through his efforts, the parsonage was procured, 
at an expense of about six hundred dollars. The next preacher was 
Rev. Henrv Nutter, who I'emained two years. He was the first to 
occupy the parsonage, and before he left, a new church was built, at a 
cost of fifteen hundred dollars. It was dedicated by Rev. Benjamin R. 
Hoyt, in November, 1848. A good revival was enjoyed, and thirteen 
were baptized by the pastor. The next year, Rev. A. M. Osgood was 
reappointed here; followed by Rev. Ira A. Sweatland, in 1850, and 
Rev. Matthew Newhall, in 1851. 

In 1852 Rev. Abel Heath was appointed here by the Conference 
held at Nashua : but he was there taken with typhoid fever, and in a 
few days died. Mr. Newhall remained therefore, the second year, 
and labored faithfully and with good success. He was followed by 
Rev. James M. Hartwell, one year. Rev. John English came in 
1854, and remained two years. He also enjoyed a good revival. 
Being an earnest and faithful man, he will be remembered with grati- 
tude by many true friends in Hampton. 

Rev. John W. Johnson, stationed here in 1856, preached with 
great acceptance for two years, and his labors were not in vain in 
the Lord. About twenty-two were baptized as the fruits of the re- 
vival. 

The history of the church, to this point, was furnished by Rev. 
Nathaniel N. Chase, who followed Mr. Johnson in the pastorate, and 
himself labored faithfully the next two years. Subsequently, he was 
stationed here one year more. Mr. Chase has since died, after a long 
and useful career as pastor of churches, and agent of the New Hamp- 
shire Bible Society. Succeeding pastors of the Hampton church have 
been: 



470 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Kev. Joseph Hayes, 1860. Rev. Eliliu Scott, 1872-3-4. 

" F. K. Stnitton, 1861-2. " J. H. Knott, 1875-6. 

;' S. F. Wliidden, 1863. " J. P. Frye, 1877-8. 

" E. Lewis, 1864. " A. B. Carter, 187!)-80. 

" N. L. Cliase, 1865. " J. F. Spakiing, 1881 2-3. 

" A. C. Conlt, 1866. " H. B. Copp, 1884-5-6. 

" A. A. Cleaveland, 1867-8. " W. C. Bartlett, 1887-8-9. 

" G. W. Ruland, 1869-70. " C. M. Howard, 1890. 

" S. J. Robinson, 1871. " Noble Fisk, 1891-2, 

Rev. Elihd Scott, the first pastor for a terra of three consecutive 
years, after he became superannuated, removed permanently to Hamp- 
ton, where he spent the hist years of his life, revered by the entire 
community. Here his wife died, in 1884 ; and after four more years, 
he, too, was gathered to his fathers, in a good old age ; having been a 
faithful preacher of the Word, and long a trusted officer of the Con- 
ference. Both were laid to rest in the Hampton cemeter}'. 

In September, 1881, the church building was removed to its present 
site, nearer the centre of the town ; and, largely through the untiring 
zeal of Mr, Spnlding, the pastor, it was thoroughl>^ and tastefully re- 
modelled and furnished with a bell, at a cost of thirty-one hundred 
dollars and much gratuitous labor. The work was pushed vigorously, 
and the church rededicated, January 5, 1882, Rev, Dr. B, K, Pierce 
preaching the sermon. 

Connected with this church is a sewing society, which has been car- 
ried onuninterruptedl}^ for many years ; tiie Ladies' Missionary Society 
is of more recent date ; and an Epworth League was organized in the 
latter part of Rev, Mr. Bartlett's pastorate. 

THE SECOND ADVENT CHURCH, 

When William Miller proclaimed through the country the second 
coming of Christ, in 1843, a few individuals in Hampton embraced 
his doctrines. When, a few years later, the Methodists built their 
new meeting-house, the Adventists, or ''Come-Outers," as they were 
oftener called, stayed behind, and continued for some time to worship 
in the old iiouse, that had already been the church home of two de- 
nominations. They were too few, however, long to maintain a ser- 
vice of tiieir own, but thej'^ never gave up their faith. 

About the year 1870, the doctrines of the Second Advent church be- 
gan to gain new adherents in Hampton, Tent meetings were held, 
and efforts made to promulgate that faith. A revival followed, which 
resulted in the gathering of a congregation, the leasing of a plat of 
land for a term of years, and the erection of a chapel, completed in 
November, 1871. 



THE INDEPENDENT CHURCHES. 471 

Meetings were held with consi(]ertil)le reo;ularity and interest for sev- 
eral years ; and on the 18tU of January, 1877, a church was organized, 
which has ever since held on its way, and been a means of good in the 
town. The present membership is about thirty. A committee of 
correspondence fui'nish the preachers, fortnightly, but the house is 
opened for a prayer-meeting every alternate Sabbath morning. The 
Wednesday evening neighborhood prayer-meetings have been sus- 
tained without a break for several years. The compactness of the 
parish renders this comparatively eas}', nearly all being resident in 
the east part of the town, where five or six dwellings in regular rota- 
tion are opened for the evening meetings. 

In 1890 money was raised to buy the land on which the chapel 
stands, and the finances of the little church are in a prosperous con- 
dition, its members taking the lead of all the churches, in the gen- 
erosity with which, according to their strength and means, they 
contribute for its support. 

The Advent church in Hampton can hardly be termed an offshoot 
from either of the older churches; for while it has drawn to itself 
some members formerly connected with other denominations, it is in 
a considerable degree composed of people not before belonging to any 
church, who, having been first attracted by revival preachers and an 
ardent manner of worship, have next been led to embrace the doctrines 
taught ; so that really a new element of christian activity came into 
the town when the Advent church came, and a new congregation 
arose, without materially weakening the other churches. 



GENERAL OUTLOOK. 

It is sometimes said that religious observances have deteriorated in 
these latter days. " In 'the good old times,'" people cry, "everybody 
went to church all day. Now look !" and they point out house after 
house up and down this street and that, from which not a single 
church-goer issues on Sunday morning. "As to an afternoon ser- 
vice," they say, "nobody thinks of going ; it is too hot in summer and 
too cold in winter, and too wearisome all the year round. Ministers 
used to preach two sermons, each a solid hour long, every Sunday ; 
and absentees were admonished, disciplined, fined : now, a single 
half-hour sermon is quite enough, both for preacher and people. 
Thanksgiving and Fast days were religiously observed once ; but now 
the latter is a mere holiday and the union service of all the churches 
at Thanksgiving is more thinly attended than the service of the one 
church was, in 'the good old times.' " 



472 niSTORY OF hampton. 

Very true, the ancient austerity lias passed avva3% and a more clieer- 
fnl, but we think not less earnest religion has taken its place. The 
church no longer dictates, nor is the pastor regarded as a higher order 
of being, little less than divine. Forms and methods have changed, 
both in worship and in work; and thongh it must be confessed, there 
is too much laxity in Sabbath observance, too much neglect of public 
worship, perhaps too little aggressive christian work done, yet it is 
certain, the demands of tiie times are more nearly met by present 
methods than they would be by a return to the old order of things, 
if that were possible. 



EDUCATIONAL. 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

THE COMMON SCHOOLS. 
SOME KARLY TEACHEUS. 

BY the provisions of the school law of 1647,' Hampton, contain- 
ing 'more than fifty householders, was required to maintain a 
free school. 

To find a competent teacher and to provide means for his support 
could not have been an easy matter; for only ten years before, nearly 
tlie whole territory was an unbroken wilderness, with no roads, no 
cleared lands, no inhabitants but Indians, no dwellings but wigwams. 
To construct needful roads, to clear and cultivate portions of laud, 
to build houses, however rude in construction, and to provide the 
means of subsistence, must have taxed all the energies of the people, 
demanding of them untiring industry, hard labor and the most rigid 
economy. 

More than a year passed away before the law was carried into effect. 
An earlier compliance was probably impracticable, either from want of 
means for paying a teacher, or a difficulty in finding a suitable one. 
The man at length employed was John Legat, with whom some of the 
people appear to have had a previous acquaintance; for on the 30th 
of October, 1640, the town had voted to receive him as an inhabitant, 
and on the 23d of March following, at his request, had granted "the 
lot that Eldred was to have had, in the Wigwam Row, unto the said 
Jo[hn] Legat, becoming and dwelling upon it." If became to Hamp- 
ton at that time, it is evident he did not long remain, for in 1643 he 
was living in Exeter. 

The fact and the terras of his engagement as a teacher in Hamp- 
ton appear from the records: "On the 2 of the 2mo : 1649: The 
selectmen of this Towne of Hampton have agreed with John Legat 
for this present yeare insueing — To teach and instruct all the chil- 
dren of or belonging to our Towne, both mayle and femaile (wch 
are capiable of learning) to write and read and cast accountes, (if it 
be desired), as dilegently and as carefully as he is able to teach and 

» Chap. II. 

(473) 



474 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

instruct tliem ; And so dilei^ently to follow the said imploymentt att 
all such time and times this 3'eare insueing, as the wether shall be 
fitting for the youth to com together to one phice to be instructed ; 
And allso to teach and instruct them once in a week, or more, in some 
Arthodoxchatechise provided for tiiem l)y their parents or masters. — 
And in consideration hereof we have agreed to pay, or cause to be 
payd unto the said Joiin Legat, the som of Twenty pounds, in corne 
and cattle and butter att price currant, as payments are made of such 
goods in this Towne, and this to be payd by us quarterly, paying £5 
every quarter of the yeare after he has begun to keep school." 

This is the contract. The date of commencing the school appears 
from the records : "John Legat entered upon schooling the 21 day 
of the 3 month, 1649." 

Fi'om another source we learn that this teacher was not promptl}' 
paid for his services, for at the October term of the county court 
holden at Hampton the next year, John Legat sued Anthony Stanian 
and Robert Tuck, two of the selectmen, in behalf of the town, in an 
action "of debt for scooleing & other writings done for y® Towne." 
The plaintiff withdrew his action, and the case was probabl}' settled 
by the parties. 

The foregoing agreement, in connection with the memorandum of 
the time of beginning school, is interesting and important, as show- 
ing, 

1. The exact date of the opening of the first public school in the 
town : "The 21 day of the 3 month 1649," O. S., or May 31, 1649, as 
we now reckon time. 

2. For whom the school was intended : For "aW the children of or 
belonging to our town, both male and female (which are capable of 
learning)" — no restriction as to age or attainments of the children, 
or the social condition of the families to which they belonged. Girls 
as well as boys were to have the benefit of the schools. This proves 
the fallacy of the statement, so far as relates to Hampton, "that for 
more than one hundred fifty years, gills were excluded from the privi- 
leges of the schools in New England." 

There are on record numerous votes passed by the town, relating to 
schools and the hiring of teachers during the next hundred fift^' years ; 
but only a few teachers are mentioned by name, — not more than three 
or four. From other sources, the names of several have been learned, 
and some facts in regard to them. 

Seth Fletcher was here as a teacher in 1654. The date of his tak- 
ing charge of the school, or the length of time he taught, has not been 
ascertained. Indeed, the only evidence of his having been the teacher 



THK COMMON SCHOOLS. 475 

is a receipt given l)y Iiim, October 19, 1G54, to one of tlie tax-pay- 
ers, Cor liis school-rate "for tlie wliole year." Mr. Fletclier appears 
to liave been a man of some im[)ortance. He was sometimes em|»loyed 
as a snrveyor, — in one case, at least, to make a survey and plan to 
be used in settling a controversy about certain town lines.^ lie was 
afterward tlie first minister of Saco, Me., being em[)loyed in 1666, for 
one yeai-, and afterwards from year to year, piobably till 1675, when 
the town came near being destroyed by the Indians. 

The next teacher to be mentioned is John B \rsham, a graduate of 
Harvard College in 1668. He was here as teacher two years or more, 
beginning sometime in 1660. At a town-meeting held Ma3'^16, 1661, 
a vote was passed, recorded as follows: '-Itt is Agreed y'- Thomas 
Marston & AYilliam Monlton shall Joyne with John Sanborn to Hire 
the p^'sent schoolemaster for another yeere p''v3Mled they shall nott ex- 
ced the som of twenty-six pound for his yeeres wages nor be more 
difficult in his pay than the last yeere." This teacher's name is not 
mentioned in the record, but from another source vve learn that Mr. 
Barsham was here in 1661, and the nextjear. Evidently, money was 
hard to raise, for his wages, as well as Legat's, remained partly un- 
paid for a considerable time ; and he brought a suit against William 
Fifield, in an action of debt for £26 "due by bill in consideration of 
keeping schoole in Hampton in 61 & 62 & for due damages. The 
Jury found for the plaintiff £29 damage & costs of court." 

November 18, 1670, the town voted "thatt the Schoolemaster Rate 
for this year shall bee Raised by Estates of the Inhabitants as other 
Towne Rates are." 

In 1671 the school was taught by John Stephens, of whom but 
ver}^ little is known. Judging, however, from the correct language, 
tasteful arrangement and neat penmanship of several specimens of 
his writing extant, he must have been a man of considerable men- 
tal cultivation and refinement. The salary paid this teacher is n<jt 
shown by the recoids, but whatever it may have been, it was accord- 
ing to the vote of the town just mentioned, to be raised "as otlier 
town rates are." But February 10, 1673, thisregidation was so modi- 
fled that only £10 of the teacher's wages could be paid out of the 
money raised by taxation in the usual wa}', and the rest was to be 
assessed on the children attending the school. Under this arrange- 
ment, the school was not sti'ictly a free school. 

The usual way of employing a teacher was for the town to author- 
ize and direct the selectmen, or a special committee chosen for the 

■ >Chap. VII. 



476 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

purpose, to attend to the business, leaving them to act in general, ac- 
cording to their own judgment, but sometimes giving particular in- 
structions. In some cases the town determined by a direct vote 
whetiier a particular person should be employed. An instance of 
this kind occurred, probably, when Mr. Stephens closed the term of 
his engagement. At a town-meeting 19 : 9mo (November) : 1674, a 
vote was taken on the question, whether the town would receive a cer- 
tain man of Andover, as schoolmaster, and it was decided in the nega- 
tive. 

The next person known to have been employed as teacher of the 
school was Thomas Crosby, prol)ably a sou of Dr. Anthony Crosby, 
of Rowley, Mass., whose widow, in 1673, married Rev. Seaborn Cotton, 
pastor of the church in this town. Her son mii}^ have come from 
Rowley with her and settled here, as in tlie town records are given, 
between the years 1687 and 1703, the births of his children, eight in 
number. In 1701 the town having laid out a large tract of laud, 
voted that "Thos. Crosb}', the present schoolmaster," should have two 
half shares in this land — about eighty acres. ^ How long he was in 
charge of the school does not appear. If, however, he had been em- 
ployed only a few months, it is hardly probable that such a grant 
would have been made to him as a schoolmaster. 

After Mr. Crosby left the school, it was probably placed under the 
care of Daniel Rindge, A.M., son of Daniel Rindge, of Ipswich, 
Mass., a graduate of Harvard College in 1709, who died here, July 
3, 1713, in the 22d j^ear of his age. On the 11th of April, 1713, he 
had been sent for to the council-board, to confer with the governor 
and council and the minister of the town of Portsmouth about his be- 
coming master of the school in that t(jwn, in which Latin as well as 
English was to be taught ;~ to which situation he was then appointed 
for the term of four years. ^ It is believed in Hampton that he was 
here at that time, engaged in teaching, and before the term of his en- 
gagement expired, was stricken down with disease which resulted in 
his death. 

September 28, 1714, the town chose a committee of three to hire a 
schoolmaster for the wliole town. The records do not show who was 
hired ; but during some portion of the next four years, one Humphrky 
Sullivan was the teacher. This appears from the record of a vote 
taken at a meeting of the ''old pari-'h," September 17, 1718, warned 
'*to consider about hiring a schoolmaster." At this meeting, '^y^late 
schcolmaster, Humphrey Sullevan was put to vote and not accepted 
of." We know nothing more of this man. 

' p. ISS. « p. 154. 3 Prov. Piip. II : G5I. 



THE COMMON SCHOOLS. 477 

In the spring of 1718 Hampton Falh was made a parish — virtnally 
a town. Any statements about our schools of a Liter date relate only 
to the ''town side," or the territory north of Taylor's river. 

Solomon Page, a native of Hampton, was graduated at Harvard 
College in 1729, and afterward engaged in teaching and in preaching. 
He was a resident here for several years after his graduation, was the 
schoolmaster, and was employed for some mouths to preach during the 
illness of the pastor. Rev. Mr. Gookin.^ 

Another teacher was Thomas Baknard, a graduate of Harvard ia 
1732. In October, 1735, he was admitted to the church, being then 
the "schoolmaster of the town," as the record shows. He retained 
his church membership till January 21, 1739, when he was dismissed 
to one of the churches in Newbury, Mass., of which he was soon after 
ordained pastor. Mr. Barnard was a man of considerable ability and 
of good repute, as a minister. How he ranked as a teacher is not now 
known. 

Jacob Bailky, a graduate of Harvard in 1755, came to Hampton 
soon afterward as a teacher. He united with the church in March, 
1758, being then "schoolmaster of the town." He remained here for 
a considei'able time, and married 8ally, daughter of Dr. John Weeks. 
He became afterwards an Episcopal clergyman and labored several 
years as a frontier missionary in Pownalborough. now Dresden, Maine. 
In the stormy period of the American Revolution he was a loyaUnt, 
and in 1779 became a refugee. 

"In the summer of 1779 he went to Halifax, N. S. I give an ac- 
count of his appearance when he landed in that city, in nearl}^ his own 
words. His feet were adorned with shoes which sustained the marks 
of rebellion and independence. His legs were covered with a thick 
pair of blue woollen stockings, which had been so often mended and 
darned by the fingers of frugality, that scarce an atom of the original 
remained. His breeches had been formerly black, l)ut the color beino- 
worn out by age, nothing remained but a rusty gray, bespattered with 
lint and bedaul)ed with pitch. Over a coarse tow and linen shirt, 
manufactured in the looms of sedition, he wore a coat and waistcoat of 
the same dandy gray russet ; and, to secrete from public inspection 
the innumerable rents, holes and deformities, which time and misfor- 
tunes had wrought in these ragged and weather-beaten garments, he was 
furnished with a blue surtout, fritted at the elhows, worn at the but- 
ton-holes, and stained with a variety of tints. To complete the whole, 
a jaundice coh)red wig, devoid of curls, was shaded with the rem- 
nants of a rusty beaver; its monstrous brim, replete with notches 

1 p. 384. 



478 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

and furrows and grown limps^^ by the alternate inflictions of storm 
and sunshine, lopped over his shoulders, and obscured a face meagre 
with famine and wrinkled with solicitude. His wife's dress was no 
better. She was arrayed in a ragged baize night-gown, tied around 
the middle with a woollen string ; her petticoats were jagged at the 
bottom, were ragged above, and drabbled in mud. He became Rector 
of 8t. Luke's church, Annapolis, Nova Scotia, and died in that rela- 
tion in 1808, at the age of sixty-seven Mrs. Bailey died at 

Annapolis in 1818, at the age of seventy." {^Sabine's Loyalists of the 
Am. Revo. I: 201.] 

Next in order as schoolmaster, was Samuel Cotton, A.B., who was 
graduated at Harvard College in 1759. He was received to the Hamp- 
ton church in March, 1761 — ''the schoolmaster," according to the re- 
cord — and retained his connection till December, 1764, when he was 
dismissed to the church in Litchfield, of which he liad been chosen 
pastor, Avhere he was soon after ordained. 

But one more schoolmaster of "j^e olden time" need be mentioned. 
This was Oliver Wellington Lane, a graduate of Harvard College 
in 1772 He came to Hampton soon after his graduation, smd was 
teacher during a part or the whole of Ihe war of the Revolution. He 
was successful in his calling. His pupils were very strongly attached 
to him. Some of them, kite in life, used to speak of him with a great 
deal of interest. 

It has sometimes been stated that all the teachers of the town school 
in Hampton, previous to the Revolution, were college graduates. 
While this statement is not wholly correct, it appears from instances 
here cited, that a large part of them were liberally educated. In a 
petition to the governor and council in July, 1714, it is represented 
that the selectmen had hired a schoolmaster for the town, to teach both 
Latin and English. Who this teacher was is unknown, but from the 
date it is evident that it could not have been any of those here enu- 
merated. 

location of schools. 

The town school was located in the vicinity of the meeting house, 
until the spring of 1713, though in some instances it was removed to 
the Falls side for a few months; for example, in 1673 the school was 
to be kept in the town nine months, and at the Falls side, three mouths. 

November 17, 1699, it was voted "That if ffalls side, so called, in 
Ilamp'on, doe provide and pay a schoolmaster for the teaching of 
their children ; They shall be exempted ffrom paying to the schooll- 
niaster at the town side so called." Similar votes were passed at 
other times. 



THE COMMON SCHOOLS. 479 

At a town-meeting, Mui-eli 11, 1735, it was voted "that the noitli- 
erly piirt of the town (now North Ilauipton) shall have some part of 
the schooling the ensuing j'ear." 

It was voted, March 23, 17o6, "That the selectmen shall have the 
liberty of hireing a common Heading and writing master, and in case 
a Grammar school is needed, the selectmen shall provide one in the 
Town, provided that both schools shall cost the Town no more than 
one constant Grammar school." 

March 15, 1757, it was voted "to allow some money to support the 
schools at Bride hill and Drakeside" (the western part of the town). 

March 20, 1759, it was voted "to have a school for reading and 
"writing for six months, besides the standing school, to be removed 
so as shall best accommodate the peo[)le." 

March 18, 1766, "Voted, that the school shall be removed to such 
parts of the town as shall be equally beneficial to the whole town — 
to be determined by the selectmen." 

April 7, 1772, a town-meeting was called by request, "to see if the 
town would remove the school into four different parts of the town, 
and allow each [)art of the town part of the money raised for the school 
yearly." "It was agreed to." Then follow in the record several votes, 
defining the extent and limits of each of three of these parts, — the 
rest of the town (nearly the same as afterwards districts Nos. 1 and 
2, — about one-half of the town), to constitute the otiier part. Each 
of these parts was to have all the school money raised within its own 
limits by taxation. 

The next 3'ear it was voted "to remove the Grammar school to 
Bride-hill — if the people in that part of the town see good to accept 
it — so much of the time as will amount to their proportion of money 
raised for the school the ensuing year." 

At a town-meeting held March 18, 1800, it was voted "to leave it 
to the discretion of the selectmen to appoint schools as they think 
best for the general good of the inhabitants of the town the year en- 
suing." 

A full century and a half had now passed away since the opening 
of the first school in the town; and througii all these years, schools 
had been maintained ; but thus far, no person or persons appear to 
have been appointed to supervise them. 

At an adjournment of the first annual meeting in the present cen- 
tury, held March 26, 1801, the town voted "That the Rev. Jesse 
Appleton, the Rev. William Pidgin, Dr. Ebenezer Lawrence, Dr. 
Joua. French, Oliver Whipple, Esq., be a committee to examine our 
schools the year ensuing." 
31 



480 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

The selectmen were directed to raise what money the law required 
for the support of schools, and to take advice of the school commit- 
tee how the money might be laid out to the best advantage. 

In a few instances during the last ninety years, the town has failed 
to have a school committee ; but generally a committee has been 
chosen at the annual toAvn-meeting, or appointed by the selectmen, 
according to law. A few years the committee has consisted of five 
persons, more frequently of three, and generally, during the last quar- 
ter of a century, of only one, till districts were abolished by law of 
the state, and old time committees were no more. 

Fifty years ago the school committee relied more upon certificates 
of literary attainments and good moral character produced by tlie ap- 
plicant, than upon a personal examination, in deciding whether a cer- 
tificate of approbation sliould be given. This course was not safe ; 
for sometimes candidates poorly qualified for teaching were more 
amply furnished with recommendations than others abundantly quali- 
fied. Later, the course was different. Candidates, whose qualifications 
were not well known to the committee, were carefully examined, the 
giving or withholding of certificates depending on the result. 

SCHOOL DISTRICTS. 

The town, as has been shown by votes passed at different times, 
made changes in the location of the school for some portion of the 
year, or provided that more than one school should be ke})t at the 
same time, in order tliat the privileges of the inhal)itants in the differ- 
ent parts of the town might be equalized as far as practicable. But 
these were only temporary arrangements, liable to be changed from 
year to year. For this reason, perhaps, it was not judged prudent 
to expend much money in building school-houses. Hence, probably, 
we may account for the passing of the following vote, November 30, 
1801 : "That the North District shall have Jonathan Sanborn's Barn 
for a Schoolhouse." 

Indeed, there was no law authorizing the division of towns into 
school districts till 1805. Nearly two years after the passage of this 
law, at the annual meeting in 1807, a committee of nine was chosen 
to district the town, according to law. The committee made four dis- 
tricts, and pointed out the extent of each on the different roads, thus 
indicating the district to which each house belonged. This division re- 
mained without material alterations till 1845, when Robert Smith, 
Aaron Coffin, John D. Neal, Obed S. Hobbs and William Brown 
were chosen a committee, to consider how to redistrict the town. 

A minority report was atlopted, whereby five districts were estab- 



THE COMMON SCHOOLS. 481 

lislied by metes and bounds. One of them was subsequently divided, 
making six districts, numbered from one to six, and designated by 
their respective numbers; and tiiis arrangement continued till school 
districts were abolished by law, in 1885. 

SCHOOL-HOUSES. 

No information can be gleaned from the town records, about the 
first school-house, or any other, built during the first half-century of 
its history. It is, however, safe to presume that at first the school 
was kept in a house built of logs. 

The first mention of a school-house is an entry made in 1692, 
during King William's war. The people, liable to be attacked at any 
moment, had built a fortification around the meeting-house, and at a 
town-meeting held on the 17th of May, 1692, voted to extend the line 
of this fortification so as to enclose more space ; and liberty was given 
to build houses in it according to the custom in other forts. It was 
also voted to build within the fort, at the town's expense, a house four- 
teen by sixteen feet, for the use of the minister, and when not occu- 
pied by him, to be used as a school-house. 

At a town-meeting liolden September 14, 1696, it was ordered that 
such materials of the old parsonage-house, about to be taken down, 
as would not be needed in finishing a new house, should "be improved 
by the selectmen for the building of a school-house." 

On July 14, 1693, the town made two grants of land, one of an acre 
and a half at the Falls side, and the other of one acre at the town side, 
to be appropriated for school-house lots forever. The one at the town 
was to be laid out "on the easterly side of the fort near Philemon Dal- 
ton's, so as might be least prejudicial." 

The town voted, September 22, 1712, that a school- house twenty- 
four feet long and twenty feet wide should be built on the lot granted 
for that purpose near Deacon Dalton's house, and be finished by the 
last day of April following. It was also voted that the selectmen for 
the time being should have full power to build the house, and to raise 
a tax on the inhabitants of the town to pay for it. The lot on which 
this house was built is the one on which the Center school-house stands ; 
it has been used as a school-house lot (some changes having been 
made in its form and size), about one hundred eighty years. 

The school-house built in 1712-13 was destroyed by fire about 
twenty-four years afterward, and on March 8, 1737, the town voted 
that it should be replaced by another of the same dimensions, for the 
building of which, the town would pay £25. If it be asked why a 
larger house was not needed to accommodate the school in 1737, than 



482 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

in 1712, as during a quarter of a century the population must have 
increased, let it be remembered that more than half the territory of 
Hampton had been taken to form the parish (or town) of Hampton 
Falls, which included Kensington and part of Seabrook. 

Notiung definite is known in relation to other school-houses built 
before the year 1800. Those used in the early part of the present 
century were small, inconvenient and uncomfortable. About the year 
1825, new school-houses were built in three of the districts. These 
were all of brick, and were far better adapted to the purposes for 
which they were designed than the former ones had been. One of 
these — that in Bride Hill district, — is still standing, the only brick 
building in town. 

In 1855 a new school-house was built in district No. 3, sufficiently 
large, well proportioned, well finished and attractive in appearance. 
The internal arrangement is creditable, and the house has been kept 
in good repair. 

In 1873 the brick buildings in districts No. 1 and No. 2, that had 
been occupied by the schools about fifty years, and the wooden build- 
ing in No. 1, that had been used by the primary sch.ool about half as 
long, were removed, to give place in each district to a better school- 
house, meeting the wants of a graded school. The buildings are of 
wood, and were finished in season for the winter schools. They are 
nearly equal in size, but differ in plan and style of finishing. They 
are two stories in height, each containing a large, well-furnished school- 
room on each floor, with ante-rooms and other conveniences. The 
house at the "east end" is forty-six by thirty-two feet, the lower story, 
twelve feet high, and the upper, ten feet. The whole cost, as shown 
by the bills, $5,358.70. The house at the center is fort3'-seven by 
thirtj^-two feet, each story, eleven feet in height; the whole cost, as 
reported by the building committee, $4,485. 

SUMMARY. 

School buildings and furniture were provided at the expense of the 
town, before it was divided into districts; after that time by the dis- 
tricts several!}', till districts were abolished in 1885, when the town 
again assumed the expense. 

The means for the support of schools have been raised principally 
by taxation. Money received through the state treasury from the 
Literary Fund, and a portion of that from railroads has been added 
to the sum raised by taxation, and the whole applied to the support 
of the schools. 

In district No. 1, two grades — grammar and primary, — were sus- 



THE COMMON SCHOOLS. 483 

tained for forty years or more. In district No. 2, a like grading was 
begun in 1874. 

Ill early times men only (as far as any records show) were employed 
as teachers. It is quite possible, however, that women sometimes 
tauglit the schools supported in addition to what the law required. 
Since 1800, women have been employed more or less, and recently, 
they have formed a large percentage of our teachers. 

In 1873 the town appointed a committee of two from each school 
district, to devise a more equitable apportionment of the scliool money. 
They reported a method, which was adopted, namely : to divide among 
districts 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 and 6, in the proportion respectively of 29, 26, 
12, 10, 12 and 11 per cent of all the money appropriated from year 
to year for the support of schools. 

RECENT HISTORY. 

The common schools of Hampton have, in late years, been fairly 
successful, as country schools rank, nothing specially worthy of note 
having occurred till the union of Academy and high-school, having a 
speciJGied course of study, in 1885. Then, anew incentive to exertion 
arose, quickened through the energy and enthusiasm of Dr. William 
T. Merrill, who had already been a year in office as superintendent 
of schools, and who, as a trustee of the Academy, had in this second 
effort for union (a first having failed), been the moving spirit in the 
whole enterprise. The promotion of those best qualified, to the high- 
scliool, and, for the rest, the hope of future promotion, at once carried 
the schools into a new era. 

A still higher benefit resulted from the enactment of a state law, 
the same year, abolishing school districts. One grammar school was 
then established for the town, with such primary schools as were 
deemed necessary. To quote from the annual report of the Board of 
Education in the spring of 1887, after the new system had been in 
operation a year and a half: ''By the abolition of the district system, 
we have been able to give better tuition at less expense per co^^ito, 
and the same opportunities of learning to all the children of the town, 
giving a graded system with a prescribed course of study, and pro- 
motions with reference to an established rule." 



CHAPTER XXVIII. 

HAMPTON ACADEMY AND HIGH-SCHOOL. 

THE PROPRIETARY SCHOOL. 

AFTER Rev. Mr. Webster had been in the ministiy, in Hampton, 
long enough to become consideral)ly acquainted with a large 
portion of the people, he was convinced of the importance of a higher 
standard of education in the schools. The town was raising, for their 
support, all the money required by law, and something more. The 
school children learned to read and spell, write and cipher; and many 
of them made a laudable improvement of the privileges furnished. 
Beyond the branches enumerated, but little instruction was ordinarily 
given by the teachers. They did, however, endeavor to instil into the 
minds of the children the importance of good manners, and the duty 
of show^ing due respect to the aged and to their superiors generally. 

While the pastor appreciated the efforts of the teachers in these di- 
rections, he thought it incumbent on himself to induce parents to 
favor the introduction of other branches of study into the common 
schools, and to foster in the young people a thirst for higher attain- 
ments. He was impressed with the belief that, by the opening of a 
school of a higher order, a new interest would be excited, and a new 
impulse given to the cause of education. 

A considerable number of the parents here and in neighboring towns 
became interested in the project of establishing such a school. Wiien 
this point was reached, definite measures to that end began to be taken ; 
and, in answer to a petition to the General Court, the following act 
of incorporation was granted : 

"In the 3^ear of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and ten. 

An Act to incorporate certain persons, l)y the name of the Proprie- 
tary School in Hampton. 

Section 1^* — Be it enacted by the Senate and house of Representa- 
tives and General Court convened, that Edmund Toppan, Joseph 
Towle junior, John Fogg, Thomas Ward, Ebenezer Lawrence, Samuel 
F. Leavitt and Richard Greenleaf, and their associates and successors 
be, and they hereby are incorporated, and made a body corporate and 
(180 



HAMPTON ACADEMY AND HIGH-SCHOOL. 485 

politic forever, under the name of the Proprietary ScJiool in Hampton, 
and by that name may sue and prosecute, and be sued and prosecuted 
to final judgment and execution, and shall have and enjoy all the 
powers and privileges which by law are incident to similar corpora- 
tions. 

Section 2°^ — And be it further enacted, that the said corporation 
may establish a School in Hampton, for the instruction and education 
of youth, and erect and maintain suitable buildings therefor, and may 
purchase and receive by donation, and hold real and personal estate 
of any kind, not exceeding Twenty thousand Dollars in value, pro- 
vided that nothing in this act shall be construed to exempt more than 
ten thousand Dollars from taxation. 

Section 3** — And be it further enacted, that the said corporation, 
at any meeting duly holden, may make rules, regulations and by-laws, 
for the management of the interests and concerns of the said institu- 
tion, and appoint such and so many officers as they shall think proper, 
and prescribe their powers and duties. 

Section 4'^ — And be it further enacted, that the said Edmund Top- 
pan and Joseph Towie junior, or either of them, shall notify the first 
meeting of said Corporation to be holden at any suitable time and 
place in said Hampton, by posting up a notification at the meeting- 
house in said Hampton, three Sundays successively, at which meeting 
the manner of holding future meetings may be regulated, and any 
business relating to said corporation, transacted." 

The act was approved by the governor, on the 16th of June. 

Money being now needed for the furtherance of the enterprise, it 
was decided to raise the sum of one thousand dollars, in shares of 
twenty-five dollars each. The subscription list, dated November 26, 
1810, is as follows : 

Thomas Ward, 4 shares. 

James Leavitt, . . . . . . . . 2 " 

Richard Greenleaf , 2 " 

Ebenezer Lawrence, 

John Fogg (Northampton) , 

Samuel F. Leavitt (Northampton), .... 

Joseph Towle, Jr 

Jonathan Marston, 

Willard Emery, 

Edmund Toppan, 

Jonathan Marston, Jr 

Jabez M. Davison, 

David Nudd, 2 

Edmund James, 1 



486 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Simeon Shaw, 1 share. 

Isaac Marston, . . . . . . . 1 " 

SamiielJames, 1 " 

Abihal Marston (Northampton), . . . . 1 " 

Theophihis Sanborn (Hampton Falls) . . . 1 " 

Aaron Merrill, " . . . . 1 " 

Dudle.v Dodge, " . . . . 1 " 

Jeremiah Hobbs, 1 " 

John Brown, 1 " 

Daniel Towle, . . . . . . . . 1 " 

Thomas Leavitt (Hampton Falls), . . , 1 " 

John Perkins, . 1 " 

Dudley Lamprey, 1 " 

Josiah Webster, 1 " 

Thomas Ward, . 1 " 

David Garland, 1 " 

Having proceeded thus far, nothing more was done, till February 
5, 1811, when the first meeting of the subscribers was held, at the 
house of" James Leavitt, Esq., to choose a comuiittee of three, to solicit 
further snbsciii)tions. Tlieophihis Sanborn, of Hampton Falls, Ed- 
mund Toppan, of Hampton, and Samuel F. Leavitt, of North Hamp- 
ton, were chosen. 

At an adjourned meeting a week later, it was voted, "To accei)t of 
the gift, of the town of Hampton, of tiie Green, where the meeting- 
house formerly stood," and to erect n[)on it a suitable school building, 
on a plan drawn b}' a committee chosen for the purpose, before the 
act of incorporation. Thomas Ward, Samuel F. Leavitt and Samuel 
James were chosen a committee, to receive proposals for building, 
and to report at an adjourned meeting Febiuar}' 22 ; but no proposals 
having been handed in, the work was at a later adjournment put up at 
auction ; the result of which was, that Richard Greenleaf took the con- 
tract to do the whole, excepting the rock work, for seven hundred 
thirt\'-eight dollars. 

At the u:eeting on the 22nd of February, five trustees were chosen : 
Rev. Jonathan French of North Hampton, a zealous patron through 
a long life, Rev. Asa Parker of Portsmouth, James Leavitt and Ed- 
mund Toppan, Esquires, of Ham[)ton, and Jolin Fogg, Esquire, a 
physician, of North Hampton. Tlie latter was chosen president of 
tiie corporation, and Thomas Ward, treasurer; and it was further 
voted, that such of the trustees as were proprietors should have the 
charge of the building, and make all necessarj^ writings with the con- 
tractor. 

Shortly afterward. Rev. Josiah Webster, of Hampton, and Richard 
Pike, of Newburj'port were added to the board of trustees : while Rev. 



HAMPTON ACADEMY AND HIGH-SCHOOL. 487 

Jacob Abbott, of Hampton Falls, was substituted for Rev. Asa Par- 
ker ; and in tlie autumn of the same year, Ednuind Top[)an, Esq., hav- 
ing resigned, Tliomas Ward was elected in his place. 

For carrying on the work of building, it was voted that nine dollars 
be paid on each share on or before April 1st ; nine dollars, on or 
before Jul}' 1st; and seven dollars, when the building should be 
completed, which must be on or before .September 1st. 

There is nothing on record to show that the house was not cona- 
pleted by the time specified ; but we find that five years later, a com- 
mittee chosen to take into consideration the account of the contractor 
reported : "That Richard Greenleaf stop his suit against the Corpor- 
ation and make such repairs on the house as Mr. Jeremiah Hobbs and 
Samuel Brown jr., may find necessary, in consequence of any defect 
in the building of said house — and that his account ought to he paid 
by the Corporation." As there is no furtiier record on the sidiject, 
it is probable that the diflficulty was then satisfactorily settled. 

The school-house was at first a one-story building; hut in Decem- 
ber, 1820, a proposition was made by Rockingham Lodge, No. 34, of 
Free Masons, that they build on another story for their own use, on 
such terms as might be agreed upon by a committee from the Lodge 
and a committee from the corporation. Tiie record of this pioposi- 
tion is the first, in which the new school is called an Academy. No 
satisfactory agreement could be made; and the next s[)ring the cor- 
poration decided to put on another story and otherwise to enlarge 
the building to meet the increasing demands of the school. Capt. 
Simon Tovvle took the contract, for four hundred fifty-five dollars ; to 
pay which, and for other expenses, thirty-five additional shares, at 
twenty dollars, were issued. The work was done in the summer of 
1821, the school, meanwhile, being kept at the house of James Lea- 
vitt, Esq. 

TRANSFERRED TO A BOARD OF TRUSTEES. 

At a meeting of the corporation, in May, a communication was re- 
ceived from the trustees, expressing sentiments of cordiality toward the 
Hampton Proprietary School, and proposing the appointment by the 
proprietors, of a permanent board of trustees, authorized, in a manner 
similar to the usages of other literary institutions, to solicit and receive 
in trust donations to aid in establishing and perpetuating an Academy 
in this town. 

The proprietors, pleased with the suggestion of the trustees, request- 
ed Rev. Jonathan French to nominate a number of persons, in his 
opinion suitable for a permanent board ; and, at a subsequent meeting, 



488 • HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

voted that a new choice of trustees be organized as a permanent board, 
"witli power to fill their own vacancies, and so perpiituate their own 
body." 

Having elected a board of thirteen trustees,' the proprietors im- 
mediately set about transferring to them all the "rights, interests, 
privileges and immunities" of the corporation, to be held by them in 
trust, for the use and benefit of tiie institution, "and for the promotion 
of education therein ;" the transfer to take effect, wlien it should re- 
ceive the signatures of the owners of seven-eighths of all the shares in 
the corporation ; which signatures were at once affixed, and the trans- 
fer coucluded. 

The same day, August 8, 1821, the new board adopted a constitu- 
tion, previously drawn up by Rev. Messrs. Webster and Freuch, and 
Timothy Farrar, Esq., of which the following is an abstract: 

CONSTITUTION, OR FUNDAMENTAL RULES FOR THE HAMPTON PROPRIETARY 
SCHOOL CORPORATION. 

Article P*. This Corporation shall hereafter consist of not less 
than nine nor more than thirteen members, each of whom shall be en- 
titled to one vote and no more ou all questions that come before the 
corporation. All vacancies, as they occur, shall be filled by the re- 
maining members, by election at a legal meeting, and not oilierwise. 
[All property to be held by the members jointly in trust for the insti- 
tution, as specified in the deed of transfer.] 

Article 2"**. [Regulates the time for the annual meeting, which 
was twice afterwai'ds altered, and at last fixed for the day of the 
close of the fall term; and also declares "a major part of the mem- 
bers" to constitute a quorum.] 

Article 3''*^. There shall be chosen annuall}' a President, Secretary, 
Treasurer and Executive Committee; [hut the preceptor shall not be 
chosen President, nor shall any member hold the offices of Secretary 
and Treasurer at the same time.] 

Articles 4'^'^, 5*^^, 6^^, 7*'\ [Define the duties of the officers; which 
are substantially in accordance with general usage.] 

Articles 8*'>, 10"'. [Relate to the appointment and dismissal of in- 
structors.] 

Article 9"'. No person shall be chosen a principal instructor, un- 
less he sustain a christian character, and be a man of exemplary man- 
ners, of good mental abilities and literary acquirements, and of good 
acquaintance with human nature, of a natural aptitude for instruction 
and government ; and in the appointment of an}'^ instructor, regard 

' See list at close of this chapter. 



HAMPTON ACADEMY AND HIGH-SCHOOL. ^89 

shall be had to qualifications onl>% without preference of kindred or 
friend, place of birth, education or residence. 

Articles 11*^, 12t*^, 13^^, li^^. [Show the mutual relations of corpor- 
ation, teachers and i)upils.] 

Article lo^^. There shall be taught in this Seminary the English, 
Latin and Greek Languages, Writing, Arithmetic, Music and Arts 
of Speaking; also practical Geometry, Logic, Geography and any of 
the liberal Arts and Sciences or Languages, as opportunity and al)ility 
may hereafter admit, and as the corporation shall direct. But it is 
to be ever considered by the corporation and all connected with this 
Seminary, that these branches of learning are to be prosecuted as 
subservient to the promotion of true piety and virtue. 

It is therefore expected, that the assiduous attention of the precep- 
tor will be paid to the disposition of tiie mind and morals of the youth 
under his charge; and that he will consider it his duty, as the ages 
and capacities of tlie scholars will admit, not only to instruct and 
establish them in the truth of Christianity, but also, earl}' and dili- 
gently to inculcate upon them the great and important Script uie doc- 
trines of the existence of one true God, the Father, Son and Holy 
Ghost; of the fall of man, the depravity of human nature, the neces- 
sity of an atonement, and of our being renewed in the spirit of our 
minds; the doctrines of repentance towards God and of faith toward 
our Lord Jesus Christ; of sanctification by the Holy Spirit, and of 
justification by the grace of God through the redemption that is in 
Jesus Christ ; together with the other important doctrines and duties 
of our Holy Christian Religion. 

The last article is given in full, to show the spirit which actuated 
the founders of the Academy. The Puritan principles of the first 
settlers had not died out. Accordingly, religious instruction was 
actually given in the school for many years, and revivals were not 
infrequent. Even now, the requirements above-named remain a part 
of the constitution, though, in practice, they have long been a dead 
letter. 

The Academy corporation being now secured against extinction, 
a permanent fund also seemed a necessity. Accordingly, "An address 
to the Public," signed by the trustees was sent out, setting forth the 
advantages, and urging the needs of the institution, more especially 

for "improvement in the system of female education," that 

having been uppermost in Mr. Webster's thought at the outset. Mr. 
Webster was appointed agent of the board, to receive donations. Two 
years afterward Rev. Ephraim Abbott, of Greenland, was chosen an 



490 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

additional agent, for the same purpose ; and at the same meeting Mr. 
Wei)ster reported the gift of three hundred acres of land in tlie town 
of Peeling (afterwards sohi, and the proceeds invested), and about 
eight hundred dollars in cash and notes. The next year Mr. Abbott 
reported gifts amounting to a little more than two iiundred dollars. 
And thus, little by little, the fund grew. 

Mr. George Brackett, of Greenland, made a considerable donation, 
with the condition, that his grandchildren, four or five in number 
were to receive tuition and board, free of charge. Subsequently, Mr. 
Brackett determined to give to the Academy, tin-ough Mr. Abbott, its 
agent, a sum so large as to place it on an independent Ibundation ; 
but Mr. Al)bott had conflicting interests at heart, even the establish- 
ment of a similar institution in Greenland ; and to his |)ersuasions Mr. 
Brackett 3'ielded. The money was therefore diverted into the new 
channel. The trustees of Hampton Academy, believing that undue 
influence was brought to bear upon the testator, woi 11 as he was with 
age and feebleness, commenced a suit for recover^' in 1826, and ex- 
pensive and fruitless litigation ibllowed. 

Meanwhile, the other agent, Mr. Webster, was winning the grati- 
tude of his colleagues, by his zeal and success in obtaining funds, the 
aggregate of which, though never large, was sufficient to pay necessary 
expenses. 

From the beginning, the Hampton institution took a good standing 
among schools. Phillips Exeter Academy, for boy?-, and Atkinson 
Academy, preceded it in time of incorporation, but did not interfere 
•with its prosperity. The first preceptor, Mr. Andrew Mack, in a 
letter, dated Gilmanton, August 30, 1872, when he was eighty-six 
years old, wrote the story of the commencement of operations, in 
these words : 

"In the month of September, 1811, I set out from Londonderry, 
designing to go to New l)ury port, to find a situation to teach. 1 was 
led by that Unseen Hand which shapes the history of our lives, to 
Hampton. On the evening of the day of mj' arrival there, the trustees 
had a meeting. Their Academy building was just completed, and 
the trustees were in a divided condition and jealous of each other. 
There had been previous meetings and nothing done. The board con- 
sisted of eight members, four being Orthodox, and four. Unitarians. 

I had taught two years at Gilmanton Academy and one year at 
Dartmouth College. The trustees agreed to lay aside their prejudices, 
and conuncnce operations in the Academy. 1 made my contract with 
them, for three terms. At this distant day, I can pronounce the whole 
a success. Upon leaving, the trustees gave me a handsome testimo- 
nial. 



HAMPTON ACADEMY AND HIGH-SCHOOL. 



491 



I herewith send you the names of the students, while I was princi- 
pal of the Academy. 



Polly Batchelder. 
John Blake. 
Abigail Brown. 
David Brown. 
Moses Brown. 
Nathan Brown. 
Simon Brown. 
Thomas Brown. 
Arlond Carroll. 
Mary Carroll. 
Sally Carroll. 
Stephen Chase. 
Oliver Cilley. 
Edwiu A. Clark. 
Aaron Coffin, 
Moses Coffin. 
Hannah Cram. 
Betsey Dearborn. 
Jonathan Dearborn. 
Joseph R. Dearborn. 
Mary Dodge. 
Richard Dodge. 
Sally Dodge. 
Eben T. Drake. 
Samuel Drake. 
Sarah Emery. 
Abigail Fifield. 
John Fogg. 
Jonathan Garland. 
Henry George. 
Harriet Goodhue. 
Sally Goodhue. 
Abigail Green. 
Stephen Harberger. 
Obed S. Hobbs. 
Eben James. 
Hannah James. 
Ira James. 
John Johnson. 
Oliver Lamprey. 
Eben Lane. 
Reuben Lane. 
Clarissa Leavitt. 
Lydia Leavitt. 
Mary Leavitt. 
Nancy Leavitt. 



Shubael Leavitt. 
Susan Leavitt. 
Clarissa Marston. 
David Marston. 
Fanny Marston. 
Jonathan Marston. 
Jonathan Marston 2d. 
Josiah Marston. 
Moses L. Marston. 
Sabriua Marston. 
Samuel Marston. 
Jacob Moulton. 
Nathan Moulton. 
Abigail Page. 
Josiah Page. 
Hannah Perkins. 
John Perkins. 
John Perkins. 
Jonathan Pliilbrick. 
Sewall Pike. 
Simon Rob3^ 
Sally Sanborn. 
Thayer S. Sanborn. 
Eben Shillaber. 
Martha Thayer. 
Mary Ann Thayer. 
Hill Tibbetts. 
Christopher S. Toppan. 
Elizabeth Toppan. 
Mary C. Toppan. 
Eben S. Towle. 
John Towle. 
Jonathan Towle. 
Nancy Towle. 
Philip Towle. 
Snlly Towle. 
Sally B. Towle. 
Abigail Ward. 
Deborah Ward. 
Joseph Ward. 
Nancy Ward. 
Sally Ward. 
Eliphalet K. Webster. 
Josiah Webster. 
Susan Webster." 



As the years went by, many young men, afterwards of high repu- 



492 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

tation in professional and political life, fitted for college here : — three 
of Mr. Webster's sons,i Amos Morrill, Judge of the U. S. District 
Court in Texas ; Daniel Clark, who held a like office in New Hamp- 
shire twenty-five years, was a founder of the Republican party and 
U. S. senator; Moses Norris, member of Congress, as representative 
and senator; James F. Joy, widely known as a railroad king ; James 
W. Grimes, for three years governor of Iowa, and afterwards, U. S. 
senator ; Amos Tuck, lawyer and representative to Congress ; and 
many more. The renowned Rufus Choate completed his preparatory 
course here in 1815. 

The early preceptors were, for the most part, men eminently quali- 
fied for their profession — men of learning and culture and piety, com- 
manding the respect and obedience, and often the warm affection of 
their pupils. Equally fortunate was the young ladies' department, 
established after the enlargement of the building in 1821 ; and which, 
except at devotions, at the opening and close of each day, was en- 
tirely distinct, under the charge of a preceptress. 

Of all the teachers, Mr. Paine W. Chase was the only one who died 
in office ; and his death was singularly sudden. He had taught, as 
usual, on Saturday forenoon, and had, with Miss Vose, the precep- 
tress, spent the evening at Mr. Webster's. On returning to his board- 
ing-place, he conducted family worship and retired to his room, ap- 
parently in health ; but a sound of falling, a few minutes later, caused 
the landlady to hasten to his room, where he was just expiring. He 
died deeply lamented by trustees, patrons, pupils and the entire com- 
munity. ^ 

Among the names of preceptors, that of Roswell Harris, A. INI., stands 
out prominently. He taught with great acceptance for about five 
years ; and when he left for Brattleboro, Vt., the trustees passed a vote 
of appreciation and thanks. Not long after, efforts were made to in- 
duce him to return, but without avail. Mr. Harris married his pre- 
ceptress, Mii^s Matilda Leavitt.-' 

In 1837 Mr. Amos Tuck, then principal, and also a trustee of the 
Academy, proposed the purchase of a philosophical and chemical ap- 
paratus, generously offering to relinquish all claim upon the income 
of the funds, and depend ou tuition alone for his salary, "until said 
funds shall have accumulated sufficiently to pay all existing debts, 
and the amount of the debt that shall have been incurred, lor purchase 
of said apparatus." The trustees agreed to this proposal, and pur- 
chased apparatus, at a cost of three hundred dollars, the next spring. 
But now, Mr. Tuck, who had been reading law for some time, had the 

1 See Genealogies— Webster (fi); (9) to ^11). ^See Genealogies— Chase (10). 

^Soe Genealogies— Lea vitt (IG). 



HAMPTON ACADEMY AND HIGH-SCHOOL. 493 

opportunity of completing his studies, preparatory to being admitted 
to the bar, with James Bell, Esq., an eminent lawyer, of Exeter. He 
therefore gave iip the school, and Joseph Dow, then teaching 
in Gardiner, Me., was invited to take it in charge. He accepted the 
position and entered at once upon its duties ; l)ut the arrangement 
made with Mr. Tuck, for reUuquishing salary, being necessarily bind- 
ing upon his successor, since a new debt had been incurred bv the 
late purchase, Mr. Dow found the support inadequate, and felt com- 
pelled therefore to resign, at the end of one year. 

The longest preceptorate was that of Timothy O. Norris, A.M., 
who had charge of the school for twelve years ;i and whose zeal and 
efficiency in a most trying ordeal, deserve particular mention. 

On the 29th of August, 1851, between the hours of one and two, 
in the morning, the Academy building was burned to the ground, from 
some unknown cause, but probably incendiary. 

A proposition was made by the town, to repair and fit up the old 
Congregational meeting- house, for a town-house and Academy; and 
the trustrees appointed a committee of three of their number, ''to re- 
cei\ e what proposition the town of Hampton, through their committees, 
may choose to make ;" but no satisfactory arrangement could be made, 
and the trustees decided to build anew. They "chose T. O. Norris, 
Rev. S. p. Fay, Josiah Dow, S. B. Shaw and T. Ward a building com- 
mittee, with power to cause to be constructed a new Academy build- 
ing, on such a plan as they may agree upon." 

Mr. Norris was indefatigable in his exertions, soliciting funds, 
laboring with his own hands and enlisting his friends, in the work. 
Mr. Thomas Ward was no less zealous ; and after the new building 
was completed, and the school again in operation, the trustees passed 
a resolution, "that their names deserve to be held in grateful remem- 
brance, by all the friends of Hampton Academy." 

The new Academy was built with one large school-room, and small 
recitation rooms opening from it ; and the old system of two distinct 
departments was abolished ; the upper story being designed for a hall, 
but never furnished for school use. In 1866 it was rented, for a few 
months, to a Division of the Sons of Temperance. 

THE TOPPAK AND LEAVITT BEQUESTS. 

After the completion of the new Academy, the fund of the institu- 
tion was reduced to one thousand forty -five dollars. Ten years later, 
a legacy of two thousand dollars was received from the estate of Chris- 

1 See Genealogies— Norris (2). 



494 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

topher S. Toppan, deceased, of Portsmouth ; the income to be applied 
to the tuition of three boys and three girls, to be appointed by the 
selectmen from among the families of the town ; these six pupils to 
continue as beneficiaries for three years, and then other six cliosen, 
and so on in perpetuity. Should any vacancies occur at any time, 
they were to be filled by the principal in charge. 

Miss Abigail Leavitt, of Hampton, died in 1891, leaving by will, 
after various bequests, the residue of her property to the Academy 
and high-school, as a permanent fund, the interest of which shall be 
used for educational purposes. The bequest will amount to eight 
thousand dollars or niore.^ 

LITERARY SOCIETIES. 

In 1827 the Academy began to sustain two literary societies. No 
records of either can now be found, records and library having been 
burned in the old building. The nature and aims of the later and 
better remembered, the olive branch society, are set forth in the Act 
of Incorporation, a few years later, copied into the town records, and 
in substance as follows : 

"AVhereas, there has for four or five years past existed at Hampton Acad- 
emy, an association of several individuals, students of said Academy, for the 
purpose of promoting their mutual improvement in writing and extempora- 
neous spealiing ; and whereas, said association has collected a Library of sev- 
eral hundred volumes of valuable boolis, to which additions are frequently 
made : " to secure the general objects of the association, and more particu- 
larly to facilitate the management of the library, Daniel F. Merrill, Sanmel 
Burnham, Thomas M. Smith and associates, have formed themselves into a 
body corporate, to be known as the " Olive Branch G. C. L. of Hampton 
Academy," taking the privileges and duties of a corpoi-ate body, agreeing to 
submit to the regulations of the society ; and have recorded their agreement 
in the books of the society and on the town records, and posted them in two 
public places. 

(Signed) C. S. Magoun, Eec. Sec'y- 

Hampton Academy, 
June 13, 1832. 

Mr. Elijah Plumb, a theological student, boarding with Mr. AVeb- 
ster, and employed as Mr. Harris' assistant for some time, and still re- 
nieniborod as a good man and teacher, delivered an address before the 
Olive Branch Society, which was published, copies of which are 3-et 
preserved. 

The CiCEUONiAN Society is to-day only known perhaps, through the 
diary of one of its members,- which shows it to have been a debating 

'See Geiiealosies— Leavitt (23). - Tlie author of tliis work.— Ed. 



THE ACADEMY AND HIGH-SCHOOL. 495 

society, holding weekly meetings, and having to some extent, the same 
membership with the Olive P>i'aiU!h, floni-isiiiiig at the same time : which, 
however, it preceded in organization, by three 3'ears. 

PROPOSED CHANGES. 

Several propositions have been made, at different times, for the re- 
moval of the Academy to a more central location, and its conversion 
into a high-school. In the si)ring of 1871 overtures were made by 
the town to this end, to wiiich the trustees responded favorably. At 
a special town meeting, June 1, 1872, it was voted to establish a 
high-school ; and a committee, consisting of Randolph A. De Lance}^, 
Joseph Dow, F. H. Lyford, David S. Brown and Cliarles M. Lamprey 
was chosen, to confer with the trustees of tlie Academy, in regard to 
the removal and use of the Academy building, for high-school pur- 
poses. On the 14th of June, the trustees held a meeting, and passed 
the following votes : 

"That the executive committee of the board be authorized to cooper- 
ate with tlie town committee in removing the Academy building, pur- 
chasing a lot, fitting up, etc., without expense to tlie trustees: 

That the town committee shall make selection of teachers, in the 
confirmation of whom, the trustees shall have a negative : 

That the tovvn committee shall decide the qualifications of pupils 
entering the school, and shall have a joint interest in prescribing a 
course of study, and in the general management of the school." 

An enabling act was immediately procured from the Legislature, ap- 
proved July 3, 1872, by the provisions of which, the tovvn was author- 
ized to contract witii the trustees, on such terms as might be agreed 
upon, for uniting a tov/n high-school with the Academy. A school- 
house lot was purchased, and preparations were hastened for moving 
the building, when the whole plan was frustrated, tiirough the oppo- 
sition of certain individuals of influence; and the operations of the 
school settled back upon the old basis, the land being conve3^ed again 
to the former owner. 

Still, the question of removal was agitated from time to time, and 
at last was decided b}^ the api)lication of the Rockingham Lodge of 
Odd Fellows, for the permanent use of tlie hall, for which the}' were 
willing to pay sixty dollars per annum, provided the building were 
suitably' located. 

On the Istof March, 1881, Dr. William T. Merrill, George W. Lane 

and Christopher G. Toppaii were chosen by the trustees a committee 

to buy land, move the house and fit it up. JMr. Toppau donated an 

acre of land centrally situated, in a large field between the two main 

32 



496 HISTORY OP HAMPTON. 

roads to the beach ; and on the 22nd of January, 1883, all prepara- 
tions having been completed, the building was moved by eighty yoke 
of oxen and several pairs of horses, attactied in four strings to heavy 
cables, obtained from the Portsmouth navy yard. The first start 
moved the building a few feet only. In seventeen minutes from the 
second start, it stood proudly on the new site, nearly half a mile dis- 
tant, amid the ringing of bells and the vociferous cheers of the popu- 
lace. 

During the spring and summer extensive repairs were made, and a 
road was laid out through the Toppan field. The Odd Fellows' hall 
was duly furnished, dedicated and occupied ; and the school went into 
operation in September, 1883, after having been closed for more than 
three j'ears. 

HAMPTON ACADEMY AND HIGH-SCHOOL. 

The enabling act of 1872 was never repealed, though, as we have 
seen, the plan of union was frustrated for the time. The subject, 
however, did not pass wholl}^ from the minds of its advocates, and after 
the removal of the Academy building, it began to be agitated anew. 
Opposition to the union had now died out, and September 14, 1885 
became a memorable date in the recent history of education in the 
town, for the opening of Hampton Academy and High-School, under 
the care of Mi'. Jack Sanborn, of Hampton Falls, as principal. A year 
later Miss Maria Perkins, of this town, was secured as assistant. 
With these experienced and successful teachers at the head, and the 
pervasive and persuasive spirit of "the Doctor" everywhere present, 
prosperity was assured. The first class was graduated in June, 
1887. 

In 1889 a department of vocal culture was added to the curriculum 
of the school, to the manifest benefit of the students. The first teach- 
er, Miss Morlena M. Dearborn, of Boston, resigned at the end of 
one year, to accept a position in the New Hampshire Conference Sem- 
inary and Female College, at Tilton ; and in 1891, she received the 
iipi)ointnient of teacher of Elocution, in the New England Conserva- 
tory of Music, Boston. The Hampton school, thus losing one good 
teacher, was fortunate in immediately securing another, in Mrs. Sarah 
Neal Harris, now resident here, but till recently, of Concord, who 
still continues at the head of this department. 

FIRST graduating CLASS OK HAMPTON ACADEMY AND HIGH-SCHOOL. 

Five years have now passed over the heads of the first gi'adnates, 
all of whom will own that the intellectual and moral discipline of the 
high-school course has largely moulded their lives. 




CLASS OF 1887— AFTER FIVE YEARS. 



HAMPTON ACADEMY AND HIGH-SCHOOL. 497 

Immediately on graduating, A. T. Leavitt and Philbrick entered 
mercantile houses in which they still remain. Mr. Leavitt is to-day 
a salesman with Silas Peirce and Co, wholesale grocers, of Boston, 
having his home in Wollaston Heights and making a steady advance 
in his chosen business. Mr, Philbrick went to Lawrence, Mass., and 
entered the employ of the Beach Soap Company. He now has an in- 
terest in the business, does much of the buying, takes a general over- 
sight of the books and personal charge of the correspondence of the 
firm. 

Godfrey went to Minnesota soon after graduating. He studied law 
at the University of Minnesota, was graduated in due course, took 
his examinations for the bar and waited for his twenty-first birthday 
to be formally admitted. Shortly after, he formed a partnership 
with Hon. Arthur G. Otis, a prominent lawyer of St. Paul. Mr. 
Godfrey's marriage and weddingtrip home to Hampton followed closely 
upon his admission to the bar. 

Four of the class. Cole, Garland, Lane and F. E. Leavitt, entered 
the New Hampshire State College of Agriculture and the Mechanic 
Arts, in the autumn of 1887. After one year in college at Hanover 
and one in the pursuit of mercantile studies in the Commercial Col- 
lege at New Hampton, where he graduated, Lane spent a few months 
in his father's store at home, and then went to Thompson, Minn., 
into the employ of a patent brick manufacturing company, of which 
Mr. Eugene L. Emery^ was the head. After Mr. Emery's death, that 
business passed into other hands. Mr. Lane is now secretary and 
treasurer of the St. Louis River Brown-Stone Co., a large quarrying 
company, whose office is in Duluth, where he has his home. Mr. Gar- 
land remained in college till near the close of the second year, and 
afterward learned the carriage-maker's trade in Araesbury, Mass. He 
then studied three months in the Technical School for Carriage Drafts- 
men and Mechanics, under the auspices of the Carriage-Builders' 
National Association, in New York city; returned to Amesbury for 
awhile, to perfect himself in practice ; married his classmate, Miss 
Lampre3', who had remained in the sweet ministries of home since 
graduating; and is now established in business in his native town. 
Mr. F. E. Leavitt spent two years in college, then went into a store in 
Boston, and in 1891 took a business trip to California. In April of 
the present year, he married Miss Gillelan, of the class of '90 (Acad- 
emy and high-school), and returned to California, settling as a retail 
grocer, in Moreno, San Bernardino county. Tlie other college stu- 
dent, Mr. Cole, wtnt through the four years' course, graduating in 
I See Genealogies— Brown (43). 



498 



HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



1891. Shortly after, he entered into partnership with Mr. J. A. Lane, 
whose clerk he had been during several summer vacations.^ 

Misses Hobbs, AVeare and Grace R. Williams became teachers — the 
last of wliom has taught tliree years since graduating and given much 
time to vocal music; while her sister, Miss Ida P. Williams is devoted 
to the piano, over the keys of which her fingers have learned to sweep 
with skillful and loving touch. After teaching one term, Miss Weare 
returned to liousehold duties, finding time also to study the French 
language, under a private teacher. Miss Hobbs has taught four years 
out of the five — one terrain Kingston and the rest in Hampton, where 
she is still engaged. 

Mr. Nudd continued to study under the high-school instructors for 
a time, then took a year's course in Comer's Commercial College, Bos- 
ton and returned to his home at Boar's Head, in which he is now set- 
tled permanently, having married this present summer.- Miss Nudd 
also, as the only daughter of her father's house, has remained at home, 
helping in the management of the Eagle House at Boar's Head. 

Of other relations in life of the class of 1887, we may say briefl}^, 
not one has disappointed the hopes of the faculty and friends of the 
school. A majority are enrolled as church members; all have entered 
upon citizenship with untarnished names and fair prospects. 

The following lists of trustees and teachers of the school have been 
carefully compiled from such meager data as could be obtained, no 
register having been kept ; and in some cases, only approximate cor- 
rectness is claimed. 



TRUSTEES OF HAMPTON ACADEMY. 



NAME. 


RESIDENCE. 


TIME OF OFFICE. 


•Rev. Jonathan French, 


D.D. 


North Hampton. 


lSll-1856. 


Kev. Jacob Abbott. 




Hampton Falls. 


1811-1820. 


♦James Leavitt, Esq. 




Hampton. 


181 1-1813, 1820-1837. 


Eihmind Toppau, Esq. 




'• 


1811. 


Dr. John Fogg. 




North Hampton. 


1811-1812. 


*Rev. .Tosiah Webster. 




Hampton. 


1811-1819, 1821-1837. 


Richard Pike. 




Newburyport. 


1811-1812, 


Capt. Thomas Ward. 




Hampton. 


lSn-1812. 


Hon. Christopher Toppan. 


" 


1812-IS19. 


Capt. Samuel James. 




" 


1812-1S19. 



» Chap. XXXII, Lane's store. 2 See Genealogies— Nudd (18) . 

* The first permanent board. 



HAMPTON ACADEMY AND HIGH-SCHOOL. 



499 



TRUSTEES OF HAMPTON ACADEMY. 



NAME. 


RESIDENCE. 


TIME OF OFFICE. 


*Capt. Edmund Jamea. 


Hampton. 


1813-1834. 


David Garland. 


" 


1813-1819. 


Dea. John Weeks. 


Greenland. 


18-20. 


*Maj. John Lovering. 


Hampton. 


1820-1836. 


*Dr. Ebenezer Lawrence. 


•• 


1820-1852. 


*Jo8iah Page. 


" 


1821-1831. 


•Moody Stockman. 


" 


1821-1829. 


*Rev. Ephraim Abbott. 


Greenland. 


1821-1826. 


*Col. George Weeks. 


« 


1821-1827. 


*Rev. Luther F. Dimmick, D.D. 


Newburyport. 


1831-1860. 


♦Judge Timothy Farrar. 


Portsmouth. 


1821-1822, 1833-1851. 


♦Francis Vose, ex officio. 


Hampton. 


1821-1822. 


Rev. Charles Burroughs, D.D. 


Portsmouth. 


1824-1868. 


Rev. Jacob Cunimings. 


Hampton and Strat- 
ham. 


1825-1836. 


Nathan Crosby, Esq. 


Amesbury. 


1828-1839. 


Dea. John Wingate. 


Stratham. 


1828; died before 1833. 


Dr. Archelaus F. Putnam. 


Portsmouth. 


1832-1837. 


Rev. Bezaleel Smith. 


Rye. 


1836-1840. 


Hon. Amos Tuck. 


Hampton and Exeter. 


1836-1870. 


Thomas Ward. 


Hampton. 


1836-1861. 


Rev. Sereno T. Abbott. 


Hampton Falls. 


1837-1855. 


Simeon B. Shaw. 


Hampton. 


1837-1871. 


Rev. Erasmus D, Eldridge. 


« 


1838-1851. 


Col. Josiah Dow, 


'• 


1838-1882. 


Matthew Merriam, Esq. 


Seabrook and New- 
buryport. 


1842-1865. 


Rev. Solomon P. Fay. 


Hampton. 


1849-1854. 


Timothy O. Norris, A.M. 


" 


1851-1854. 


John F. French. 


North Hampton. 


18.J1-1860. 


Rev. John Colby. 


Hampton. 


1855-1868. 


Rev. Samuel J. Spalding, D.D. 


Newburyport. 


1855-1892. 


John Dearborn. 


Hampton. 


1860-1881. 


Hon. Christopher S. Toppan. 


Portsmouth. 


1860-1862. 


Joseph Johnson. 


Hampton. 


1861. 


Dr. William T. Merrill. 


«' 


1861. 


Dr. Charles H. Sanborn. 


Hampton Falls. 


1861-1882. 



* The first permanent board. 



500 



BISTORT OF HAMPTON. 



TUUSTKES OF HAMPTON ACADEMY. 



NAME. 


RESIDENCE. 


TIME OF OFFICE. 


Rev. John O. Barrows. 


North Hampton. 


1864-1868. 


Rev. John W. Dodge. 


Hampton. 


186.5-1809. 


George W. Lane. 


" 


1870-1891. 


Rev. James McLean. 


i( 


1870-1873. 


Rev. Thomas V. Haines. 


North Hampton. 


1873. 


Christopher G. Toppan. 


Hampton. 


1879. 


John H. Fogg. 


" 


1881. 


John W. F. Hobbs. 


North Hampton. 


1883-1890. 


Rev. Walcott Fay. 


Hampton (now of 
Westboro, Mass.). 


1886. 


Joseph O. Hobbs, 


North Hampton. 


1887. 


Jacob T.Brown. 


Hampton. 


1891. 


Horace M. Lane. 


" 


1891. 


Jack Sanborn. 


Hampton Falls. 


1891. 



Rev. Samuel J. Spalding, D.D., was elected president of the board 
of trustees, March 25, 1868, succeeding Rev. Dr. Burroughs in that 
office and holding the position till his death, April 10, 1892. No mem- 
ber of the board has taken greater interest in the academy than has 
Dr. Spalding — on no one have the others leaned more heavily. Since 
the death of Mr. Tuck, long the judicious treasurer. Dr. Spalding has 
looked well to the financial interests of the institution. In attendance 
on the board meetings and school examinations, he has been constant, 
never omitting to send a letter of regret if necessarily absent. Fail- 
ing health induced him to resign in 1891. Instead of accepting his 
resignation, the board voted him president for life. 

At the same time when Dr. Spalding became president. Dr. William 
T. Merrill was elected secretary, in place of Rev. John W. Dodge, 
who left Hampton that year for another pastorate. At the annual 
meeting of the trustees in 1892, Dr. Merrill, who still continued sec- 
retary, was chosen president, and the principal, Mr. Jack Sanborn, 
secretary of the board. 



^tK 




WILLIAM T. MERRILL, 



D. 



Portrait contributed, as a testimonial of respect, by the Schools and the Knights 
of Temperance. 



HAMPTON ACADEMY AND HIGH SCHOOL. 



501 



rHINCIPALS, ASSOCIATED I'RINCH'ALS AND I'RKCEPTKESSBS. 



NAME. 



Andrew Mack. 

WiJlJam Cogswell. 

James Adams. 

Austin Pike. 

Joshua Coffin. 

<j Francis Vose. 
( Elizabeth Page. 

( Jacob Cummingrs. 
I Harriet Tewlisbiiry. 

( Paine \V. Chise. 
< Jacob Cunimings. 
( Ann Foster Vose. 

J Thomas Tenney. 
I Sarah Tenney. 

1 Roswell Harris. 
I -Matilda Leavitt. 

\ Benjamin F. Shepard. 
i Matdda Leavitt. 

{ Xewton E. Marble. 
I Mary Adams. 

I Amos Tuck. 

( Priscilla Titcomb. 

{ Joseph Dow. 

( Sarah A. Wliitniorc. 

j Horace Hall, 



I John B. L. Soule. 



TERM OF OFFICE. 



1811-1-2,3 terms. 

181-.'-14. 

1SI4-17. 

1817. 

1821-2. 

1822- 



lS25-(5. 

182(i-7. 



1S27-8. 

1828-33. 

1833-4. 

1834- J. 
1835-8. 
1838-9. 
1839-40. 
1840-42. 



NAME. 



TBRM OF OFFICE. 



Bartlett H. We8ton. 
KdwaVd C. Miles. 
Stephen \V. Harmon. 
Bartlett H. Weston. 

( Baith'tt H. Weston. 
) De Witt C. Durgin. 

De Witt C. Durgin. 

Edwin De Merritt. 

Lucy E. Dow. 

Oliver A. Huchinson. 

) Tobias D. Foss. 
/ Lucy E. Dow. 

Tobias D. Foss. 

J. W. Cheney. 

H. M. Hill. 

G. H. Bicker. 

31. B Manley. 

Walter H. Russell. 

Elwood S. Gerard. 

Lendo G. Smith. I 



1864-5. 
1865-(i, 1 term. 

ism--. 

lS(i7-S. 

1808-9, 1 term. 

1869-70. 
1870-2. 

1872, 1 term. 
1872-3, 1 term. 

1873, 1 term. 

1873. 1 term. 
1874-6. 
187(W. 
1877-9. 

1879. 2 terms. 
188.3-4, 2 terms. 
1884, 1 term. 
1884-.5. 



( . 




ACADEMV AND HIGH 








SCHOOL.' 




c Timothy O. Xorris. 


1842-54. 






< Leonora F. Chamberlain. 




Principal. 




( Sarah F. Gordon. i 












Jack Sanborn. 


1885. 


j Timothy O. Norris. 


1854, 1 term. 


Assistant. 




( Morris Lamprey. 












Maria Perkins. 


1886. 


Morris Lamprey. 


18.54-5. 


Vocal Ciil/ure. 




Thomas Leavitt. 


18.55. 1 term. 










Morlena M. Dearborn. 


1889-90. 


John W. Allard. 


1855-8. 










Sarah Xeal Harris. 


1)<M. 


Joseph C. Barrett. 


18.58-64. 







'Miss Gordon was the last preceptress, all the pupils being gathered into one department 
ever after the fire of 1851. Many assistants were afterward oniployed from time to time 

but their names have not been preserved. 



INDUSTRIAL. 



CHAPrER XXIX. 

IIAMPrON BKACII AND VICINI I'V-OWXEKSHIl' AND USES. 

AKO A D or way Avas located along the sea-shore, from Great Boar's 
Head to the Piscataqua settlement (Portsmouth), soon after 
the first settlement of the loAvn ; for it is frequently mentioned in the 
description of lots or tracts of land, as entered in the town records, 
in 1644. Such was the nature or kind of land on which a considerable 
portion Avas laid out, that the travel on it was not much impeded by deep 
ruts, and not a large amount of labor or material was required, to 
keep it in a passable condition. Some portions of the road probably 
required repairs, from time to time. The part between the fish-houses 
at the North Beach, and the causewa}^ over the Plantation, so called, 
has never had very much money or labor expended on it. however, 
and is but little used at the [treseut day. 

The first dwelling house at the sea-side, in Hampton, was at the 
Noith Beach, built on a knoll called Nut Ishind; and covered part of 
the ground on which stands the Leavitt boarding-house. It was a 
one-story house, built about the year 1800, by John Elkins, a native 
of the town, born at Bride Hill, in 1777. He married Molly Brown, 
and lived a year or tAvo in his house at the beach, but in 1802 he sold 
the premises to Moses Leavitt, a tailor, Avho had been living in the 
central part of the town, Avorking at his trade. Mr. LeaA'ittwas then 
about twenty-eight years old. He had married, scA-eral years before, 
Sarah, daughter of Amos ToAvle. Their fifth child Avas born soon 
after their removal to (he beach. Mr. LeaA'itt and his wife being in- 
dustrious, prudent and thrifty, he Avas enabled to buy real estate Avith 
their earnings, as he had oiiportunity. Among other purchases, he 
bouglit the old Tuck mill, Avith all its priA'ileges and appurtenance^ ; 
and in place of it. in 1815 he built a grist-mill, Avith modern improve- 
ments, Avhich has only lately fallen into disuse. 

Mr. and Mrs. Leavitt kept a liouse of enteitainment. intended 
ch'ufly for the accommodation of fishermen and of fishmongers, avIio, 
in the winter season, were accustomed to come doAvn from their homes 
in Vermont, AA'ith large and poAA'erful horse-teams, to be loaded Avith 



HAMPTON BEACH AND VICINITY OWNERSHIP AND USES. 503 

fisli, which they took back in a frozen state, and sohl principally in 
the Canada markets. Out of this beginning, as the tide of summer 
travel set towards Hampton, grew the famous boarding-house of Amos 
T. Leavitt, son of the former owner, and later, of his sons, Jacob B. 
and Moses, the former of whom is the present landlord. 

A little farther removed from the ocean, the boarding-house of 
Josiah C. Palmer has long been a popular resort ; while, on the upper 
road is that of Joseph J. Mace, of later date. 

The road from the causewa}^ to Great Boar's Head had been used 
for a long series of years, and had occasional!}- received some repairs ; 
but no well-constructed road-bed appears to have been made before 
1821, or the following year. People on foot or on horseback, and ox 
teams (unless heavily loaded), might pass over the road without much 
difficulty. There were, indeed, ruts ; but beach sand and the muck or 
loam from the salt marsh adjoining, mixed together by the action of 
the tide, spread over the surface a coveiing vei-y serviceable in pre- 
serving the road. It was, however, not in good condition for cariiages, 
such as were beginning to be driven over it, and in one of the above- 
mentioned years, the town put the road in a metre creditable condition. 

The first house on that part of the beach lying southerly of the 
causeway, was built about the year 1806, by Daniel Lamprey, at that 
time more than sixty years old. The place of his birth, and his resi- 
dence hitherto, was more than two miles up town from the location 
of his house at the beach. He was a large landholdei-, having good 
farming land on his homestead and in other parts of the town, be- 
sides his tracts near the beach. Few farmers in the town had greater 
facilities for living comfortably on their farms and every year adding 
to the value of their estates. Mr. Lamprey had been married about 
thirty-five years; and his family then consisted of himself and wife 
and his two sons, with their wives. His house at the beach was lo- 
cated on nearly the site of the Eagle House, now owned and occupied 
by Lewis P. Nudd. The structure was a one-story building, about 
thirty-six by twent3'-eight feet on the ground. Mr. Lami)rey was often 
the only occupant, his wife being with him occasionally, butgenerally 
at the up-town residence, with her sons. About 1808 Thomas El- 
kins and wife, born in Hampton and lately married, became Mr. Lam- 
prey's tenants, but removed from the town a year or two later, when 
his son, Jeremiah, with his famil}', took their place, remaining with 
him till his death. May 10, 1812, and keeping a public house in a 
small way, for j'ears afterwards. 

HAMPTON BEACH HOTKL. 

The first house built for a hotel on Boar's Head, or in fact on any 



504 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

p:irt of tlie beach, south of the causeway, was erected by Abraham 
Marston, Jr., and Amos Towle, 3d, in 1819, and was opened to the 
public in tiie year following. It was a hip-roofed buiUling, two 
stories in height, and was on nearly the same site as the Hampton 
Beach Hotkl of the present time, being very near the ocean. In 
1822 and 1823 the tavern was kept by Richard Greenleaf, Esq. In 1827 
Thomas Leavitt, Esq., came into possession of the premises by pur- 
chase, and afterwards enlarged the house at the front, carrying this 
addition one story higlier than the original structure. On the 21st 
of July, 1854, the hotel took fire and was entirely consumed, together 
witli a considerable part of the contents, and was not rebuilt before 
the death of Mr. Leavitt. Years later, Thomas and Joseph L. Leavitt, 
sons of tlie former landlord, erected a new and more commodious 
hotel in its place, which was opened to the public in 1872, and has 
ever since been a popular house. 

boar's head hotel. THE ROCKINGHAM. 

About the year 1824 or 1825, a com pan j' was formed, consisting 
of David Nudd and others, for building a hotel on the summit of 
Boar's Head, where the ground is about sixty feet above the level of 
the ocean at its base. On the 23d of July, 1826, the frame was 
raised. Elder Ebenezer Leavitt, the contractor, finished his work in 
the following year, and the hotel was opened soon after. Mr. Nudd 
stood ready to purchase the shares of any of the company, who were 
willing to sell, and at length became sole proprietor. To meet the 
numerous applications for board, it was found necessary to increase 
the number of rooms and to make other improvements. According!}', 
about the year 1841 a large addition to the hotel, and other altera- 
tions were made. Mr. Nudd never took charge as the landlord, but 
he continued to own the premises till the close of his life. He built 
also another large hotel, the Granite House (recently renamed The 
Rockingham), at the foot of the promontory. Both houses were 
afterwards sold by Mr. Nudd's heirs, to Col. Stebbins H. Dumas, the 
present proprietor, who has still further enlarged and improved, to 
meet the wants of his numerous patrons. 

THE EAGLE HOUSE. 

In the year 1830 the fame of our sea-shore having spread and pat- 
ronage increased, Mr. David Nudd built a third hotel, at the foot of 
Boar's Head, on the west, where it slopes to the highway, named it 
The Eagle House, and installed his son, Willard E. Nudd, landlord. 
After sixteen years, it became necessary to enlarge the house, and 
thus it continued through the lifetime of the landlord, who, mean- 



HAMPTON BEACH AND VICINITY — OWNERSHIP AND USES. 505 

wliile, had become the proprietor. On his deatli, his eldest son, Lewis 
P. Nudd, the present lancUord, succeeded to tiu; property. In 1885 
Mr. Nudd added a mansard roof and made interior alterations. This 
house has been maintained on strictly temperance principles since 1860. 
South of IJoar's Head, the shore, for a considerable distance, is 
covered with large rocks, submerged at high water; and, beyond this, 
there stretches a long reach of hard, sandy beach, furnishing an ex- 
ceptionally fine drive-course and promenade. Back of the rocky por- 
tion, and for some distance farther, the land is arable ; while high 
sand-dunes form a background to the smooth beach, separating it 
from the salt marshes that border the river and extend far up into the 
town. All this territory was for many years untenanted ; but in 1826, 
the same year that Davie] Nudd and company built the Boar's Head 
Hotel, Thomas Nudd, his nephew, perhaps foreseeing that this might 
become a favorite summer resort, built a onestory house at the point 
•where the sandy beach begins, — a house which has since been greatly 
enlarged and made profitable, in the way of renting rooms and fur- 
nishing dinners, by his son, Oliver, who has added stabling to the 
other business. From this nucleus, a village has sprung up, com- 
posed of permanent residences, hotels and summer cottages. 

THE OCKAN HOUSE. 

Chief among the hotels, and long the only one on the south shore, was 
theOcEANHousE, built in 1844, by Stacy Nudd, eldest son of David, and 
enlarged, from time to time, as patronage increased, till it became the 
largest house on the beach. Subsequently it was owned and carried on 
by Philip Yeaton & Co., who bought it in 1866 ; but on the seventh of 
May, 1885, it was completely destroyed by fire, and has never been 
rebuilt. 

THE SEA-VIEVV^ HOUSE 

is now the only hotel south of Boar's Head, though boarding-houses 
and furnished apartments are numerous. The Sea View House, John 
G. Cutler, proprietor, was built in 1885, on the site of a smaller 
dwelling, which, with the John Perkins homestead, one of the pioneer 
houses on that part of the beach, the Atlantic House and thirteen 
other buildings, was burned to the ground in the great conflagration 
which destroyed the Ocean House. 

In the afternoon of April 9, 1881, six or eight small houses on the 
lower beach were consumed by fire. 

sea-weed laws. 
At the annual town meeting, in 1757, were passed the first votes 
on record, regulating the getting of sea-weed and rock-weed on the sea- 



506 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

shore. Every person was prohibited from removing any sea-weed from 
where the sea leaves it, by carting or sledding, or by pitching it np 
in heaps, between dayhgiit in the evening and daylight in the morn- 
ing, under penalty of forty siiillings for each offei^se. And if any 
person should pilch, or in any way heap up any sea- weed or rock-weed, 
"any where below the top of the beach," that is, below higli-water 
mark, such heaps were to "be free for any person to put to his own 
use." These votes were often renewed, or similar ones passed, 
though sometimes with a different penalty for their violation, till at 
length, after the formation of the State government, a law, with simi- 
lar provisions was, at the request of this town, passed by the General 
Court, which, with slight amendments, is still retained on the statute 
book. 

THE PUBLIC LANDS. 

Respecting the lands lying between tracts belonging to private in- 
dividuals and lovv-v\ater mark, regarded as public lands, several con- 
troversies have arisen. A few of the abutters have even contended 
that their own claims stretched to the water, and have fruitlessly striven 
to restrain others from carrying away sea-weed from such portions of 
the beach. All claims of this kind, however, were forever silenced 
when, in 1851, the Superior Court of New Hampshire sustained the 
ruling: of the lower court, and closed the lawsuit of Jesse Knovvles 
against Josiali Dow, for such alleged trespass. ^ 

MEASURES TO PROTECT THE BEACH. 

A more alarming dispute has since arisen, on the question of the 
real ownership of these public lands. From the beginning the tovvn 
has exercised control, as is shown by numerous votes entered on the 

1 Jesse Knowles brought action against Josiah Dow and several other citizens of Hamp- 
ton, ill a plea of trespass. The action was returnable before a Justiceof thePeace. Several 
pleas were put in by the rtel'endants, all raising the question of title; and in consequence, 
the controversy was settled on the Dow case. It was sent np to the Superior Court, for 
jury trial. The second plea was that the close, in Avhich said supposed several trespasses 
were done, was r.ot tlie close of the plaintifl". The trial was at Portsmouth, October term, 
1848; verdict for the defendant, Dow. Plaintiflf moved to set aside the verdict, for several 
specified reasons. This was done and a new trial granted. Opinion by Justice Wilcox, 
July term, 1849 [N. H. Report, xx : 135], 

In the second case, Knowles rs. Dow, in a plea of trespass, for breaking and entering the 
plaintifl''s close and carrying away sea-weed and flats-weed, the defendant filed six pleas, 
the lirst four of which were ruled out by the court; and the case went to the jury under the 
fifth and sixth pleas, and a verdict was found for the defendant under both pleas. The 
filUi plea was : a certain ancient and laudable custom, used and approved by all the inhabi- 
tants of the town of Hampton — the privilege of hauling sea-weed and flats-weed upon the 
close and depositing the same, and afterwards talking and hauling away. The sixth plea, 
that the defendant diil the acts conii)lained of by leave ami license of the plaintiflT. Judg- 
ment on the verdict was rendered at the July term, 1851. Opinion by Cliief Justice Gil- 
chnsl [N. U. lleport, xxii: 387] . 



HAMPTON BEACH AND VICINITY — OWNERSIIir AND USES. 507 

town records. Some of these have ah'eady been noticed, in treating 
of oeiieral aflairs. 

March 8, 1743, it was voted : "That Capt. Jonathan Marston and 
Benjamin Dow be a committee wlio are impowered to prosecnte any 
person or persons who sliall cutt down any pine or cedar tree or trees 
or sfiflfVon on y** ox comon." The pines, cedars and savins on the 
Ox Connnon were on land lying between the road or cartway and the 
sea. 

September 29, 1746. Liberty was given "to pertickeler men, to 
set up gates achrost tiie ways, to preserve the l)eacli between the great 
and little hors head," and it was left "to the prudence of the Select 
men to say where the gates shall be." 

July 7, 1755. "The town has allowed that theire shall be a Gate 
set up at the west end of the Cassey or at the most convenient place 
from the 20th of November to the 20th of October next ensuing." It 
was voted, to authorize Capt. Ephraim Marston, S. Palmer Esq., 
Jeremiah Monlton, John Lamprey and Jonathan Marston, Jr. (chosen 
to have the care of the fence and gates to preserve the beach) , to 
impound all cattle, horses and sheep found on the beach, between the 
river's mouth and North Hill line, from November 20th to October 
20th following, and to collect a fine of thirty shillings for each offense, 
from any person, breaking any gate or throvviug down any fence, 
erected to save the beach. 

Gates were maintained for a long series of years, across the three 
sea roads, the keepers being appointed at the annual town meetings. 
One record, which sufficiently locates the gates, may serve as a sample. 
In 1822 Nathaniel Locke was chosen to have the care of the north 
gate ; Moses Leavitt, the care of the gate near his house ; and Reuben 
Lamprey, of the gate near his house. In 1838 and for a j^ear or two 
after, no gates were kept at the town charge; and after 1841 there is 
no mention of the subject on the town records. There are men liv- 
ing to-day, who smile at mention of those gates ; for memory carries 
them back to the times when, as boys, the passing of a carriage was 
the signal for a lively race of a mile or more, each eager to outstrip 
the rest and open the gate, for the small coin usually proffered. 

March 15, 1768. Voted, "That no horse shall be suffered to go at 
large on the Beach at any season of the year, except it be from the 
middle of October to the middle of November." Similar votes were 
passed at other times. 

March 16, 1779 and at other times, fines were imposed for cutting 
beacli grass or peas on llie beach. 

In 1843 the selectmen were instructed to remove all obstructions 



508 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

of eveiy kind found on the public highway or common lands "at,near 
Of around Boar's Head." 

March 30, 1846, the town adopted the Ibllowing preamble and 
resolution : 

"Whereas, the inhabitants of Hampton, from the commencement of 
its settlement, reserved for their convenience and as we believe for 
the convenience of future generations a certain part of their territory, 
lying and bounded upon the sea-shore, as we believe, its whole length 
from one extremity to the other, wdthout any individual reservation 
whatever, and also in other parts of said town, that they have ever 
exercised exclusive jurisdiction over the same, that they at all times 
and under all circumstances, have permitted its inhabitants to exer- 
cise and enjoy that privilege by using the same without any hindrance 
whatever, unless prevented by vote of said town, and further, they 
ever did and ever have acknowledged the same to be controlled by 
the town and to be used by the whole town, w^hich is sufficiently evi- 
dent by various acts and votes of the town and laws of the state in 
regard to the same ; notwithstanding, a few individuals of a later date, 
have made encroachments upon the same, by enclosing and setting up 
personal claims &c. and by permitting such things to take place from 
time to time, in lapse of time, the whole territory, from one end to 
the other, will be claimed as individual property, and the public for- 
ever debarred therefrom : 

"Therefore, Resolved, that we, the inhabitants, legal voters of said 
town, will no longer submit to such encroachments from individuals 
of said toW'U, and that there be a Committee chosen, to look up such 
Records as relate to the same, and that said Committee examine all 
said public lands belonging to said town and lying as aforesaid, and 
that they be defined by metes and bounds and a record thereof made." 
Josiah Dow, Uri Lamprey and John Johnson were the committee 
chosen. 

The right of the town to the guardianship indicated by the foregoing 
votes and resolutinn would probably never have been questioned, if 
the beach had not, in the course of years, become a watering-place 
of some note. Then, as eligible building sites were taken up, one 
after another, and the line of houses extended gradually almost to the 
sand-hills, it began to seem desirable to some, to stretch out still farther 
and save the expense of purchasing, by building on these public lands. 
The (irst of these houses was a rude structure, erected for a restaurant 
and store; the proprietors, worthy, law-abiding citizens of the town, 
little dreaming of the mischief that would ensue. No notice of this 
liberty being taken by the town authorities, others naturally followed 



HAMPTON BEACH AND VICINITY — OWNERSHIP AND USES. 509 

their example, till, in 18GG, the town became uneasy, and began to 
inquire into its rights. Spasmodic and half-hearted measures pre- 
vailed, however, for the next dozen years; but in 1878 the town was 
fairly arouj^ed to the consciousness that some sixty or seventy small 
houses, many of them mere shanties, had been thrown up along the 
sands. Three such buildings were also erected on the beach hill, 
north of Boar's Head, and the town became alarmed. 

A special town meeting was held, October 18, 1878, when the fol- 
lowing resolution was passed : 

"Resolved, that the territory known as Hampton Beach was and 
should be reserved for public good ; that the town has no right to sell 
or lease any portion of said beach or territory ; but has full police 
control over the same ; and, as guardian of said beach, should prevent 
all nuisances or violation of law." 

It was resolved further, to commence a test suit, in order to have 
the question of the town rights settled by the Supreme Court. 

January 4, 1879, voted : "That Uri Lamprey be appointed agent, 
to remove the house on the beach." 

Again, on the 2oth of tlie same month, a town meeting was held, 
when Gen. Gilman Marston, of Exeter, appeared by invitation, and 
set forth in stirring words the dangers of allowing such trespass. His 
eloquence fired alike the determined, the timorous and the indifferent ; 
and the business was at once put into his hands. 

Three actions of the town, respectively, against P2dson Hill, Albeit 
Daniels and Bushrod W. Hill, were commenced, in a Plea of Trespass, 
at the October term, 1879, of the Supreme Court, in the countv of 
Rockingham ; Marston, of Exeter, and Hatch, of Portsmouth, counsel 
for the town ; Erink, of Greenland, and Eastman, of Manchester, 
counsel for the defendants. A summary of the long-continued case 
is as follows : 

It was referred to Judge Lewis "W. Clark, before whom a hearing 
was had at Portsmouth. His report was in favor of the town. On 
exceptions, the case was taken up to the full bench ; but, before a 
decision was reached, the defendants agreed to let the town have 
judgment, each party to pay its costs, and the buildings to be removed 
before the next June. The town assented, and the case went off 
the docket in March, 1886. 

Events proved this to have been a mistake on the part of the town, 
which should have insisted on a decision, to settle the question for 
all time. Some of the "squatters" on the lower beach moved their 
buildings olF the public land ; but some refused lo do so, and the re- 
sult was more lawsuits, commenced at the October term, 1886, which 
are still on the docket, going the same snail-like pace as before. 



510 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



STORMS AND WRPXKS. 

Destructive storms on our sen-board have not been frequent. A few 
early ones have been briefly noticed in these pages. The most notable 
of modern times was general in New England, and has passed into 
history as "the September gale," of the twenty-third of that month, 
1815. A few of our citizens, still living, remember it for its severity 
and the havoc made in the woods. The large tract of woodland, 
known as the ''Twelve Shares," lying on both sides of the town line 
between Hampton and North Hampton, wooded largely with pine and 
hemlock, was left in a ver}'^ bad condition, it being impossible to trace 
the boundary lines between the lots of the several owners. The mat- 
ter, however, was amicably settled, the owners agreeing to submit 
the distribution to a committee, mutually agreed upon. The salt grass 
grown on the marshes had mostly been cut and stacked. The violence 
of the gale was such that the tide rose to an unwonted height, and 
many of the hay-stacks were lifted from the staddles and swept away. 
Salt spx'ay was swept up into the town, where it beat so violently 
against the windows, tbat much glass was ground and stained indel- 
ibly. 

A great storm occurred in 18o2, when fish and bath houses were vi- 
olently thrown about and considerable damage was done all along the 
beach; another, in 1861, when a long stretch of the railroad was 
washed away; another, in the autumn of 1869, when three schooners 
were cast upon the rocks near Boar's Head and greatly damaged, 
though they were afterwards floated off ; and a disastrous one, in 1871, 
when the sea overreached its bounds almost the entire length of the 
New Hampshire coast, made a large breach at '-the Logs," so called, 
filled the road with rocks and broken bath-houses, did great damage 
to the beach hill and to the railroad, and swept tons of hay from the 
marshes. 'Ihis storm cost the town two hundred thirty-eight dollars. 

During a storm in February, 1873, a British steamer, the "Sir 
Francis," Avas wrecked off Hampton beach. A large amount of tin- 
plate, bar iron and steel rollers, which formed part of the cargo, was 
sold by auction. 

A gale occurred August 18, 1879, of unusual violence at that 
time of year. Three wet, gloomy days had passed, when, on the 
night of the third day, the storm broke in fur}^, shaking hotels and 
cottages, terrifying the guests, overturning the tents of the Oldtown 
Indians, who ply their trade of basket making here every summer, 
hurling a summer-house over the cliff, tearing several boats from their 
moorings and doing more or less damage through the town. 

In tiiis connection, may be noted a storm of a different character, — ■ 



HAMPTON BEACH AND VICINITY — OWNERSHIP AND USES. 511 

the famous ice storm of the winter of 1885-6, vexy widespread, and 
destructive to trees, particuhirly apple and elm. In Hampton, as 
elsewhere, ice thickly encrusted every possible lodgment, making a 
scene of great magnificence, when the sun at last appeared ; but the 
stillness of morning, after the storm, was broken by the crashing of 
great boughs on every hand. In many places, travel on rail and 
carriage road was impeded, and cherished trees Avere shorn of their 
symmetry, 

VESSELS, BUILT OR OWNED AT HAMPTON. 

It is known that vessels were owned in Hampton within a few 
years after the settlement was begun. Some of them were prob- 
ably for the fishing business, though whale-boats and wheiries were 
more frequenth' used for the shore fisheries. The commercial hjoh- 
road to Boston was on the sea. Vessels for this service were usually 
of small tonnage, requiring but two men each to manage them, receiv- 
ing and discharging freight often, perliaps generally, on Bro\vn's 
river, near the site of the Perkins mill, of later date. The larger ves- 
sels usually sailed from the place known as The Landing, reaching the 
ocean through the many windings of Taylor's river, aud so down 
through the main river and over the bar. On the banks of Taylor's 
river, at a place still known as The Ship Yard, numerous vessels were 
built, some of them ships of many tons burthen. One of the bends in 
this river was called The Mooring Tarn, where, as our records state, 
thb vessels "do usually ride at anchor." 

The names and ownership of a few of the ancient vessels have come 
down to us : 

In 1682, James Philbrick became one-fourth owner of barque Ad- 
venture, bought of Thomas Cram. 

1699, October 31, — Brigantine Increase, forty tons, lately built at 
Hampton Common Landing Place — owned by Thomas Dearborn, 
John Dearborn Sr., Abraham Drake Jr., Morris Hobbs Jr., Samuel 
Dow, Philemon Blake, Jonathan Elkins and Samuel Nudd. Said Nudd 
was, by the others, authorized to sell their part of it and make convey- 
ance thereof. The vessel then lay at the Landing Place. 

1705, November 13, — Sloop, Neio Design, sixteen tons, \y'\ng in 
Boston Harbor — sold to Peter Garland and Samuel Nudd, mariners, 
for £106. This sloop was run between Hampton and Boston, and is 
said to have arrived at the usual landing-place here on six successive 
Saturdajj- nights, having performed the round trip each week, a re- 
markable feat for those slow days. A clearance paper of this vessel, 
dated at Hampton, June 23, 1707, states that she had "no guns," was 
33 



512 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

navigated with two men, Samuel Nn(ld, master, and that she "liath 
here loaden and taken on board pine boards and staves." 

1714, September 15, — sk>op, May-Floioer^ thirty-five tons, sohl to 
Caleb Shaw and Samuel Nudd, mariners, for £130, by William Bailey, 
of Seituate, Mass. 

1723, Jnly 25, — Brigantine, Friend's Adventure, built at Hampton, 
b)' Joshua Wingate, Samuel Nudd, John Hobbs and Benjamin Hill- 
iard ; to the last three of whom, Wingate sold his one-fourth, at the 
above date, for £90. She was then riding at anchor in Hampton 
river; David Home}', Master. 

Col. Christopher Toppan was a large ship owner. Some of his loss- 
es are noticed elsewhere ;' but no papers to be found, show the extent 
of his shii)ping interests. Among later builders, John Johnson and 
David Nudd iiave been most cons[)icuous. The former generally com- 
manded his own vessels for one voyage or more. 

CAPT, JOHN Johnson's vessels. 

Schooner, Clarissa, owned jointly with his brother Elisha, bought 
for trafficking between Hampton and Boston, was run for several 
years, in place of the whale-boats used earlier. This was the only one 
of Mr. .Johnson's vessels that he did not build. 

Schooner, William Tell, built at Hampton Falls, for the coasting 
trade, took from Philadelphia the first cargo of coal ever brought into 
the Boston market. On her first trip, lightning struck both masts, 
which had to be replaced ; but notwithstanding the bad omen, she had 
a prosperous career. She made fifty-two trips one year from Hamp- 
ton to Boston and return, one eacli week. But she went down at 
last, and her "bones" lie to-day on the bottom of Hampton river. 

Schooner, Young Tell, built in Mr. Johnson's yard, hauled down to 
the mill, and launched. 

Schooner, Virginian, huWi at '■^The OM Dock." 

Schooner, Union, built at "The Old Dock." 

Brig, Mary Jones, built at the Turnpike, as were the four later ves. 
sels. Captain Johnson made a fruiting voj'age in her to Malaga, with 
Samuel Fisk for first mate ; went to Texas, also, for ship timber. 

Schooner, Harriet Neal, of a little over a hundred thirt}^ tons' bur- 
then, made two fruiting voyages to the Mediterranean, and one trip or 
more to tlie West Indies. In 1849 she carried a hundred passengers 
to Chagres, on the Isthmus of Panama, en route for the California 
gold mines. Mr. John Perkins, one of the sailors, took the gold fever, 
left the vessel at Chagres, with no money but one Spanish ninepence 

ipp. 213, 214; see also p. 209. 



HAMPTON BEACH AND VICINITY OWNERSHIP AND USES. 513 

in his poclvet niul worlced his way to the mines, to tlie surprise, and, 
as it proved, the financial betterment of liis family. 

Center-board schooner, Mail, a coaster, carrying the United States 
mail. 

Schooner Virginia. 

Schooner Belle, the last built. 

MR. DAVID NUDD's SCHOONERS. 

The first two were built in his yard, and hauled to the Landing ; the 
rest were built at the Landing, except the Franklin^ which was built 
at SalisbniT, Mass. 

Industnj, Rapid, Tremont, went to the bottom at Newport, R. L ; 
Victory, rollowed successively In' two others of the same name; Tioo^ 
Sisters, Enterprise, Atlas, Constitution, Good Intent, Frauldin. 

VESSELS OWNED BY OTHER HAMPTON MEN. 

Schooner, Sarah, built by INIaj. John Lovering, near the tide milU 

Schooner, Angola, owned by Elislia Johnson. 

Schooner, BntJi, built by Benjamin and James Perkins. 

Schooner, Cadet, built by Oliver Nudd and Thomas Leavitt. 

Schooner, General Grant, built by John A. Nudd, Nathaniel John- 
son, Edwin J. nol)l)s and Charles T. Lamprey. 

Sloop, Franl'liv, owned by Oliver Nudd and Thomas Leavitt. 

Schooner, Jefferson, owned by Dearborn and Benjamin Shaw, for 
fishing and freighting. 

Schooner, Eclipse, owned by David and Ira Page. 

Schooner, T>jro, owned by Eilmnnd and Joseph W. Mason. 

Schooner, Castle RocJc, owned b}' George Lane and J. AYarren 
Perkins. 

Schooner, Minnie Chase, owned by Charles T. Lamprey and John 
C. Palmer, carried wood. 

Schooner, Volant, owned by Adna B. Lane. 

Smaller fishing vessels and pleasure yachts have been owned by 
Hampton men, for local use. 

nudd's canal. 
The distance from the Landing to the junction of Taylor's and 
Brown's rivers, towards the sea, following the tortuous course of the 
former, is about two and one half miles, while a straight cut between 
those two i)oints is but little more than one half mile. About the 
year 1823, David Nudd organized a company, incorporated under the 
name of "The Proprietors of Hampton Canal," to make and maintain 
such a cut, he himself having a controlling interest. After the surface 



514 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

bad been removed b}^ spading, a dredging machine, which is described 
as "ca[).slan-like, ten feet long, with two sets of bars," was dragged 
up and down, and the earth thus loosened tiiroAvn out, till enough water 
was let in to insure the deepening of itself, l\y tlie action of tiie tide. 
The niastei-woiknian, named Hinckley, lived in the house now owned 
by the heirs of John Brown (Irisii). The cost of the work is said to 
have been a hogshead of rum. 

Nudd's canal, so called, which, at high water, is deep and wide 
enough to float to the Landing any vessel that comes into Hampton 
river, is invaluable, especiall^^ to the marsh-owners, for whose use 
gondolas have ever been kept, to bring the hay up to the Landing. 

' HAMPTON FISHERIES. 

The first inhabitants of Hampton, unlike those who, at an earlier 
period, had settled on the banks of the Piscataqua, were farmers 
rather than fishermen ; yet it should not be inferred from this fact, 
that the fishing interest was wholly neglected. We have not, indeed, 
any data for determining how early this business was commenced, 
nor to what extent it was prosecuted ; but considering the facilities 
for carrying it on from the river aud-the beach, and the great value 
to the inhabitants, of the food that might thus be procured, towards 
furnishing them with the means of subsistence, especially before the 
land had been sufficiently cultivated to produce an abundant harvest, 
w^e cannot doubt that this employment received some attention almost 
as soon as the settlemeut began. It is not certain, however, that any 
•of the early inhabitants were fishermen by trade. It is far more likely 
.that then, as iu later times, the same men that cultivated the soil and 
made that their principal business, sometimes also plied the oar and 
the line, not for amusement, but for a livelihood. Whether the fish- 
ing was at first carried on from the North Beach, as now, or by way 
of the river, is not certain. An act of the town, at an early date, 
seems to indicate the latter. This was a vote, passed January 17, 
1656, appropriating Sargent's Island to the use of the fishermen, for 
the purpose of building stages and other necessaries for curing fish. 
Connected with the grant was the condition that, if the island should 
be deserted by fishermen, it should revert to the town's disposal. 
Sargent's Island, now private property, was very favorably situated 
for the curing of fish, brought up the river in boats and landed near 
the spot where the stages were probably built. How long it was used 
for this purpose is unknown. The place Avas inhabited for many 
years by a branch of the Shaw family. Caleb Shaw, of the third 
generation, mariner, master of the sloop Mayflower, drowned iu 1715, 



HAMPTON BEACH AND VICINITY — OWNERSHIP AND USES. 515 

may have lived here. Certainly, it was for about twenty years the 
home of his sou, Ebenezer, whose business was coasting and fishing ; 
and liere. liis ton children were born. 

Since the coming in of the present century, the Hamplon fisheries 
have been somewhat widely known. Capt. Randolph P. DeLancey, 
a practical fisherman and wholesale fisli merchant, gives the following 
information : 

After 1836, and perhaps earlier, the shore fishery was long carried 
on by an average of about forty men, wlio made it a business the year 
round, using, for the most part, wherries in winter and wliale boats 
in summer and fall. The Hampton whale-boats have been honorably 
mentioned in the United States Government Re[)orts, where we read: 
"They will beat up Boston Bay in a winter nor'vvester, when a sliip 
cannot." The whale boat is nineteen feet long on the keel, seven 
feet wide and three feet deep ; sharp at both ends, built of half-inch 
white pine boards, nailed together on the edge, forming a 'dap streak," 
on timbers of inch square oak, steamed and bent into place six inches 
apart, with a lining or ceiling of lialf-inch pine ; making a very strong, 
yet flexible boat, carrying two '"fore and aft" sails, each containing 
from fifteen to twenty-five yards of heaviest cotton drilling. In such 
a boat two, three, or even four men would start out, just before sun- 
set, carrying a porgy-uet, in which, after anchoring on the fishing 
ground, they soon caught all the bait needed for the night. Then 
the men by turns fished and slept — the hake beginning to bite soon 
after dark, and the large cod, of from thirty to sixty pounds' weight, 
about midnight, the best fishing being from that time till daybreak. 
About sunrise the boats went ashore, loaded with from one to two 
thousand pounds of hake, cod and haddock, and occasionally a hali- 
but. 

Wherries, as formerly built, were sixteen feet long, five feet wide 
and two feet deep, similar to the whale-boats in shape, and of the 
same build, but intended for rowing, though having a sail for use 
when the wind was fair. This winter boat was managed by two men, 
who aimed to reach the fishing ground as soon as it was light enough 
in the morning to see the landmarks, among which was a clump of 
tall, dead pines on Breakfast hill, in Rye, purchased for the purpose 
by the Hampton fishermen. They rarely risked frightening tlie fish 
by throwing out the anchor, but one man took the oars, to "hold up," 
that is, to keep the boat from drifting away from the fishing- ground, 
while the other managed the hand lines, turning from one to the 
other as fast as he could haul and take off the fish and rebait the hook. 
Both lines and fish would freeze as soon as taken out of the water. 
Sometimes the wind would come on to "blow off nor' west," so that 



516 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Oil the return they were forced to row and bail aud pound oif the all- 
encasing ice for hours, before reaching shore ; then land their fare, 
wash out and house the boat and dress the fish, while, perchance, the 
Canada or Vermont six-horse teams stood waiting to be loaded. If 
no purchasers were at hand, the fish were split and salted in a pile 
running the length of tlie fish-house, on one side. One thousand, two 
or even three thousand pounds of fish were thus disposed of, before 
the tired, hiingr}', chilled men were ready for their long walk liome, 
at the end of the day's winter cod-fishing. 

But the manner of fishing lias greatly changed ; center-board wher- 
ries, depending more on sails than oars for motion are used ; and the 
hand-lines have given place to trawls — long lines, with hooks placed 
six feet apart on the whole length. These are carried in tubs, holding 
a half mile of line each. The hooks are on two-foot snoods, and are 
baited with clams for cod and haddock, in winter, and with herring 
and porgies in summer, for all kinds of fish. Clams for bait are latterly 
obtained almost exclusively from Newburyport, the Hampton flats 
being much exhausted, and barely sufflinent for home consumption. 
Each boat usually carries four trawls, which are set by tying one end 
to an anchor, with a buoy-line, throwing it over as the boat sails or 
is rowed along, and anchoring the last end like the first. "When pos- 
sible, they ai*e set in the afternoon and hauled at daylight, the next 
morning; the catch being from nothing (in rare cases), up to three 
thousand pounds, an average being perhaps five hundred pounds. _ 

The winter of 1880-'81 was the best in recent years, when the 
greatest total catch for an^^ one day was thirty thousand pounds, 
and the three months' fishing amounted, in the aggregate, to eight 
thousand dolhvrs. 

But tlie fislieries have greath' declined. Pirate seiners drove off 
the porgies, b}' catcliing great numbers for oil ; then the hake, that 
feed on them, disai)peare(l ; and, similarl}', the haddock and other fish 
grew scarce, and the daily catcli went down to one or two hundred 
pounds. Ill the summers of 1889 and 1890, the porgies came again 
in limited niiiiibers, and during the latter 3ear hake began to return. 

The mackerel fisher}' has been injured b}' sheer wantonness. A 
vessel threw her seine a half mile from the fish-houses. Two hun- 
dred barrels of mackerel were taken on board, five barrels of numbers 
one and two saved, and all the rest thrown overboard — to frighten the 
fish and poison the ground. A hundred fifty other vessels were doing 
a like thing every day, for three montlis. The next summer the 
mackerel did not come. For the last two 3'ears seining has been un- 
lawful till June first, and they have begun to return. 

Lobster fishing has held its own better than the sea-fishery, but 



HAMPTON BEACH AND VlCIXIXr — OAVNERSHIP AND USES. 517 

even that is not as good as formerlyi and the fishermen say emphati- 
cally that, nnless all seining for mackerel and bait fish, within three 
miles of land, is stopped, there will soon be no fish of any kind off 
our shores. 

The eel fishery is carried on only in August, September and Octo- 
ber, while the eels are passing from the sea to winter quarters in the 
ponds and heads of streams. A dam is made across a ditch or small 
creek in the marsh, near the upland, l)y driving boards or planks into 
the bed of the stream, with one or more openings, about a foot square, 
near the bottom, where the traps are set, with the entrance facing 
down stream. An eel-pot or trap is made of a barrel with one head, 
by boring it full of half-inch holes, to let the water and small eels 
have free passage, and fitting a tunnel of board or wicker-work into 
the open end, the small end of the tunnel being about an inch across, 
within the barrel. A door is cut on the side or head, for taking out 
the eels. The barrel is then weighted enough to sink it, and the trap 
set, bj' placing the tunnel close against the opening in the dam. It 
needs no bait, and is looked after each morning. A trap has been 
known to catch a half barrel of eels in one night — a peck is probably 
a fair average. 

Fresli-vvater fishing, let us hope, is in the future. On the 1st of 
May, 1890, Messrs. R. P. De Lancey and H. M. Lane placed ten thou- 
sand trout fry in our brooks. They did so well, that, in April, 1891, 
Mr. De Lancey placed five thousand more. If protective laws are 
respected, a new delicacy vvill soon be added to our tables. 

CANAL TO SALISBURY. 

Under date, 1791, Dr. Belknap sa3's : '^Within this present j^ear 
a canal has been cut through the marshes, which opens an inland nav- 
igation from Hampton, through Salisbury, into Merrimac river, for 
about eight miles, B}- this passage, loaded boats may be conducted 
with the utmost ease and safety." 

This canal opens a passage from the Blackwater river, which leads 
to Walton's tide mill, in Seabrook, inside of Plum beach, to the Mer- 
rimac. At high water, it was formerly quite available for fishing 
boats, and forty 3'ears ago, was still much used. Winter fishermen, 
four to a whale-boat, were in the habit of going to Ipswich for bait. 
When the water outside was rough, they would enter Hampton river, 
row through the canal to the Merrimac, thence, inside of Plum island 
to Ipswich river, dig during two low tides, a good digger often secur- 
ing ten bushels in a tide, fill the boat, from seventy to a hundred bush- 
els, and return. 



518 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

When the plank road to S.-iIislmry beach was built, the canal was 
spanned by a small bridge. By degrees, it was abandoned, and is 
now so filled and overgrown with thatch, as to be available onl}' for 
very small boats. 

nddd's salt works. 
In the 3'ear 1827 Mr. David Nudd engaged in a new enterprise. 
Some of his vessels had long been employed in fishing vo3'ages to 
Labrador, the Grand Banks and other resorts, as well as in tlie mack- 
erel and other fisheries off our own shores. .When large fares were 
taken, a considerable outlaj' of cash was required, to buy the salt for 
curing the fish, especially when, as was sometimes the case, a heavy 
duty was imposed on salt imported. With plenty of salt in the ocean, 
right at hand, such an outla}' seemed needless. Along the Massachu- 
setts coast were several manufactories tliat had proved successful, and 
Mr. Nudd decided to try the experiment here. Accordingly, he em- 
ployed an expert, to test the comparative saltness of the water in the 
ocean at the seashore, and in the river at the Landing. This was 
done by boiling a like quantity of water from each place, under like 
circumstances, till it was entirely evaporated, then accurately weigh- 
ing the salt obtained from each. The result, strange to say, was in 
favor of the Landing. There the works were built, therefore, cover- 
ing two acres of ground, the water conveyed through a trench, and 
pumped by a windmill into the vats. The enterprise became success- 
ful, on an annual product of twelve hundred bushels, more or less. 
In 1840, however, the works were taken up, salt having become too 
cheap to manufacture longer at a profit. 



CHAPTER XXX. 

THE PUBLIC ROADS. 
THE RING. 

IN the early records of the town, we find but little in regard to 
roads, except the one from tlie town across the salt marsh to the 
Falls side, whence there appears to have been at an early day a con- 
tinuous road to Salisbury. No doubt there were roads near which 
families dwelt, especially around the Meeting-house Green, where 
were laid out many of tlie house-lots of the early settlers, on which 
they built their houses and had their homes. Gradually, settlements 
were extended to a greater distance from this center ; and their ex- 
tension may have been so gradual, that for a considerable time, in- 
dividuals kept the roads between their several homes in a passable 
condition without applying to the town for aid, so that no record was 
made of the work done. On the 9th of June, 1697, at the request of 
several of the inhabitants, the selectmen ordered that a highway ten 
rods wide should be laid out round the Ring, for town and country. 
The road, built of the width here ordered, remained a ten-rod road 
almost ninety years; but on April 11, 1786, the town voted to reduce 
the road on the north side of Ring-Swamp, to five rods in width. 
June 11, 1750, a committee, consisting of Mr. Philip Towle, Ens. 
Jonathan Leavitt and John Nay, was chosen to prosecute any person 
that should fence in any portion of the ten rod road around the "Ring," 
or any other way in the town. March 19, 1765, Voted, "That the 
selectmen shall have liberty to take in some part of the common or 
road into the Burying yard, if tliey shall think proper." 

It would be interesting to trace the gradual spreading out of new 
farms in all directions, and the laying out of new roads as necessity 
required. Of many of these roads, however, there is no record; and 
of others , a mere mention in these pages is deemed sufficient. 

The same vote which ordered the narrowing of the road on the north 
side of the Ring, included also the narrowing to five rods in width, of 
the continuation of this road towards the beach, "from Joseph John- 
sou's (Young's corner) to Ezra Johnson's" (Leavitt's corner). 

(519) 



520 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



DRAKE SIDE ROAD. 

Long before this, in 1652, the town laid out "a way from mill 
brook to Goodman Page's upland," so as to be most convenient "for 
the coming into all the} re meadows." This was through that part of 
the town now known as "Drake Side," from Drake's bridge, as the 
road now runs, to Robert F. AVilliams', and so down the lane in front 
of his house to the meadows. 

WINNICUT KOAD. 

"We read the brief records of doings in early times, and pass them 
bj', with scarcely a thought of the arduous toil involved. Here, for 
instance, November 30, 1657, ''It is ordered that the surveyors of 
the highwa3's shall take as many men with tiiem as they shall think 
meet, to cut a convenient way for sleds to pass from the North hill 
bridge to Winnicut River." What days of labor ! what diligence with 
axe and pick and spade ! tall trees and tangled undergrowth must be 
cleared away ; rocks must be removed and ground levelled, before 
even "a convenient way for sleds" can have been cut. 

PORTSMOUTH ROAD. 

December 15, 1657, it is recorded that the selectmen chose "Will: 
Fuller & John Casse .... To lay out the hyway towards 
Strabry .l)ank to the extent of our bounds as convenienth^ as may bee 
w*^'^ they have dun according to their discresion." January 31, 
1711, there is the return of a committee "to lay out the road towards 
Portsmouth as far as the town extends," four rods wide, as the road 
previously went; which is probably simply a widening of the original 
road to "Strabry bank." 

LANDING ROAD. 

The vote for laying out the road from the Academy green to the 
Landing is in these words, under date January 1, 1661 : "Hen : 
Rob}^ Tho : Marston & Tlio : Ward are appointed to vew the High- 
way from the meeting house to the Landing plase which lyeth through 
William Fuller's land by his house and barne and to bound itt outt two 
rod wid att the narrowest, according to their disscretion." 

A road had been opened here nearly or quite twenty years earlier, 
but its width had been considerably diminished by encroachments 
made during that time.' Again, in 1825, the same road was run out, 
"two rods wide." 

Januar}' 10, 1661 : At a meeting of a committee appointed, to de- 



THE PUBLIC ROADS. 521 

termine and record convenient higliways, and to award damages, it 
was ordered tliat wliere any private tvny had been, or sliould he, laid 
out throiioji any i)erson's hind, whetlier meadow or marsli, tlie sweep- 
age and feedage of every such way slionld belong to the owner of the 
land over which the way passed, and should not be claimed b}' any 
other person — such ways, in this respect, differing from town and 
country ways, the sweepage and feedage of which, the committee 
judged to be common. 

In the record of the doings of the committee at this meeting, the 
Mooring-Turn, so called, in Hampton river, is mentioned as the 
place "where the boats do usually ride at anchor." It was theiropin- 
ion, that those who had occasion to moor tiieir boats there, had also 
a right to use a foot-path leading to it over a tract of salt tnarsh, for- 
meily owned by Thomas Marston, but at that time by John Cass ; and 
as no compensation had ever been made to either of these men, for 
damages, it was thought to be no moi'e than justice, to offer to Cass 
a certain tract of land, in full satisfaction for this use of a portion 
of his marsh, and he accepted it as such. 

KINGSTON ROAD. 

At a town meeting October 12, 1663, a committee was chosen to 
search out the most convenient way to Kingston, then a remote part 
of the town, and to have a road laid out accordingly. The "vvhole 
towne" was to turn out to build this road "to the Towneship by the 
Greatt Pond." 

NORTH HA5IPTON COMMON. 

The Common, where t'.ie church and school-house now stand in 
North Hampton, was laid out in 1675. The town appointed Henry 
Robie and John Sanborn a committee, to exchange some land with 
Samuel Dalton on the north siile of the North-hill bridge, for a con- 
venient passage-way over the Ridge, for the herds and for carting; 
and the committee, "considering the conveniency of the place and that 
a large passage might be of great use for the town in that place," laid 
out the way fifty-two rods in breadth at the south side, and thirty- 
three rods at the north, and about sixty rods in length ; ad of this 
land to be common throughout. (Return made, February 18, 1675.) 

NOOK LANE. 

In 1686 Dea. John Tuck, by liberty from the town, built a grist- 
mill on Nilus brook ; and it became necessary that a road or way 
should be opened, by which the mill could be reached. The most 



522 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

feasible route was to begin on tlie easterly side of tlie Little River 
road, so called, at a i)lace nearly opposite the house of Benjamin 
Lamprey (now heirs of James and Samuel C. Lamprey), and to open 
a path from that place to the mill in as direct a course as practicable. 
Owing to the roughness of the ground, however, and other obstacles, 
there were many crooks in the path marked out and used for many 
years. It could hardly be called a road, and in fact, it was usually 
called Nook lane. In 1842 it was widened and straightened, and in 
1844, extended from the mill to the sea-siiore ; and forms a part of 
the direct road from the railroad station to the North Beach. 



EXETKR ROAD. 

That the road from Hampton to Elxeter was built at a very early 
period is ceilain, though perhaps no record of the fact remains ; but 
the two towns, settled in the same 3'ear, and intimately connected in 
many ways, must have had means of communication with each other 
better than a mere Indian trail through- the woods. Tradition has it 
that this road was laid out by a bear; the story being, that Bruin 
made a night raid on the settlement near "Wigwam Row," and that 
men going in pursuit the next morning, followed its tracks in the 
light snow to its watering place at Squamscott Falls, and built the 
road accordingly. They say this accounts for its crookedness. 

This road passes through a part of the town, called Bride Hill. 
The origin of the name is obscure, but tradition says it was in honor 
of a marriage rite, performed in the open air. Off from the road some 
fifteen or twenty rods, down a sharp decline, stands a beautiful, l3're- 
shiiped elm, towering high above a young pine growth. This is 
called the "bridal elm," for under it, it is said, the happy couple stood 
while the minister joined them in marriage — a very prett}' conceit, 
but spoiled by finding that Bride Hill is mentioned on the Town Rec- 
ords as early as October 12, 1669, when the bridal elm was not even 
a seed, and ministers were not authorized to marry. Some say, how- 
ever, that the bridal elm was an oak ; some say, a birch. Clio, daughter 
of Jupiter, shuts her lips and will not tell. 

LITTLE BOAH's HEAD TO UYE. 

"Att a meeting of the selectmen of Hampton, loth November 1693 
thay then agreed to lay out a cart hyghway from the beach att the 
farther End of Littell Bors Head pond Round the swamp downe to the 
End of ffrancis Jinnisis pond fower Rod wide and a highway from that 
into the woods sixe Rod wide. Voted." 



THE PUBLIC ROADS. 523 



iia:mpton falls to exetkk. 
September 23, 1700 : "This meeting being warned to Consider of 
the best and P^asiest way ffor the making of the new waj' flfroni Hamp- 
ton ffals to Exeter The Towne haiie noted that the Saneyers shall 
ffortliwiLli taiie care to make the Bridge oner Taylers Riuer A good 
Cart Bridg and to Repaire all the other way that belong lo the Towne 
to doe ; Bnt ffrom the Bridg to the High land Ensigne Tilton doe In- 
gage to make it good and Maintaine it tTor the wliicii the sayd Daniell 
Tilton and his sons are to be ffreed ffrom all other Iligliway work in 
the Towne so long as he or they shall maintaine the same The Towne 
also doe agree with Him the sayd Tdlon that he shall haiie ten able 
men one day Appointed by the Saue^ers to help him now att first to 
make it good." 

SHAW's HILL TO LITTLE RIVER. 

At a meeting of the proprietors of the First Division, M:iy 7, 1734, 
it was voted : "That there be a highway fonr rods wide from the 
mouth of the lane by Benjamin Lamprey's [Nook Lane] to Little 
River Bridge where the sawmill stood as the cart way now goes, for- 
ever, and the middle of s'' cart wa}', as itt is now cleared of stones 
shall be the center of s'' four rod way." 

In 1739 it was voted in town meeting, that the selectmen keep all 
roads at their usual width, and prosecute all that "shall intrude on 
them." 

"Intrusion" by moving out fences seems sometimes to have occa- 
sioned serious trouble. The road most injured was the one "that 
leads from the place called the "Windmill-hill' to Freese's landing, so 
called." It was proposed to "choose a committee to judge upon" 
this road. This was in December, 1765. 

The town refused to appoint a committee to consider the matter at 
that time, but a few months afterward depositions were taken, to show 
the fact and the extent of the encroachments. It appeared that with- 
in the remembrance of some elderly persons who gave their tcstimonj^, 
the landing road had been very wide and its side boundaries well 
understood ; that these had remained unchanged for many years, but 
for a considerable time before this investigation a change had been 
going on ; and now the fences of some of the owners of adjoining lands 
had been built many feet outside of the original lines. Probably the 
bounds were set back, but no record remains. 

1 See next chapter— Jolinson's Windmill. 



524 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



nAJirTON CAUSEWAY TURNPIKE CORPOKATIOX. 

Not to notice the various minor acts of the town, we come now 
to make special mention of a iiighway, early known as the causeioay, 
and afterward, the turnpike, — l)y far, tlie most difficult and expensive 
to keep in repair of all the roads leading out of Hampton. The two 
parishes of lIami)ton and Hampton Falls, as we have seen, were 
separated by a long reach of salt marsh, through which flowed Tay- 
lor's river. No doubt, the two settlements were connected from the 
outset, by at least a cart path, with a rude bridge thrown over the 
river; for in the early records, mention is often made of "the cause}'," 
and of votes for repairing road and bridge; but it vvas not till the 
early part of the present century, that any system of permanent im- 
provement was adopted. 

The matter was agitated at the annual town meeting in 1807, and 
a committee chosen to consider it. They applied to the Legislature 
for aid, and reported the next year, that ."the Legislature passed an 
act, enabling the town to raise and turnpike said causeway and to 
take toll in the manner and under the restrictions in said act men- 
tioned." 

With this act the committee were dissatisfied, and they advised the 
town not to proceed under it, but to petition the next General Court 
for an amendment, dividing the causeway into shares, to be subscribed 
by individuals — the inhabitants of Hampton having the first right of 
subscription — the town of Hampton taking as man}' shares as it might 
desire. This was done, and an act more satisfactory than the former 
one vvas passed, December 23, 1808. It was entitled : "An act to in- 
corporate a company by the name of the Hampton Causeway Turn- 
pike Corporation." The town voted to take ten shares, and chose 
Col. Benjamin Shaw its agent. 

In 1810 the town chose a committee of five, to adjust matters w-ilh 
the Turnpike Corporation, relating to marsh and gravel taken in 
building the road. The joint committee of town and corporation 
made their report in December, which was accepted, and is, in sub- 
stance, as follows : 

That the town of Hampton shall relinquish to the Turnpike Cor- 
poration all and every demand now standing, and that said town 
shall gravel the turnpike from the northerly end to the middle bridge 
on the causeway over the sluiceway, annually, to the acceptance of the 
directors of said Turnpike Corporation ; and that in consequence thereof 
all and every inhabitant of Hampton shall pass the turnpike at all times 
free from the payment of toll of any kind whatever. Signed, John Dear- 



THE PUBLIC ROADS. 525 

born, Jonathan Marstoii, Abner Page, Jonathan IVIarston Jr., Joseph 
Towle Jr., committee of Hampton ; and Samuel F. Leavitt, Nathaniel 
Drake, Tlieopliihis Sanborn, Committee of T. Corporation. , 

The whole length of the turnpike was two and one-fourth miles, ex- 
tending from the honse of James Leavitt, Esq., in Hampton, then kept 
as a tavern, to that part of Hampton Falls usually called "the Hill" — 
a considerable portion of it built on the old road-bed. A new road, 
a few rods in length, was built on the upland, near the tavern, to cut 
off a sharp corner ; and a part of the road across the marsh, includ- 
ing the bridge over Taylor's river was located a little below the old 
road. 

The turnpike, when completed, was a safe and ea^y road for travel, 
far superior to the old one, and would have been satisfactory to the 
public, if it had been a free road. There was, however, much dis- 
satisfaction and complaint on the part of travellers and teamsters, 
since in using the turnpike, they were subjected to a toll ; and various 
expedients were resorted to, in order to evade the payment. A slight 
bridge, called the shunjnke, Avas thrown across the river, at a consider- 
able distance above the turnpike, over which man}^ people passed, 
preferring a circuitous route, which was free, to a nearer and better 
one, subject to a toll. 

At the February term of the Superior Court, held in Portsmouth in 
1817, the tow^u was presented by the grand jury, for not keeping in 
good repair that portion of tlie turnpike within the limits of Hampton. 
The town chose David Towle and James Leavitt, Esq., as agents, to 
defend the town against this indictment; and chose Richard Green- 
leaf, Tristram Shaw and Samuel Dow, a committee, to agree with the 
Turnpike Corporation respecting the expenses that might be incurred 
in consequence of the indictment. 

PROPOSED ROAD FROM VITTUm's CORNER TO SHUNPIKE BRIDGE. 

In 1821 the selectmen were petitioned to lay out a new road in 
Hampton, beginning at Vittum's corner, so called, ^ and running to 
the line of Hampton Falls at the shunpike bridge, so called. As they 
declined to lay it out, application was made to the Justices of the Court 
of Sessions. The town voted to use all laudable means to prevent 
the laying out of the road. Dr. Ebenezer Lawrence w^as chosen agent 
for the town, to make a defense at the Court of Sessions against the 
proposed road. The defense, however, was of no avail. The Court, 
by their committee, laid out the road. But this did not end the con- 
troversy. 

iMarston's corner, on the Exeter road. 



526 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Another town meeting was held on the 16th of September, 1822, to 
see -whether the town would be at any more expense to prevent the 
making of the road, which had then been laid out, and to defend the 
turnpike. The last clause in the above sentence is very suggestive. 
There are men now living, who well remember the bitterness of feel- 
ing, occasioned by the controversy about this road and one or two 
others not far from the same time. Some of the warmest advocates 
of this road admitted that their intention was to drv'ert the travel from 
the turnpike, and thus break down the Causeway Corporation. The 
opposers, generally, believed that the road was not needed for the 
accommodation of the public ; and many of them, that the town Mould 
not be acting in good faith towards the corporation, erected b}^ their 
agency, if they should countenance the building of any other road, 
intended to make the investments worthless to the stockholders. 

The town did not proceed to build the road laid out by the Court 
of Sessions. 

PROPOSED ROAD FROM NORTH HAMPTON LINE TO HAMPTON FALLS LINE. 

In 1824 another road was laid out by the Court of Sessions, begin- 
ning at North Hampton line and running through Hampton to Hamp- 
ton Falls line. As this was only part of a road, to lie in several 
towns, the Court had original jurisdiction, without any previous re- 
fusal on the part of the selectmen. In the judgment of a large major- 
ity of the legal voters, however, the portion of the road, as laid out 
across this town, if built, would not so well accommodate the i)iil)lic, 
as did the roads tlien in use. The route of the contemplated road 
was to a considerable extent so rough, and in other places so wet 
and miry, that it could not be built witliout great expense, nor easily 
kept in repair, if built. Hence, with very few exceptions, tlie citizens 
were oi)posed to the road, and the town refused to build it, — for which 
refusal, it was indicted, and an expensive lawsuit followed. 

At the annual town meeting, in 1825, the selectmen and the town 
agent. Dr. Lawrence, togetlier with James Leavitt, Edmund Toppan 
and David Nudd, were chosen a committee, to consult with the di- 
rectors of the turnpike, and to require them to call a meeting of the 
proprietors and others interested, to ascertain the lowest sum for 
wliich the corporation would consent to surrender the charter, to make 
the road a free one, to be kept in repair by the towns of Hampton 
and Hampton Falls. 

Eleven months afterward, the committee reported, that the corpor- 
ation would relinquish to the two towns the Hampton Causeway 



THE PUBLIC ROADS. 527 

Turnpike, and all their riglit to keep up any gate, and to take toll on 
the same, with the canal and ditclies on the sides of said turnpike, 
not including, but reserving the buildings and u[)!ands appertaining 
to the same, for the sum of live thousand dollars, to be secuied to the 
shareholders at an interest of six per cent, payable annually ; the 
principal to be paid by installments so a[)portioned, that the payment 
of the whole should not extend l)eyond six years. 

Both towns agreed to the terms offered, Hampton paying three 
thousand dollars and Hampton Falls two thousund, of the sum re- 
quired. The business was satisfactorily concluded, and on the 12th 
day of April, 1826, the gates were taken down, and the turnpike be- 
came a free road. 

ODIOUS ROADS DISCONTINUED. 

In August following, through the efforts of Dr. Lawrence, town 
agent, and the selectmen, the Court of Common Pleas consented to 
the discontinuance of the road laid out by the Court of Sessions iu 
1824, from North Hampton line to Ham[)ton Falls line. 

The road from Vittum's corner to Hampton Falls was discontinued 
about the same time. 

ROAD TO MEET THE LAFAYETTE ROAD, 

While the above case was still pending, the selectmen of Hampton, 
upon application made to them, June 19, 1826, laid out a road from 
a point near the present residence of Stacy Wheeler Brown, extend- 
ing on tlie easterly side of his house, to the North Hami)ton line, to 
meet the Lafayette road, so called, that had been built from Ports- 
mouth nearly down to the line. It is probable that the laying out of 
this road aided the Hampton cause materially in tiie case in court, 
although Nortli Hampton had already continued the Lafayette road 
in the direction of the proposed road, as far as the Hampton line. But 
the fact that the turnpike had been made a free road, as lias been 
stated, so that there was no longer any cause for shunning that route, 
aided still more in freeing the Hampton people from building the 
roads so odious to tliem, 

THE NEW ROAD. 

Another highway which requires special mention is that stiU known 
as tJie netc road. 

Prior to the year 1852, there was no direct route from the center of 
the town to the North beach ; but in April of that year, a petition was 
presented to the selectmen, to lay out a highway, "commencing at 
34 



528 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

the well in the road near Lane's corner" and running easterly to the 
head of "Nook Lane," which would give a continuous, direct way from 
Exeter to tlie beach. 

According]}', the selectmen ordered a hearing for the 24th of May ; 
but "for divers good causes," probably because b\' tliat time the land 
had been planted, adjourned till November, when they laid out the 
road as petitioned, awarding, in land damages, more than eleven hun- 
dred dollars to the owners, the whole tract being valuable tillage. A 
further award of a hundred fifty dollars was made to Dea. Jeremiah 
Hobbs, to remove his windmill, which had done service for many a 
year, in grinding coin for the farmers. 

For beauty of summer scenery this road has scarcely' its equal in 
the town; — a gently undulating surface, spreading broadly to south 
and north ; fields of corn and waving grain of various shades on either 
hand, flanked in the distance by farm-houses and public buildings; 
Kensington hill and other elevations towering upward in the west ; and 
looking eastward, the blue ocean, dotted with sails, and sparkling in 
the sunlight. Already the sea breezes begin to stir one's pulses with 
a sense of exhilaration and freedom; and eagerly he presses onward, 
till, reaching Nook Lane, he is shut in by lofty pines and leafy Ijirches 
and alders, while the air is filled with the fragrance of wild roses and 
clematis. At the end, the awful, ever-changing, restless, fascinating, 
indescribable sea. 

TOWLE ROAD, 

By this name is known the road leading from "Vittum's Corner" 
(near Norman Marston's) to "Drake Side" school-house. A portion 
of this road, as originally built, was crooked and narrow, seeking the 
easiest and cheapest place of crossing a stretch of swampy land. In 
1887 an alteration was made, by building a new road from a point 
near the bouse of Samuel A. Towle, westerly about one-fourth mile, 
across said Towle's pasture, and forming a junction with the old road 
again near "deep run bridge." The contract for building was awarded 
to Samuel A. Towle, for ten hundred sixty-five dollars. The total cost, 
including land damage, tile and railing was twelve hundred dollars. 
The old road was discontinued by vote of the town, and reverted to 
the adjoining land owner. 

SEA-SHORE ROAD. 

Spasmodic efforts have been made for a good many j'ears, by indi- 
viduals in Hampton and North Hampton, to secure the building of a 
sea- shore road from the causeway to Little Boar's Head. 



TlIE rUBLIC EOADS. 529 

At the annual March meeting, 1887, the town of Hampton voted to 
appropriate the sum of one thousand doUars for the construction of a 
highway, running near the beach, to North Hampton hue, provided an 
appropriation be obtained from the State, to aid in the construction. 

Horace M. Lane, our representative to the General Court, had a bill 
introduced for that purpose ; and tlie sum of fifteen hundred dollars 
was appropriated, on condition that a like sum be raised by the two 
towns — one thousand dollars by Hampton and five hundred dollars 
by North Hampton. The required sums were appropriated, and the 
selectmen of the two towns, on petition, acting as a joint board, laid 
out the road, commencing near the foot of the causeway, and running 
along the beach land in a northerl}^ direction, to the road behind the 
fish-houses ; thence through the field of Jacob B. and Moses Leavitt ; 
thence on the beach land to the town line ; and thence on land in North 
Hampton, to Little Boar's Head. 

Before the town was ready to build the road, several individuals pe- 
titioned the Supreme Court for another road, commencing nearer Great 
Boar's Head, at the Logs, so called, and running northerly, parallel 
with the road leading from the causeway to Boar's Head ; and thence 
on, to the fish-houses, over the Leavitt field and the beach land, to 
Little Boar's Head. The petition was entered in the court at the Oc- 
tober term, 1890, and referred to the county commissioners. It was 
recommitted from term to term, till a hearing was had, September 21, 
1891. The town opposed the petition on the grouud that a part of 
the road — the southern end — was not needed, as it w^ould be near 
and parallel with the present road leading from the end of the causeway 
to Boar's Head, and because it would be liable to be washed away by 
the sea, in the great storms. 

The commissioners, however, laid out the road, in December, Their 
report, at the Jaiuiary term, was recommitted, with instructions from 
the court, to find out whether or not a certain heavy storm since the 
hearing in September would have damaged the road and whether it 
would be impracticable to maintain the higliway, as laid out. The com- 
missioners gave another hearing on the 8th of April, 1892 ; and in 
their second report recommended a change — which was, to abandoa 
the parallel or double road from the Logs, and begin the new one at a 
point in the existing road nearer the causeway. The town being sat- 
isfied with the recommendation, the court ordered judgment on the 
report, and on the 6th day of May, 1892, the suit was ended. [Thomas 
Leavitt, of Exeter, council for the petitioners ; Charles M. Lamprey, 
for Hampton ; Calvin Page, of Portsmouth, for North Hampton.] 



530 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Thus is now laid out a beach highway, running directly from Great 
Boar's Head to Little Boar's Head. The road will be about two miles 
long, and will be a nearer route by three miles, than the old roads. 

In 1889 the town purchased a road machine, for two hundred fifty 
dollars. It does very satisfactory work ; and if properly handled, will 
keep the roads in better repair than in former years, at less than one- 
half the cost. 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

THE STORY OF THE MILLS. 
THE EARLIEST MILL. 

AN figieement was made, August 4, 1640, between the town and 
Richard Knight, in regard to his building and keeping a grist- 
mill at the Landing ; for which the town was to allow him reasonable 
accommodation. What this "reasonable accommodation" should be, 
was determined at a town meeting, on the 25th of the same month, by- 
granting him "an hundred acres convenient." Articles of agreement 
were mutually subscribed and sealed on the 14th of September. The 
mill was built and the land promised, conveyed to Knight. 

This seems to have been the first mill built in the town. It re- 
mained in possession of Goodman Knight several years ; but in Feb- 
ruary, 1646, he conveyed it by deed to Christopher Lawson, of Bos- 
ton, together with his dwelling-house at the Landing, with several 
tracts of land lying near, and others more remote — containing in ail 
some more than one hundred acres ; and all the privileges and appur- 
tenauces thereto belonging. 

This mill was on the south side of the road, opposite the Benjamin 
Perkins place. 

sayward's windmill, 
Septembers, 1642 : The town granted to Henry Sayward, a lot of 
land five rods square on the hill beyond William Fuller's lot, to set 
his windmill on ; and a way, one rod in width, leading to it. The 
site of this mill, which was probably the second mill in town, was on 
the ridge, back of Alonzo W. Sliaw's, and not far from that place ; the 
rod way to it leading from the high road to the beach. 

A FORGOTTEN MILL. 

There is a tradition, that, at an early day, a mill was built on a 
creek, flowing into Brown's river, a few rods southerly of Eastman's 
point, and known as "The old mill creek." When and by whom the 

(531) 



532 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

mill was built, no one pretends to know ; but there are timbers lying in 
the creek, partly imbedded in mud, and when the tide is up, covered with 
water, wliicli liave probably lain there many scores of years. About 
tlie year 1828, Moses and Benjamin Perkins, owners of the land lying 
along the borders of the creek, (Uig some of them out, and found them 
sound and well-preserved, owing probably to the saltness of the mud 
and water in which they lay. 

It was on the waj' over the marsh to this mill, that a farmer with 
his grist of corn on a hand-sled — so the stor}^ goes — passed a group 
of witches, drinking tea off a cake of ice. 

gove's windmill. 

In the acconnt of Queen Anne's war, it was related that the Indians 
killed Thomas Lancaster, on his way home from mill.^ This was 
Gove's windmill, afterwards owned b}' Edward Gove, grandson of 
that Edward who undertook to reform the government, in 1683. ^ It 
stood where now is the homestead of David Gove, in Seabrook, a 
little back of the house, on some rocks, still called the 'mill rocks. 
There yet remains a stone, on the premises, thought to be one of the 
mill-stones. 

Some years ago, Mr. David Gove took away a stone wall, near the 
mill site, and found under it a well of good water, some six feet 
deep. 

Taylor's river mills. 

27te first Sawmill. 

Nothing is found in tliQ town records or elsewhere, so far as we 
know, to show that any sawmill was built here till about twenty years 
after the settlement of the town. While the houses were built of logs, 
sawed lumber was used only to a very limited extent. What was in- 
dispensable could be cut with a whip-saw, though not without much 
labor. When the log house gave place to a framed building, saw- 
mills became a necessity. 

The first sawmill in the town, of which we have any account, was 
undertaken by Robert Page. The town granted him liberty to set 
up his mill at a convenient place on Taylor's river, and for his en- 
couragement, gave him a clump of pines on the North side of Mr. 
Dalton's farm, and also allowed him to take timber from the commons, 
to saw at his mill, for his own benefit. Page, in consideration of the 
favor granted, gave the town a bond, in the sum of one hundred 

ip.234. 2p. 103. 



THE STORY OF THE MILLS. 533 

pounds, that ho or liis assigns woiiUl build the mill, and have it in 
readiness for sawing Uunber "by Michaelmas come twelvemonth" 
(September 29, IG08) ; and that he would Ihen furnish boards for three 
shillings per handled, as fast as he could, taking in payment any 
merchantable articles at price current ; provided, however, that no 
man should receive more tlian one thousand feet at a time, "till every 
man that stands in neetl shall have the like successively, one after 
another." Tiiis arrangement was confirmed by vote, at a town meet- 
ing, held February 26, 1657, and accepted by Robert Page. Not 
long after, the town by vote, extended the time for the com|)letion of 
the mill, one year, on condition that the contractor would give up 
William Marston, the carpenter he had employed, so that the town 
might have his services in tilting u|) a house for Rev. Timothy Dalton, 
he having sold his homestead to the church and town, for a parson- 
age.^ 

This mill was j)robal)ly on the site occupied, in later years, by 
Coffin's gristmill, which was burned in 1876. 

Bemoval of Sawmill. 
On the 16th of December, 1680, the town voted that the owners 
of the old sawmill "have lil)erty to remove said mill, or rebuild it, at 
a convenient place, further up Tayloi-'s river, but below the mouth of 
the Great Swamp run (Bride Hill mill stream), provided that the said 
owners subscribe to such articles as shall be drawn up by the com- 
mittee now chosen by the town, to wit : Henry Robie, Henry Dow, 
and Serg* Joseph Dow." The new site was probably about one-fourth 
mile higher up the river, at a place now known as the upper dam. 

Garland's 3Iill. 
At a meeting of the freeholders, November 18, 1700, liberty was 
given to John Garland to build "a corn gristmill" upon Taylor's 
river, where the first sawmill was built; on condition of his grinding 
corn for one-sixteenth part thereof ; and that he build no dam to do 
damtige to the sawmill first above. 

Sawmill moved back. 
In 1708 John Garland had become one of the ten owners of the 
sawmill, which they now wished to move back to the old spot, "or 
near thereabout." They built over the dam, the partners agreeing to 
share equally in the work and expense, and to use the privilege of the 
mill by turns, Garland and his heirs not to draw any water for the 

ip. 332. 



534 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

corn-mill except upon the last third part of every man's turn; "and 
then, if they don't come to saw, he may draw water for to grind the 
corn as it comes to mill, if he can." The mill gate was to be kept 
up through June, July and August, every year. Articles of agree- 
ment were signed, January '24, 1709. 

Mr, Jacob T. Brown says : "The apparent reason for the removal 
up stream was that a p 'rnianent dam could be built and maintained 
there very much cheaper than at the lower mill, for the reason that 
the river at this (the upper) place was narrow and the banks bold and 
strong. The 'mill privilege,' however, not being nearly as good at 
the upper dam as at the lower, the latter was rebuilt and the upper 
site abandoned." After the removal, the two mills stood at the same 
dam — the sawmill, on the Falls side of the river, where Brown's saw- 
mill uow is, and the gristmill, on the town side. 

In 1722 Garland had a gristmill at Winnicut, as appears from the 
return of a committee, appointed to lay out land to men who had lost 
their lots in the First North Division, the report being made July 9th, of 
that 3^ear. Five acres of land were laid out to Lieut. John Sherburne, 
"neary*' mill caled Garland's mill, beginning at a small Pine standing 
by the side of y® Mill Pond about seven rod from y^ Grist Mill and so 
bounding on said Pond" &c. 

In 1701 there was a sawmill on AYinnicut river. 

Coffin's 3IiUs. 
In 1825 Stephen Coffin bought, with other property, the gristmill 
which, we have seen, was established at the same dam with the old 
sawmill on Taylor's river. In the intervening time, the two mills 
probably passed their useful existence, like other mills of the olden 
days. In 1827 Mr. Coffin deeded the gristmill to his son, Aaron. 
It was carried away by a spring freshet in 1841, and rebuilt the next 
fall. It descended to Aiken S. Coffin, son of the last owner, and was 
by him conveyed to his brother, Sylvanus B. Coffin. In 1865 he en- 
larged the mill and put in additional machinery for planing and shingle 
sawing. Later, he erected a large building for a box-factory, with 
clapboard saw and lath saw. These buildings were sold in 1875, to 
Arthur T. Wilbur, a box manufacturer, from Massachusetts, who put 
in steam power. On the 6th of June, 1876, they were burned to the 
ground, and have never been rebuilt. 

Brown's Mill. 
The "old sawmill" shares were bought by Aiken S. Coffin at differ- 
ent times, as he could secure them, till about the year 1850, he owned 



THE STORY OF THE MILLS. 535 

the whole property on the Ilamptou Falls side of the river. This he 
sold to Mr. Wilbur, at the same time that his brother, Sylvanus B., 
sold his, on the Hampton side. Up to this time, it was an old-fash- 
ioned mill, with au up-and-down saw, run by a flutter wheel, and all 
the work done in a hard way. Mr. AVilbur put in a circidar saw and 
other modern improvements. After his other mills were burned, he 
sold his whole property on both sides of tlie river to Jacob T. Brown, 
of Hampton, taking in exchange a portable steam sawmill, which he 
removed to Greenland. 

Mr. Brown, Avith whom has become associated his son, under the 
firm name of J. T. & F. B. Brown, built in place of the old sawmill a 
new one, eighty-four by twenty-four feet in size, fitted with a Chase 
turbine wheel, a fifty-four inch inserted chisel-tooth saw, a double- 
surface planer and matcher, bench saws and all modern appliances 
of a first class sawmill, which is capable of sawing from eight to ten 
thousand feet of lumber per day. Mr. Brown says : "Of old, the mill 
was sixty feet or more from the bank, and logs, held up by frame- 
work, were laid from the bank to the mill. Logs were rolled over 
these 'stringers,' and lumber carried out by hand over them. The 
bank, at different times was built out and the stringers shortened, till 
we, at last, filled in to the mill." 

Batchelder's Sawmill. 
The complete history of this mill privilege is lost. It is probable, 
however, that it dates back of the separation of the towns, and may 
justly claim notice among Hampton mills. It is situated on Grapevine 
Eun, which flows into Taylor's river nearly a mile, by a straight line, 
below Browns' mill ; and it is now owned by John Thayer Batchelder, 
of Hampton Falls, whose father, Moses, built the present mill, which 
takes the place of a former mill, built by Moses' father, Dea. David 
Batchelder. Back of this, we can only learn that it was then an old 
mill site, which had been owned in the Batchelder family for many 
years. 

FALLS RIVICR MILLS. 

Green's Gristmill — rioio Dodge's. 

About the 10th of May, 1648, the town "granted unto Abraham 
Perkins and Henry Green, in consideration of building a watermill in 
the town of Hampton, at the Falls, twenty acres of upland as near 
the falls as maj^ be had, and ten acres of salt marsh as convenient as 
may be had ; and five acres of fresh marsh where it may be had ; — 



536 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

two shares of commonage and all the swamp tliat lay between Henry 
Green's houselot and his phmting lot, that is not yet given out." 

About three years later, Green bought out his partners for thirty 
pounds. On the 19th of April, 1679, at a general town meeting : 
"Liberty was granted to Henry Green to set up a dam on the ffalls 
river, above his dam that now is, provided that it do not prejudice any 
town-highway or p'"ticular man's property by flowing their land or 
ways." 

December 16, 1700. At this date Capt. Jacob Green, son of Henx'y, 
wishing to take down the old mill and build a new one : — "The Town 
grant him the same privilege of the stream tliat his father first had for 
his encouragement, to new build the mill, as he shall make appear by 
evidence. And when the mill is builded, the said Capt. Green is to 
grind the town's corn brought to him, for the sixteenth part thereof, 
when there is water to do it. 

Nath^ Weare Esq., dissents." 

This mill is now owned by Mrs. John W. Dodge, — inherited through 
several generations, from Nathaniel Hubbard Dodge, who bought it 
of Gen. Jonathan Moulton. He probably obtained it from Captain 
Green's heirs. 

Weare's Mills. 

Against the foregoing transaction, Mr. Weare was possibly an in- 
terested party ; for we find that, at a commoner's meeting, May 8, 
1722, there was "granted to Deacon Nath' Weare one acre of Land 
by his Saw Mill as shall be layd out to y® least damage of y^ coiTion- 
ers at y*^ discretion of Lt. Jonathan Marston & Simon Marston fory* 
end, being in full satisfaction for his service as comitte in Jennins 
case." 

This mill privilege was farther up the Falls river, and was, without 
doubt, identical with the Weare's mills of to-day. How far back it 
dates is not known. The oldest paper now to be found (in posses- 
sion of Col. John M. Weare, of Seabrook), is a deed, dated June 10, 
1757, from Meshech Weare to his nephew Jonathan Weare, of fifteen 
acres, more or less, of laud "where the sawmill stands, which formerly 
belonged to Nathaniel Weare, Esq." Jonathan gave it by will to 
John ; he, to his two sons, Joseph Hubbard and John, the former of 
whom rebuilt the mill, before his brother became of age, and took in 
equity, two-thh-ds of the property, as his share. This he left to his 
son Joseph H., Jr., Avho sold one-half of the whole to Jacob Gove. 
John Weare and John M. Weare bought it back from Gove's heirs. 
The property is now owned, five-sixths by Benjamin Frank Weare, 



THE STORY OF THE MILLS. 537 

son of John, and oue-sixtli by George A. Weave, son of Joseph II., 
Jr 

Probably Jonathan Weare built the gristmill, which descended with 
the other property. It has not been running for some fifteen years. 

In Kensington.^ 
Still farther up the Falls river than Weare's mill, within the present 
town of Kensington, are yet to be seen three dams, marking the sites 
of mills, supposed to have been built as early as 1700. A fulling- 
mill and Pike's sawmill, one on either side of the stream, were both 
fed from the lower dam. Next above was Locke's gristmill ; and only 
a little removed, stood Page's sawmill — the road from Exeter to 
Amesbury passing between them. These mills are all gone. 

OTHKR KENSINGTON MILLS. 

Other mills, probably of the same times, were Fellows' gristmill, in 
the nortli, on a small tributary of Exeter river ; and Blake's sawmill 
in the west, on the ''Stumpfield road." 

About a quarter of a mile above Fellows' mill, on the present site of 
Poor's sawmill, there stood a sawmill, which was old, when Mr. Poor's 
mother, born in 1775, Avas a child. This was owned in shares, accord- 
ing to the custom of early days. 

BUIDE HILL SAVTMILLS. 

A glance at the map will show where the Bride Hill mill-stream, 
which rises in- the "Old Swamp," enters Taylor's river, the general 
direction of the stream and the location of the two sawmills. The his- 
tory of these niills is involved in some obscurity, though they do not 
appear to be very ancient. They are not marked on the plan of the 
town, made in 1806 ; but the following year, Capt. Samuel James bought 
of James Leavitt one share in the lower mill. 

Originall}', the property of each mill was divided into eight shares ; 
and this ai-rangement still holds with regard to the lower mill, the pres- 
ent shareholders being : Elias D. Elkins, three shares, George N. 
Batchelder, Mary C. Chase, Norman Marston, Ralph S. James and 
John A. Towle, each one share. The mill has been silent for two 
years ; but is now about to undergo repairs, and be restored to its for- 
mer activity'. 

In course of time, all the shares in the upper mill came to be owned 
by two men, namely : John Dearborn, six shares, and Stacy Towle, 

ilufoiniation by Messrs. Joseph W. Brown and Joseph Poor. 



538 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

two shares. Subsequentl3', Jonathan Philbrook, of North Hampton, 
owned all Ihe shares ; and of his heirs, Wulter L. Drake bought the 
whole property in the fall of 1870, since which time this mill has been 
generally known as dkake's mill. Mr. Drake owns the adjoining 
pastures, and therefore has the right of flowage. 

Marston's Gristmill. 
Cornet David Marston built a gristmill, at an unknown date, on an 
elevation at the lower end of his pasture in "Isaac's Swamp," on a 
small stream, running into the Bride Hill mill-stream. A cart path, 
beginning on the North Hampton road, a little north of David A. 
Marston's present homestead, led to the mill, which stood not far from 
the town line, on the Hampton side. The property descended to 
David Simon Marston, son of the former owner, and he finally took 
down the mill. The sills still remain. 

LITTLE RIVER MILLS. 

Peter Johnson's Gristmill. 

Februar}^ 17, 1672 : The town granted liberty to Peter Johnson to 
set up a gristmill upon the Little river, above the meadows, near to 
the Barren Hill,^ in the most convenient place, where the said Peter 
Johnson shall choose ; and the like liberty is granted him to set up a 
fulling-mill and a turning-gear, if he see meet, and upon this con- 
dition : the said Peter Johnson doth relinquish his right of a grant for- 
merly granted to him at Nilus river (of an unknown date) . 

This is very nearly the site of the present middle sawmill, owned 
by R. L. Moulton, and built over in 1855. 

The Upper Sawinill. 
A company, consisting of James Johnson, Josiah Sanborn, John 
Hobbs, John Dearborn, Sen., Samuel Dearborn, Caleb Marston, 
Thomas Roby and Samuel Roby, was formed — probably in 1692 — 
for the purpose of building and operating a sawmill on Little river, 
above the site granted to Peter Johnson for a mill, more than twenty 
years before. They built a dam, and made preparation to erect a 
mill the next summer. As yet, however, they had not received any 
grant from the town. The case was brought up and acted upon in 
town-meeting on the 24th of March, 1693. The proceedings of the 
company had evidently been irregular, and all the members were re- 

1 Barren hill is just above the present middle mill site, on the north side of the stream. 



THE STORY OF THE MILLS. 539 

garded as trespassers and ordered to desist, unless they should agree 
to such terms as should be proposed ; and the town chose Capt. Henry 
Dow, Lieut. John Smith, and Lieut. Christopher Palmer, a connuittee 
to di'aw up articles of agreement to be assented to, and subscribed by 
the members of the company. The terms were agreed upon and the 
names subscribed September 4, 1693. 

The town granted to the members of the company the benefit of the 
water-power and a suitable mill-yard, to be held by them, their heirs 
and assigns, so long as they maintained a mill there, and also guar- 
anteed that no dam should be built between their mill and Peter John- 
son's old grant. In consideration of this, the grantees agreed to give 
the town eight thousand feet of merchantable pine boards out of the 
first ten thousand feet that should be sawed, and to deliver the boards 
at the Meeting-house Green, on or before the last day of May, 1694. 

The mill-privilege here granted — where the upper snwmiW on Little 
river stands — has been occupied by a succession of sawmills from 
the date of the grant till the present time. 

The mill has long been owned by Nathaniel B. Marston ; but this 
year, 1892, he sold it to John F. French, fourth son of Kev. Jonathan 
French, D.D., more than fifty years pastor of the church at ''North 
Hill." 

An Ancient Site, and the Present Loxoer Mills. 
The same day on which the. articles of agreement about the upper 
mill were signed, the town granted to another company, on nearly the 
same terms, a sawmill privilege on the same river, about three-quarters 
of a mile farther down. In the record it is described as being "below 
Peter Johnson's grant." The mill built by this company was on land 
belonging to the Lamprey farm, now owned by Charles Preoschold. 
The mill has long been gone, but a part of the old dam is still to be 
seen. A new one was afterwards built farther up the stream, where 
the present Daniel G. Moulton saw and grist mills stand. 

John Smith's 3Iills. 
At some time, date not known. Lieutenant John Smith had under- 
taken to build a. fulling-mill ; hut, after expending a considerable sum, 
he had found that the mill would fail to meet his expectations. In 
1693 therefore, on the 24th of March, he asked and obtained liberty 
to remove it to such a place as he might select on Little river, above 
his saw^mill, at the end of "The Beech Neck," and to make a dam at 
the place selected, for the benefit of the mill, on condition that the 
water should not be kept back at such times as, by a former arrange- 



540 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

ment, it was to be drawn down at the sawmill below. It was also 
agreed that wlioever might own the fulling-mill, he should "full this 
town's cloth before strangers' cloth." The Beech Neck, mentioned 
in this grant, is a point of land, near the bridge which spans the river 
at A. T. Brown's, said to have been formerly heavily wooded, px'oba- 
bly with beech trees. The sawmill site is well known, some of the 
old timbers having remained within the memory of men now living. 
The fate of the proposed fulling-mill is not known. 

RYK MILLS, ON CRDAR SWAMP RUN. 

The original contract, dated May 3, 1695, may still be seen, wherein 
John Badson, of Newcastle, millwright, agrees with Francis Jenness, 
Joseph Philbrook, James Stanyan and Thomas Jenness, of Hampton, 
planters, to build for them a dam and a sawmill, ' 'to go with one saw," 
on Cedar Swamp run, commonly so called, near said Francis Jenness' 
house ; for which he is to receive twenty shillings a week, in good, 
lawful mouej'of New England, as follows ; ten shillings thereof at the 
end of each week he works, and the other ten shillings a week ''at one 
whole intire payment, at the now dwelling house of the said Francis 
Jenness," when the mill is finished and sufficient sawing has been done 
to amount to the required sum ; the above compan3\ to furnish mate- 
rial for building, also "sufficient meat, drink, lodging and Hands" 
during the building, and pasturing for his horse while he is there at 
work. 

The site of this mill is about eighty rods from the Sea View House, 
on the Jenness road, so called, and has ever since been occupied for a 
sawmill, owned wholly or in part in the Jenness family. Cedar swamp 
commences about a mile northwest of the mill; the run is a brook, 
flowing through it, in some places not more than four or five feet wide. 
It takes its rise in the low land near Charles Sleeper's house, at Ches- 
ley's Cox'uer, in Rye, and empties into the sea. A half mile above 
this sawmill, on the same stream, is Brown's gristmill ; and about 
thirty rods below it, was Jenness' gristmill,^ a few years ago changed 
into a shingle-mill, but now given up. 

Ancienth", a fourth mill stood about three-quarters of a mile far- 
ther up the little stream than Brown's gristmill. It was a sawmill, 
built at an unknown date, by a Mr. Leavitt, who, after a short time, 
sold it and the farm of three hundred acres, on which it stood, to Peter 
Johnson, of Hampton, who married in 1737, and settled on the farm. 
[See Genealogies — Johnson(5), Leavitt(l3).] In later times, Nathan 

i[ See Genealogies— Jenness] (1)]. 



THE STORY OF THE MILLS. 541 

Knowlos, of Rye, bought the mill, and in 1844 took it down. The 
laud, on which vestiges of the mill and the paths leading to it through 
the pastures may still be traced, is now owned by the heirs of the 
late John Garland. 

All of these four mills are within the original limits of Hampton, and 
all, old mills. 

NILUS RIVER JIILI.S. 

James Johnson''s Grant. 
On the 1 9th of April, 1679, "upon the motion of James Johnson, the 
town gave him liberty to set up a grist and fulling mill upon Nilus 
River, and to make a convenient dam or dams, provided he shall not 
draw down water in hay-time to damnific any man's meadow or hay 
that lies upon y'^ meadows upon that river in any place below; upon 
the penalty of one hundred pounds ; provided also, that if the said mill 
be not built and finished within two years, then this grant is to be void, 
and the land to remain as it now is, in the hands of the town." 

Tuck's Mills. 

At a town meeting. September 17, 1686, upon motion of John Tuck, 
the town voted to give him liberty to set up a grist and fulling mill on 
Nilus river, on conditions precisely like those imposed on James John- 
son, seven years before ; whence it seems probable that Johnson did 
not build. The gristmill was built, and perhaps a fulling-mill ; but 
it was soon found that the water-power was not sufticieut to run the 
two mills by the same dam ; for, at a town meeting, November 14, 
1689, Mr. Tuck was allowed to make a dam where Nilus comes out of 
Hasica meadow,! and set up his fulling-mill there on nearly the same 
conditions as his foimer grant, the mill to be fit to go and to full cloth 
in two years ; and he was not to full cloth, nor draw down water to do 
damage in haj^ time. The mill was built a few rods west of the road lead- 
ing to Little River village, in what is now called the dam-pasture; and 
was afterwards owned by Lieut. William Stanford. ]t has been gone 
many years ; but traces of the dam remained in 1867, when it was re- 
built, and a shingle mill erected and put in operation. This has since 
been taken down. 

Nilus river, or brook, did not at all seasons furnish sufficient water 
to keep the gristmill in operation, and another grant was afterward 
[December 29, 1709] made to Mr. Tuck, allowing him, so far as the 
town had a right to do it, to turn the springs near where Thomas 

1 Properly, Hassocky meadow; p. 116, note. 



542 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Sleeper formerlj' lived, ^ and also the springs at Alder meadow,- into 
the pond by his giistmill, for the term of twenty years, provided that 
he should improve every opportunity to grind corn for the inhabitants 
of the town for the sixteenth part thereof ; and further engage to 
grind three days in a week, when there was sufficient water. On the 
town's part it was agreed, that, if there should be a further grant of 
these springs after the expiration of twenty years, Mr. Tuck should 
have the offer of them on as favorable terms as any other person. 

The springs first named are those in the tract of ground known as 
"Spring-heads," lying between Nook Lane and the Little River road. 
The natural outlet of these springs is through the Nook run into Dow's 
river ; but by means of a dam, usually called the foot-dam, across 
tliis outlet near the springs, the water is easily turned into the mill 
pond already mentioned. 

From Alder meadow there were originally two outlets. Nilus 
brook, which runs easterly through the meadow, carries off the water 
from most of the springs ; but those in the north part of the meadow 
had an outlet running northerly into Little river, which is less than 
half a mile distant from the meadow. By a dam across this outlet, 
the water from all the spi'ings could be turned into Nilus brook, and 
made serviceable to any mills farther down that stream. The dam 
constructed at this place was called the little dam; and, though the 
dam itself has long been gone, the place where it was built, and the 
land near it still bear that name. 

In 1735 the proprietors of the First Division voted, "that the water 
of Sleeper's Springs shall half run down the natural way to where carts 
go over the Nook Run, and the other half run into Tuck's ditch to the 
pond, forever; and none who hereafter have the lots the springs run 
through shall ever hinder the same." 

Early in the present century. Tuck's gristmill had come into the 
possession of Reuben Lamprey, who sold it to Moses Leavitt. In 
1815 Mr. Leavitt took down the old mill, which had become dilapi- 
dated, and built a new one, which he and his sons operated. Subse- 
quently, Mr. Leavitt gave the mill to his eldest son, Jonathan, whose 
widow controlled it till her death, in 1885. It is now owned by Mr. Joel 
Jenkins, a summer I'esident, as a part of his estate, and is not in use. 

Dam Pasture Mill. 
On the 4th of September, 1693, at the same time witli the grants for 
two of the Little River mills, another grant for a sawmill was made, on 

' On Shavv'i Hill. 2 p. 146, note. 



THE STORY OF THE MILLS. 543 

like conditions, to several persons combined together for the purpose 
of building and operating a mill on Nihis brook, between Alder meadow 
and Bear swamp. Their mill was built in the Dam pasture — then 
considered as a part of Bear swamp — and stood a little eastward of 
the wall between this pasture and the Twelve Shares, a few rods from 
the place where Nilus issues from Alder meadow. Though no traces 
of any mill or dam can now be discovered, and nothing to show their 
exact situation, yet some aged persons, who have died within the last 
thirty years, well remembered when the paths from the different parts 
of the woodland around, all tending towards the same spot, plainly in- 
dicated the locality of the old mill-yard. Dea. Jeremiah Hobbs, two 
or three years before his death, at the age of ninety, in 1863, pointed 
out the site of the mill and dam, as above indicated. 

ON bursley's brook. 

Near the close of the year 1689, the town granted to James John- 
son, who ten years before, received a grant on Nilus, which he seems 
not to have utilized, liberty to set up i\. falling -mill on the stream, called 
Bursley's brook, provided it were built and in readiness to full cloth, 
within one year from the date of the grant ; otherwise, the grant was 
to be null jind void. 

"Bursley's brook" is supposed to have been the small stream now 
known as BrusseWs Run. This stream, nearer the salt marsh, was at 
an early period called ''Mill brook." It is now called Drake's river. 

TIDE MILL. 

October 13, 1681 : At a town meeting, by vote of the town, liberty 
was granted to James Johnson and Jacob Brown, to make use of the 
river near the end of the highway by Jacob Brown's pasture, for the 
building of a gristmill ; provided they build it and keep it in good 
order for the grinding of the town's corn ; and that they make con- 
venient gates to let out the water, that they flow not any man's hay 
in hay-time ; and do grind the town's corn brought to them for the 
sixteenth part thereof ; and have the mill ready to grind within two 
years from the date hereof. The privilege here granted was for a 
tide-milL 

The highway mentioned is the road to the "Old Dock," along the 
easterly side of the late Benjamin Shaw's mill-pasture, or field, fi-om 
which it is not now fenced. This pasture or field is the easterly half 
of that designated in the grant as Jacob Brown's pasture. 

In the winter of 1769, the tide-mill, then owned by Samuel Brown, 
Jr., and Gideon Shaw, the former a grandson of Jacob Brown, was 
35 



544 HISTORY OF HAMPTOX. 

burned to the ground. Brown wished to rebuild ; but Shaw would 
neither assist him nor buy out his share of the privilege, nor would 
he sell his own share. Under these circumstances, Brown had recourse 
to the General Court. He petitioned that body to take his case into 
consideration and devise relief. Although no record of his success 
is found, we see Brown rebuilding the mill, after about two j'ears ; 
and it thereafter remained in the Brown family till about 1818, when 
David Nudd and Capt. David Brown, of Little River, bought it, and 
put in a second run of stones. Six years afterwards, they sold to 
Moses and Benjamin Perkins ; and in 1834, the mill passed into the 
hands of their brother, Deacon James Perkins, who mtroduced an 
undershot wheel, of twenty feet diameter, and otherwise extensively 
repaired it. In 1855, he built it over once more, and fitted new gear- 
ing ; and for many years thereafter, it was in constant operation. 

In course of time, Deacon Perkins' son, Henry J., became the owner 
of the mill ; and by him, the property was sold to the town for fifteen 
hundred dollars, and the mill demolished, in 1879, for the supposed 
benefit of the marshes, ou which the water had been kept back, till 
they had become of little value. 

This Gideon Shaw, joint owner with Brown, when the mill was 
burned in 1769, was an eccentric man, — one of his peculiarities being 
a habit of talking aloud to himself on the street, or wherever he might 
be, and never looking back as he walked, whatever might be transpir- 
ing behind, it is related, that, when he was once drawing a bag of 
corn to mill on a hand sled, and talking as usual, a man who knew 
him well, coming up behind, stepped on to his sled, to provoke him 
to look back. But Shaw kept straight on, muttering, "Now she runs 
hard;" and when, after riding some distance without eliciting a sign 
of recognition, the man stepped off, he added, "Now she runs easy 
again," and kept on his way. 

Another time, while walking over the causeway near the beach, 
along the side of^ which was a wide ditch, he carried ou this colloquy 
with himself: "What'll you bet, Gideon, that 1 can't jump across that 
ditch?" "Half-a-dollar." He jumped, and lauded safely on the other 
side. "What'll you bet, Gideon, that I can't jump back again?" 
* 'Half-a-dollar." Again he jumped, but missed his footing and went 
into the ditch. Picking himself up, he said : "Nothing got and noth- 
ing lost," and walked on unconcernedly. So, "Nothing got and 
nothing lost, as Gideon said," passed into a proverb. 

Johnson's windmill. 
"When the mill was built and how long; it remained are now unknown. 



THE STORY OF THE MILLS. 545 

It is called Peter Johnson's windmill — that is, the first Peter, the same 
who obtained the first grant of a mill privilege on Little river. In 
the inventory of his estate is mentioned "two-thirds of a Avindmill, 
£7." 

The site is called "Windmill hill" in the Town Records, dated De- 
cember, 1765,^ and is now known as Johnson's hill (where Mr. George 
A. Johnson lives). The mill stood near the old oaks. 

HOBBS' WINDMILL. 

"When the "new road" was laid out, in the fall of 1852, an award 
was made to Dea. Jeremiah Hobbs, to remove his windmill, which is 
well remembered as a conspicuous object in the "great lots," through 
which the road was to pass. The mill was built by Deacon Hobbs' 
father, Capt. Morris Hobbs, on or near the site of a former mill, whose 
unknown histoxy stretches still farther back. Standing in the midst 
of fields of corn and grain. Deacon Hobbs' mill was at once pictur- 
esque and convenient of access. 

berry's steam sawmill.^ 
ip. 523. 2See next chapter. 



CHAPTER XXXII. 

STORES AND TRADES. 
ELiSHA Johnson's store. 

JOHN J. LEAVITT — SAMUEL POOR — JOHN WILCOTT, JR. — 
NUTTER & BUOWN— SUCCESSORS. 

ELISHA Johnson, born in 1786, began, when a 3'onng man, to 
keep a grocery and variety store, at his home on Johnson's hill, 
towards the Landing. 

The whole front of the house was fitted up in two rooms : the larger, 
for groceries ; the smaller, for dry goods and notions. There was at 
this time no other store in town, so that all the trade centered here, 
and much from adjoining towns, many coming from Seabrook, by 
boat, to the Landing. At first, goods were transported from Boston 
in whale-boats ; but as trade increased, a larger vessel was needed, 
and Mr. Johnson, in company Avith his brother John, procured the 
schooner, Clarissa, and later, in his sole right, the Angola, for the pur- 
pose. About the year 1840 he took into his employ, as clerk, his 
grand-nephew, John J. Leavitt, then tiine years of age. Perhaps it 
was from this connection that he came to be called "Uncle 'Lisha," 
throughout the community. Honest and generous towards all, he was 
emphatically the children's friend ; and rarely did the child customer 
leave the store without some small gift. No lock, nor even latch ever 
cumbered the door, the only fastening being an oaken bar laid across it. 
Customers knocked for admittance. The clerk's bed in the small 
room served for a counter, on which to measure off cloth. Boys are 
not apt to be fond of early rising ; and it did sometimes happen, that 
the counter was needed before the young clerk was up, and the cus- 
tomer had to wait. A new store was built, at the foot of the hill, in 
1851. 

Though Mr. Johnson made small profits, he drew much custom 
and acquired a competency. At his death, in 1856, Mr. Leavitt suc- 
ceeded to the business, by inheritance. He became town clerk at 
twenty-one years of age, and was prominent, always, in political 
affairs. 

(546) 



STOllES AND TRADES. 547 

In 1870 the old house, on the original Dow homestead, which Capt. 
John Johnson had owned for some years, was taken down, and the 
store moved to its site, where it stands to-day. 

After Mr. Leavitt's death in 1881, Mr. Samuel Poor, of Manchester, 
purchased the stock, which he enlarged, and carried on a thriving 
trade, especially in grain, for five years, when he sold to John Will- 
cutt, Jr., and retired from business. Mr. Willcutt removed from 
town in 1890. The store was then kept for a short time by Austin F. 
Brown (of Hampton) and a partner, under the firm name of Nutter 
& Brown. It is not now occupied. 

LANk's store J. A. LANE & CO., PRESENT PROPRIETORS. 

Four of the five sons of the late Ebenezer Lane, are merchants. In 
1848 Edwin B., the eldest, built the store, still occupied, and having 
carried on the business some years, moved to Boston ; and his brother, 
George W., became proprietor of the Hampton store. After a suc- 
cessCul run of fifteen years, during much of which time, the next 
younger brother, Joshua A., was associated with him, Mr. G. W. Lane 
removed to 8alem, Mass., where he is now a coal, flour and grain 
dealer. He was for some years the principal coal merchant in Hamp- 
ton, before his removal. Mr. J. A. Lane was now sole proprietor of 
the store till 1891, when he took into partnership Ernest G. Cole, of 
this town, just graduated from the New Hampshire State College. 
Mr. Lane has carried an annual business of thirty thousand dollars 
or more, in groceries, grains, dry goods and the various departments 
that go to make up the typical country store. Two order teams are 
kept on the road the year round, and often, four, in summer. 

After Mr. Edwin B. Lane removed to Boston, he went into com- 
pany, in the fiour trade, with his father's cousin, David Lane, from 
Chichester, who, in later years, retired, leaving the junior partner 
sole proprietor. 

The fourth son, Charles H. Lane, has had a somewhat romantic 
career. When a young man he went to Iowa and was one of six to 
buy a township, incorporate the city of Red Oak and set up a sawmill. 
With the first lumber sawed, Mr. Lane built a store, with his own 
hands, bringing glass and other building material many miles b}^ row- 
boat. Then he sent to his brothers to buy goods in Boston, to stock 
a store similar to the one kept in Hampton. 

The pi oprietors of Red Oak laid out a square of nine acres, for the 
center of the cit}^ and drew lots for the property. Mr. Lane's lot 
fell on the west side of the square. The city grew and established 
a bank, of which Mr. Lane has long been the president. He now 



548 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

owns with one partner, an agricultural implement and hardware store, 
covering an acre of ground. He also owns two other stores, each 
built of brick, twenty five by eighty-six feet on the ground and three 
stories high ; the one a grocery store, antl the other a dry goods, boots, 
shoes and clothing bazaar, in the building of which our townsman, 
Samuel W. Dearborn, was head carpenter. 

It has alwaj's been Mr. Lane's pleasure to take young men into 
his employ, teach them the business and then help them to set up 
business for themselves. In this wa}', his nephews, George E. and 
Charles G. Lane, sous of George W., have become established, the 
former as proprietor of a variety store in Hampton, Neb., and the latter 
as cashier of a bank in Hastings, Neb. Both these young men are 
natives of Hampton. 

Another business man of Red Oak, born in Hampton, Capt. Thomas 
H. Dearborn, may be mentioned in this connection, as he was once 
Mr. Lane's clerk. After the war, in which he bore an active part, he 
was in trade in Seabrook for two years — then went to Red Oak, and 
has long been a successful dealer in coal and ice. 

D. O. LEAVITT APOTHECARY AND GROCER, 

Successor, in 1865, to Joseph R. Tovvle, who himself succeeded to 
John P. Towle, in the same business. After some years at the old 
stand and in the J. A. Towle building, Mr. Leavitt removed tem- 
porarily from town. In 1884 he associated with himself his brother- 
in-law, Robert F. Laird, as apotiiecary, vvliile he retained charge of the 
grocer}' department, in the old John P. Tovvle store, which had been 
enlarged for Mr. Collum, tinsmith, and the old part fitted up for post- 
ofiice and store, Mr. Laird having been appointed postmaster. 

In 1889 this building was moved away, to make room for Sliaw's 
block, a fine new edifice, opened in April, 1890. After moving into 
his commodious store in Shaw's block, Mr. Leavitt began to run order 
teams, two of which are constantly employed. Mr. Laird soon re- 
moved to Newmarket, and D. O. Leavitt now takes personal charge 
of the whole, with the aid of two or three clerks. Annual business, 
about twenty thousand dollars. 

POST OFFICE STORE STATIONERY, CONFECTIONERY AND TOBACCO. 

A small store of this nature has for many years been kept by the 
existing postmaster, ever since the incumbencies of Edwin B. Lane 
and John A. Towle, merchants. Postmasters Dow, Marston^Perkiji^. 
Crane and Akerraan kept the office and store successively in Lane'sN 
building, opposite Capt. David A. Philbrick's house ; Robert F. Laird J 



STORES AND TRADES. 549 

following, in the John P, Towle building. Myron W. Cole, the 
present postmaster, removed the oiilce to Merrill's block in July, 1889, 
and continues the usual "post office store," in connection with it. 



GEORGE COLLUM TIN-SMITH, PLUMBER AND STOVE-DEALER, 

Came to Hampton, from Gloucester, Mass., May 22, 1876; had his 
store and work-shop first, in the J. P. Towle building, which was 
later enlarged for his use ; but removed to his own much larger build- 
ing, near the Baptist church, in October, 1887, to which he has since 
built an addition ; keeps his store well stocked ; does work half a 
dozen miles away, in various directions ; and carries a business of 
from eight to ten thousand dollars annually. 

J. W. MASON & CO. GROCERIES AND HARDWARE, 

Succeeded to the business of A. D. Brown, who, after about twenty 
years in trade, in the old J. A. Towle building, sold to the present 
firm, January 1, 1875, and retired. They removed to Merrill's l)lock, 
on the opening of that building, in July, 1889; greatly enlarged the 
stock at that time ; keep two order teams constantly on the road ; do 
an annual business of twenty thousand dollars. 

BATCHELDER BROTHERS BUTCHERS. 

They sent out their first teams in 1874, from a slaughterhouse on 
their own farm, at Bride Hill. In later years, they have bought much 
from Boston and Portsmouth markets, besides their own su[)ply ; 
bought more than ten thousand dollars' worth of meats in 1891 ; opened 
a meat market in the old J. A. Towle building, in November, 1887 ; 
removed to Merrill's block, in July, 1889 ; continue to supply distant 
customers from the carts, two being sent out daily ; use a refrigerator 
cart in warm weather. 



T. N. CHASE DRT AND FANCY GOODS, AND MILLINERV. 

He opened the first and only store of the kind, in Hampton, in the 
fall of 1877, in the J. A. Towle building. In 1883 Mr. Towle built 
a new store, in the rear of his old building, and into this Mr. Chase 
moved in October, witli a great addition to his stock. Here he re- 
mained till the opening of Shaw's block, in 1890, when he removed 
thither. He keeps a good assortment and has an attractive store. 



550 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



JOHN S. OILMAN CLOCK AND WATCH REPAIRER AND JEWELLER. 

He came to Hampton and began business in a small way, in tlie 
second stoiy of the old post-office building, in February, 1877. Skill 
and industry have brouglit patronage, so that he was enabled to buy 
land and build a house, to which he removed in 1883, and where he 
Las since continued to make a comfortable living in his business. 

FRED E. SANBORN BARBER, 

Has now, after several removes, a well-appointed shop, opposite the 
shoe-shop, where he deftly plies his trade, and receives liberal patron- 
age. 

E. B. TOWLE DRY AND FANCY GOODS, AND GENTLEMEN's FURNISHINGS, 

Opened his store in the old J. A. Towle building, in June, 1890, 
and has prospered in the enterprise. 

Several stores are kept, through the summer months, at the South 
beach ; the first, in point of time, being that of James Perkins, Jr., de- 
ceased, now John W. Locke's. John M. Palmer has such a store near 
Boar's Head. The rest are open but a little while, and kept mostly 
by strangers. 

SOME FORMER STORES. 

The following advertisement, from an old-time newspa[)er will give 
an idea of the country store of a hundred years ago : 

"Hampton November 30"*, 1757. — Just Imported And to be SOLD 
by — Jonathan Moulton, jun'"[i] At his own stork, by Wh. or Retell — 
A Fine Assortment of Braziery — and Cutlery WARE, almost every 
Thing suitable for — House Keeping. And a large Assortment of 
WINTER — and Summer GOODS,' suitable for Men's and Women's 
Wear. Also west india GOODS, salt, &c — 

Jonathan Moulton^ juu"^ 

N. B. I will engage to sell any of the above goods as — cheap for 
ready Cash oi" any other Good Pay, or three months Credit, as the 
like are sold any where in this Province. If any person (is) inclined 
to take a large Quantity, I will give six ]\Iouths Credit and take 
Merchantable boards — at Exeter, New Market, Almsbury or New- 
bury Landings." 

iCoIonel, afterwards General Moulton. 



STORES AND TRADES. 551 

Gershom Griffith, born in 1707, is styled "trader." 

Col. CiiRisTorriKU Toppan had a store in bis bouse — the old family 
mansion, — in the time of the Revolution. 

In later times John Carroll was a trader in Hampton, a consider- 
able time before 1817. 

Maj. John Loveuing, who was in trade in Hampton from 1814 to 
1830, liad his store about three hundred feet south of the Perry bouse, 
on the same side of the street. His brother, Thomas Lovering, was 
at first his clerk; but in 1820, went into trade by himself in a store 
on the corner by Josiah Dearborn's tavern (the store Mr. Carroll had 
vacated sometime before) . This he occupied till March 4, 1829, when 
he removed to Exeter. The store afterwards had several successive 
occupants, but was moved to another site at last, for a dwelling- 
house. 

Richard Greenleaf's store was the building afterwards used by 
David Towle, undertaker and carpenter. 

Jacob and Asahel Marston kept a store neartheirhome (now John 
A. Nudd's). Later, Adna B. Lane had the same building for a store 
and tailor's shop. 

Knight kept a store, where A. J. Philbrick now lives. Sally 

Quarles, who married Joshua Mace, was his clerk ; also, David Moulton. 

Some of the other storekeepers were : Moody Stockman and John 
M. Seaward (near C. G. Toppan's) ; John C. Forsaith (where Oliver 
Towle lives) ; John Mason (where John G. Brown lives) ; Amos J. 
and John A. Towle, dry goods and groceries, in the present dwelling- 
house of the latter. 

brick-making. 

The "clay-pits" are mentioned in the early annals of the town, but 
nothing is on record in regard to brick-making. Within the present 
century, this industry seems to have been confined to one family, but 
when it was begun is uncertain. Dea. Samuel Drake, when a young 
man, eighty years ago, more or less, was a brick-maker, his yard being 
near the present residence of Mr. J. T. Brown; and later, back of 
Mr. Clarence T. Brown's. The last location of the brick-yard was 
in the large field south of Deacon Drake's house, where his son, Samuel 
Drake, manufactured about a hundred thousand brick annually. Since 
his death, in 1879, the business has not been pursued. 

tanneries. 
In 1711, complaint being made that there was a great waste occa- 
sioned by oak trees being cut down on the commons, for the purpose 
of stripping off their bark, to be used in tanning hides, a vote was 



552 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

passed, declaring all bark thus stripped off, forfeited, wherever it 
migiit be found, and subjecting the offender to a fine of five shillings 
for each tree so stripped or barked. 

Tanning was, no doubt, formerly, an important industry in our 
town. In modern times, some shoe-makers and fanners have tanned 
hides for their own use, and occasionally for their neighbors. Dea. 
David B. Elkins once had a tannery of this kind, on the "old swamp 
run," floAviug into the Bride Hill mill-stream, a few rotten timbers of 
which, may still be seen. The Garlands, at the "east end," operated 
such a tannery, situated in the meadow over the ridge, back of the 
Garland homestead. 

THE CATTLE TRADE. 

Ebenezer and Samuel D. Lane, Jacob T. Brown and David A. 
Philbrick were formerly largely engaged in this traffic ; which, how- 
ever has declined, since horses have mostl}^ superseded oxen, for farm 
work. From 1857 to 1867, Captain Philbrick received from two to six 
car-loads of cattle a week, except through the haying seasons. 

MILK BUSINESS. 

Though there are no large milk farms in Hampton, many farmers 
keep respectable herds of cows, and sell milk, chiefly to the "Lynn 
Milk Company," which has made this town a depot since 1878. 

ICE BUSINESS. 

Curtis DeLaucey, resident in the town, and David J. Lamprey, 
of North Hampton, are the principal ice dealers. Formerly, most of 
the ice was cut on the meadow, near the ocean, and was sometimes a 
little brackish. That has been abandoned, for ponds further in- 
land. 

Mr. DeLancey employs an average of twelve men and twenty horses 
during the icing season, and cuts fifteen hundred tons of ice annually, 
from pouds at Bride Hill, Drake Side and Leavitt's mill. He packs ice 
for most of the hotels and boarding-houses, and supplies private fami- 
lies from his own ice-houses. 

Mr. Lamprey cuts two thousand tons of ice annually, in Hampton, 
besides his business in other towns. The Lynn Milk Company, 
established a station in Hampton, and built an ice-house, of a thousand 
tons' capacity, in 1878, which Mr. Lamprey filled till 1884, when it 
was taken down, and the present house, of thirteen hundred fifty tons' 
capacity was built. This, Mr. Lamprey contracted to fill for ten years. 
Accordingly, he leased, for that period, a meadow of forty acres, be- 



STORES AND TRADES. 553 

longing to J. T. Brown, C. G. Toppan and others; grading tbe road 
along its front, one and a half feet, and keeping it in repair at his own 
expense. This meadow is flowed from Drake's river, and furnishes a 
full supply of ice. 

EXPRESS BUSINESS. 

Lane's Express. — Twenty-five years ago or more, Jesse A. Lane 
began to do express business between Hampton and Boston, with 
great convenience to the public, and fair profit to himself. As years 
went on, his trips became more frequent, till patronage so increased 
that he went daily, sometimes with an assistant ; but failing health 
compelled him to retire, in 1884. 

Batfhelder's Express. — Warren M. Batchelder, of the firm, Batch- 
elder Brothers., Butchers^ began to do a local express business be- 
tween Hampton and Boston, in 1884, when Lane's express had been 
discontinued. After a successful run of three years, he sold out, the 
first of August, 1887, to John S. and Ames B. Robinson, in order to 
give his Avhole time to the meat trade. There is now no local ex- 
press. 

The American Express Co. has an ofiice in Hampton ; also Jackson's 
Express^ of Portsmouth. 

CARPENTERS STEAM SAWMILL. 

There are many good carpenters in Hampton, most of whom are 
employed by Samuel W. Dearborn, contractor, who began work as 
a carpenter, in 1866, and by degrees, enlarged his business till now he 
employs from twelve to twenty-five Hampton men ; has building con- 
tracts constantly in Hampton, and at various points within a radius 
of twelve miles or more ; and handles, annually, at least a hundred 
twenty-five thousand feet of pine, three hundred thousand spruce and 
hemlock, and a million shingle. 

In 1879, in partnership with James W. Berry, he built the steam 
sawmill, which has become so important a feature of the town. Some 
told them they were '"fools for their pains ;" but the enterprise was 
successful, and has long since proved itself a necessity. The mill 
was run, at first, with a thirty horse power engine. 

At the end of two years the partnership was dissolved, Berry re- 
maining in the mill business, and Dearborn retaining an interest in 
the lumber-yard and leasing the upper story of the mill for a work- 
shop. 

Two years later, Mr. Berry put in a forty horse power engine, and 
he now saws from five to six hundred thousand feet, annually, of ail 
sorts, mostly pine. 



554 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

brown's steam sawmill business. 

In 186.^ Jacob T. Brown bought a portable steam sawmill, and lo- 
cated it successively in Kensington, Newton, West Aniesbury and 
Hampton Falls, but never in Hampton. This is the mill which he 
exchanged for property on Taylor's river (mentioned under the cap- 
tion, Browns' Mill). 

Either in his own name or in company with others, Mr. Brown has 
employed steam sawmills in operating wood-lots in Hampton, Stratham, 
Greenland, Exeter, North Hampton, Seabrook and Salisbury, besides 
the towns above mentioned. 

MASONS. 

Joseph L. Blake and Edmund and Joseph W, Mason were long the 
principal stone masons in Hampton, the last of whom still plies the 
trade. John Carr Davis labois in the same vocation. 

John W. Dearborn had formerly the monopoly of the brick and 
mortar business. He carries a considerable stock, and employs sev- 
eral hands. 

Thomas A. Brown and Otis W. Marston do a good amount of busi- 
ness, in the same line. 

PAINTERS. 

Rufus S. Johnson, George A. Johnson, and A. K. & N. T. Blake 
are much engaged in this business, in Hampton and neighboring towns. 
They have other men in their employ. 

JOHN ALBERT TOWLE — COAL DEALER. 

Mr. Towle formerly kept a grocery store ; began to deal in coal in 
1884 ; has now the monopoly for the town, though some individuals 
ship from Portsmouth and Newburyport, for their own use, and Mr. 
S. W. Dearborn supplies several families. Mr, Towle sold three thou- 
sand dollars worth of coal in 1891. 

BLACKSMITHS. 

From the sitting down as planter and smith, of William Fuller, in 
1639 (Chap, i) ; of John Redman, in 1642 ; of Daniel Tilton, in 1667 
(Chap, hi) ; and of Jonathan Wedgwood (born in 1649), Hampton 
has probably never lacked for blacksmiths. 

Benjamin Batchelder, of the fifth generation from Rev. Stephen, 
and his son, John Batchelder, were blacksmiths in the latter half of 
the last century. 



STORES AND TRADES. 555 

Adj. David Towle opened his shop in 1801, where his grandson, 
John C. Marston, now lives. 

Thomas Lane, born in 1785, pursued that calling at the "east end" 
till late in liCe, and was succeeded by Simon L. Jenness and his son, 
Abbott B., who still make the anvil ring at the old stand. 

Thomas Lane, Jr., born in 1812, was long a blacksmith, on the 
Portsmouth road. He died in 1873, and the shop has been taken 
down. 

Josiah Dearborn built a blacksmith's shop on the low ground be- 
tween his tavern and his homestead ; and later, his son Sauuiel, black- 
smith, had his house and shop on the same road, a few rods north of 
the Dearborn homestead. This was the same previously occupied by 
Thomas Leavitt, blacksmith, and is now the residence of John G. 
Brown. The shop is gone. 

Enocli P. Young's shop, established about 1847, still flourishes un- 
der his son and successor, Abbott L. Young. 

Oliver Godfrey in the north part of the town, and Joseph R. San- 
born in the west, successor to his father, Jeremiah Sanborn, receive 
a full share of patronage. 

THE SHOE-SHOP. 

Shoe-making has been pursued from early times. A room in the 
dwelling or a little shop near by has long been appropriated for the 
purpose, on many a farm, and men have worked in field or at the bench, 
as occasion demanded. Some did custom work ; but in later years, a 
large amount of work has been taken from Ljam, Haverhill and other 
manufacturing places. Till the advent of the sewing-machine, shoe- 
binding gave employment to w^omen ; and at one time, Robert F. Wil- 
liams had a large number in his employ. 

The shoe business took on much larger proportions than ever before, 
when, in January, 1888, V. K. & A. FI. Jones, of Lynn, Mass., con- 
solidated their branch establishments in Strafford and Barnstead and 
brought them to Hampton. A stock company of Hampton men had 
built a shop eighty by forty feet, of four stories height, with a three 
story wing, -fifty by forty-six feet, into which the new firm brought a 
considerable number of laborers from the two towns above mentioned. 
Many Hampton men and women soon came to be employed, and the 
quiet old town awoke to new activity and financial life. 

A wooden building, in close proximity to the steam sawmill and 
lumber yaixls, demanded extra safeguards against fire. These were 
provided, in a water tank, of a capacity of thirty thousand gallons, 
and a four-inch fire hose, operated by steam pump, for outside service ; 



556 HISTORY or hampton. 

together with small hose and automatic sprinklers for use through the 
building. A special engine, used for this work only, carries water 
from the large tank to a second tank, of three thousand gallons' ca- 
pacity, at the top of the factory. By connecting an additional liy- 
drant, which is contemplated, not only the immediate premises, but a 
considerable portion of the village, would be protected. 

In the factory, a thirty-five horse power steam engine carried the 
machinery ; and work embraced all grades and varieties of women's 
shoes. Two hundred to two hundred fifty hands were employed, with 
a weekly pay roll reaching twenty -five hundred dollars. After the 
Lynn fire, of December, 1889, in which the Jones brothers lost their 
main factory, the Hampton business was temporaril}' increased, by 
the removal hither of their entire force, till they built anew and re- 
opened in that city the following autumn. 

The career of this new industry was prosperous, but it was brief. 
In the autumn of 1891, the firm of V. K. & A. H. Jones removed 
their Hampton business to Lynn, and the great shop awaits its for- 
tunes. 

In the Genealogies will be found mention of other trades — tailor, 
cooper, glover, hatter, weaver, baker, basket-maker — variety enough 
to furnish occupation and supply the needs of the people. 

GUNNING AND TAXIDERMY. 

No account of the industries of Hampton would be complete, with- 
out mention of the taking of game in our woods and especially on the 
marshes and out at sea. While with many it is a pastime merely, 
there have been men, probably from the earliest times, who have fol- 
lowed gunning as a trade, though few have found it lucrative. Charles 
G. Perkins and David F. Nudd, living on the sea-shore, have been 
among the foremost gunners of recent times, following the Palmers 
and others in long array ; while the younger men of many names seem 
likely to perpetuate the avocation, and strangers book at the hotels 
every autumn for the season's sport. 

James W. Blake, "a mighty hunter," familiar with forest and shore 
for miles around, has kept a record of his game for more than thirty 
years ; and this he gives us, as follows : 

ACCOUNT OF GAME FROM 1857 TO 1890. 

(Sea-fowl in general not included, nor crows and hawks, except for the two 
years when bounties were paid. This game was all killed in Hampton.) 

581 muskrats, sold for $115.41 

111 minks, ,, ,, 258.35 



STORES AND TRADES. 557 



598 rabbits, 




sold for 


$58.80 


7 foxes, 




(1 K 


9.00 


114 grey squirrels, 




<( It 


6.90 


758 partridges. 




" " 


287.29 


73 Avooclcock, 




" 


37.05 


273 snipe, 




< ( (< 


48.95 


100 ducks, 




It tl 


40.90 


3879 marsli birds, 




tt 


450.27 


64 teal, 




t< 


11. CG 


102 pigeons. 




tt It 


13 60 


9 geese. 




11 It 


6.75 


2 years* 


' bounty on 


hawks and crows — 




148 crows, 




sold for 


14.80 


97 liawks, 




„ ,, 


18.40 


6923 


Total, 


.$1380.13 



Mr. Blake is a shoe-maker, mostly of sale work from the factories. 
His record of shoes for the same period as above is 19926 pairs, for 
which he received $2483.38. During the same period he has stuffed 
and mounted 843 birds and quadrupeds. 

This brings us to the mention of taxidermists, of whom there are 
two in Hampton, l)esides Mr. Blake — Mrs. Abbot B. Jenness and 
S. Albert Shaw. So far as can be learned, no others have ever prac- 
ticed the art here to any extent. 

The beautiful plumage first attracted the little girl, Zipporah .J. 
Shaw. Her brother used to shoot blue-jays in the coru-lield and 
sometimes save the feathers ; and she would beg him to let her have 
a bird to stuff. At last, he gave her a little bluebird and showed her 
how to skin it. She succeeded so well, he soon let her have all she 
wanted and often shot birds for her. Then people began to bring her 
work. She studied books on taxidermy, and practiced the lessons so 
well, she has long since become a famous taxidermist in all these parts, 
and without advertising, has an average annual patronage of a hun- 
dred birds, stuffed and mounted by her own hands in spring and fall, 
work extending into the winter for owls. Of these Mrs. Jenness 
stuffed thirty-four in the winter of 1889-90, sixteen of them being- 
arctic owls, shot in Hampton. 

Mr. S. Albert Shaw, her kinsman, stuffed a few birds as early as 
1878, and began to make his collection two years later. With him, 
it is not a trade, but, as he says, a hobby. Mr. Shaw is a farmer, 
working early and late in the fields ; and since 1880 he has made a 
study of the habits and migrations of biids and kept a record of his 
observations. In nesting time and again in the fall he takes daily 
walks in the woods, with spy- glass, note-book and pencil, often re- 



558 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

turning enriched by some new discovery. He is an occasional con- 
tributor to the columns of the Ornithologist and Oologist, a monthly 
magazine always to be found on his table. Mr. Shaw has a collection, 
all taken, stuffed and mounted by himself, of 335 birds representing 
190 of the 202 species known to occur in Hampton. Oology follows 
naturally ; and he has eggs of fifty-nine of the sixty-seven birds known 
to breed in Hampton. Eggs of six other summer residents may possibly 
be found hereafter. Some of those taken are very rare, notabl}', 
those of the Nashville warbler, seldom found in New England, in the 
migration of that bird to the farther north. 



CHAPTER XXXIIT. 

LAST WORDS. 

THE year 1888 dawns auspiciously upon the now ancient town. 
In the different departments of this work, we have traced the 
course of events through two hundred fifty years. The church, the 
first institution pU^nted liere, has sent off branches or large accessions 
to Kingston, Hampton Falls, North Hampton and Rye, and colonized 
in the Baptist and Methodist churches, within our present limits. The 
common school has been maintained witliout interruption; and the 
Academy, now, however, united with the free high-school, is hasten- 
ing on toward a century's growth. Seed-time and harvest have never 
failed on these farms, for which ground began to be broken in 1638 ; 
while farming implements, undreamed of by our ancestors, lessen the 
labor and increase the profits. The spinning-wheel and the loom have 
been relegated to the great factories in the cities and villages that 
dot the once wilderness land ; communication with which, by easy 
carriage drive or raih'oad train, by telegraph and telephone, contrasts 
with the old-time bridle and cart paths, the slow-going stage-coach 
and the uncertain watercourse. Low postal rates and quick trans- 
mission and a multiplicity of books and newspapers have added many 
fold to our knowledge of the outside world. Some of the old mill privi- 
leges are still utilized, with improved machinery, and the use of steam 
makes it feasible to set up a mill anywhere. Goods in great variety 
may be purchased within our borders and delivered free, at our doors. 
Conveniences unknown to the ancient dame are in ever}^ house. Only 
upon the seas have our industries declined. But domestic trade has but 
changed her course for the iron rail, where speed is greater and danger 
less ; and foreign commerce is more cheaply effected at second-hand. 
Sin and sorrow, indeed, cast their withering blight here, as elsewhere ; 
but while moral agencies strive to purify, and philanthropy, to allevi- 
ate, these cannot overshade the pleasing scene. Batchelder and San- 
born, Moulton and Palmer, among the original grantees and settlers, 
and Blake, Brown, Dearborn, Dow, Drake, Elkins, Godfrey, Ilobbs, 
Johnson, Lamprey, Leavitt, Marstou, Nudd, Page, Perkins, Phil- 
brick, Redman, Shaw and Taylor, within the first twelve years, are 
36 (569) 



560 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

still leading names Trithiu our narrowed limits ; as are Fogg, Garland, 
Jenness, Knowles, Lane, Locke, James, Mason, Towle and Weare, 
that appeared before the eighteenth century. Other names that have 
grown familiar in perusing these pages are familiar to-day, just over 
our borders, north, west, and south, on our original territory. While by 
far the greater number of these citizens have been farmers, artisans and 
seamen, yet, as they pass in review, we find a goodly number in wider 
spheres of influence — legislators and judges, physicians, teachers, 
clergymen, lawyers, inventors, soldiers of renown. What could be 
more fitting, this anniversary year, than for tiie mother town to appoint 
a great thanksgiving-day and invite her children home to the old hearth- 
stone ! 

Anticipating by two months the real anniversary day, the celebra- 
tion took place on the 15th of Augi;st, when the town became gay 
with flags and streamers, and alive with thousands of people. Charles 
M. Lamprey, Esq. was president of the day. Hon. John J. Bell, of 
Exeter, delivered an eloquent address, from a stand, shaded by the 
old Toppan elms. An industrial procession, with bands of music 
from Newburyport, Hampton Falls and Rye, and various Lodges and 
Orders, civic and military ; a dinner, followed by stirring speeches 
from eminent men ; a tent meeting in the evening ; and a display of 
fireworks, completed the chief features of the occasion. 

Dr. Claudius B. Webster, youngest and only surviving son of the 
good "Parson Webster," whose pastorate is set forth in these pages, 
read, as his contribution to the after-dinner speeches, a poem, of which 
the following are the opening lines : 

"We're looking round, good friends, to-day, 

To see and guess, as Yanlvees may, 

If here, among tliis goodly show 

Of happy faces all aglow. 

There's one, of seventy years ago; — 

One, who looked out with eager eyes 

With ours on the same sea and skies. 

It is hard guessing — for you know 

There are no photographs, to show 

The friends of seventy years ago. 

And if there were — alas, the change! 

The wondrous transfoianation strange! 

From these gray locks, that thinly flow 

O'er bowing heads, how can we know 

The child of seventy years ago?" 

Then follow lighter strains, in a more tripping measure ; and the 
poem closes thus : 



LAST WORDS. 501 

"And somehow, the hands tliat Avcre joining then, 

Eeacli out with a louring to join as^ain. 

Oil, few are tlie liands we can reach to-daj- 

We held in the years that are far away ! 

.Perhaps (could we see them) their hearts are here, 

More true than we think, more real, more near : 

Though dwellers long since on a foreign shore, 

They lose not their love for the friends of yore. 

Then this be our toast — we will speak it low — 

To th' friends that we loved in the long ago : 

We drink it in silence, as here we bow, 

The friends Avho loved then — the friends who love now." 

The old church, older than the town, had her celebration too. Never 
were skies more fair than on that Sabbath day, the I'Jth of August, 
1888, when the commemorative services were held.' 

But little more remains to be said. The anniversaries left Hamp- 
ton courageous to enter upon her sixth half century. Men and women 
returned to their daily duties, grateful for a brave ancestry, and with 
high resolves to hand down their goodly heritage, untarnished, to 
future genei'ations. 

By the census of 1890, there are found to be thirteen hundred thirty 
inhabitants in the town. Time bears them along, much as in former 
days, through the summer of 1892. On them, fair Plenty showers her 
favors. High over all, Heaven breathes the benedictum. 

ip. 460. 



TABULAR. 



A TABULAR RECORD OF TOWN OFFICERS. 



MODERATORS. 

UNDER THE ANCIENT ORDER, AS NOTED ON pp. 15, 16. 

28 : 5 mo. 1641, John Crosse. 18: 6 mo. 1641, Christopher Hnssey. 
8 : 4 mo. 1657, Thomas Wiugin. 4 : 7 mo. 1662, Seaborn Cotton. 
1663, 1664, Christopher Hnssey. 1667, 1668, Robert Page. 
Feb. 8, 1672, Christoplier Hnssey. 

1689, four meetings, Thomas Pliilbrick, Sr., Samuel Sherburne, Francis Page, 
Edward Gove. 

1691, three " Henry Green, Thomas Pliilbrick, Nathaniel Weare. 

1692, four " Nathaniel Weare (one), Thomas Philbrick. 

1693, three " Thomas Philbrick (one), Henry Green. 

1694, three 

1695, tAvo " Joseph Smith, Francis Page. 
Dec. 6, 1697, Henry Green. 

1700, two meetings, Nathaniel Weare. 

1701, three " Natlianiel Weare (two), Francis Page, Sr. 
1703, 1705, Francis Page. 

December, 1707 to July, 1709, Joseph Smith, sixteen meetings. 
Aug. 14, 1709, Gershom Elkins. 

1711, four meetings, Joseph Smith (three), Nathaniel Weare. 

1712, 1713, Joseph Smith. 

OF ANNUAL TOWN MEETINGS, AFTER THE CHANGE NOTED ON p. 176. 

1714-1717, Joseph Smith. 
1718, 1719, Joshua Wingate. 
1720-1724, Jabez Dow. 

1725, Joshua Wingate. 

1726, Jabez Dow. 

1727, Joshua Wingate. 

1728, 1729, Jabez Dow. 
1730, 1731, Joshua Wingate. 
1732-1734, Jabez Dow. 
1735, 1736, Samuel Palmer. 
1737, Jabez Smitli. 
1738-1740, Samuel Palmer. 1757-1760, Joseph Philbrick. 

1741, Josliua Wingate. 1761, 1762, Jonatlian Moulton. 

1742, Josiah Moulton. 1703-1765, Cliristopher Toppan. 

1743, Nathaniel Sargent. 1766, Josiah Moulton. 

1744, John Sanborn. 1767, Jonathan Moulton. 

(563) 



1745, 


Nathaniel Sargent, 


1746, 


Epliraim Marston, 


1747, 


Josepli Philbrick. 


1748, 


Samuel Palmer. 


1749, 


1750, Joseph Philbrick. 


1751, 


Benjamin Dow. 


1752, 


Joseph Philbrick. 


1753, 


Samuel Palmer. 


1754, 


John Weeks. 


1755, 


Samuel Palmer. 


1756, 


John Weeks. 



564 



HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



1768- 


•1770, 


Christopher Toppan, 


1829, 


1830, 


1771, 




Jeremiah Marston. 


1831, 




1772, 




Jonathan Monlton. 


1832, 




1773, 




Christopher Toppan. 


1833, 




1774, 




Jonathan Moulton. 


1834- 


1836, 


1775, 




Christopher Toppan. 


1837, 




1776, 




Jonatlian Moulton. 


1838, 




1777, 


1778, 


Josiah Moulton. 


1839, 




1779, 




Jonatlian Moulton. 


1840, 




1780- 


•1782, 


Josiah Moulton. 


1841- 


1843, 


1783- 


■1786, 


Christopher Toppan. 


1844- 


1848, 


1787, 




Jonathan Moulton. 


1849, 




1788- 


-1793, 


Christopher Toppan. 


1850, 




1794- 


-1803, 


Oliver Whipple. 


1851, 




1804- 


-1807, 


James Leavitt. 


1852, 




1808- 


■1810, 


Edmund Toppan. 


1853, 




1811, 




[Mod. not recorded.] 


1854- 


•1856, 


1812- 


-1818, 


Edmund Toppan. 


1857- 


-18f;0, 


1819, 




[Not recorded,] 


1861- 


•1865, 


1820, 




Richard Greenleaf. 


1866, 




1821- 


-1823, 


Edmund Toppan. 


1867, 


1868, 


1824, 




Tliomas Leavitt, Jr. 


1869, 




1825, 




John Dearborn, Jr. 


1870, 


1871. 


1826, 




Edmund Toppan. 


1872, 




1827, 


1828, 


, Col. John Dearborn, Jr. 


1873- 


-1877, 



Thomas Leavitt, Jr. 
Richard Greenleaf. 
David Marston. 
Aaron Collin. 
David Marston. 
Edmund Toppan. 
David Marston. 
Edmund Toppan. 
Simeon B. Sliaw. 
Amos Towle, Jr. 
David Marston. 
John D. Neal. 
Uri Lamprey. 
Timothy 0. Norris. 
Ebenezer Lane. 
Uri Lamprey. 
Morris Hobbs. 
Meshech S. Akerman. 
Thomas Leavitt, Jr. 
Meshech S. Alderman. 
Jacob T. Brown. 
Morris Hobbs. 
John W. Dearborn. 
Jacob T. Brown. 
Sewell W. Dow. 



OF MARCH AND NOVEMBER MEETINGS, UNDER BIENNIAL ELECTIONS, AS NOTED ON p. 335. 

1878-1880, Sewell W. Dow. 1883-1890 (Mar.), William H. Blake. 

1881, 1882 (Mar.), Morris Hobbs. 1890 (Nov.), George A. Johnson. 

1882 (Nov.), Sewell W. Dow. 1891, 1892, William H. Blake. 



IN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS, PREVIOUS TO THE CHANGE TO BIENNIAL STATE ELKOTIONS, 



1792, Christopher Toppan. 

1796, [Not recorded.] 

1799, Oliver Whipple. 

1804, Jonatlian Garland. 

1808, 1812, Edmund Toppan. 
1816, James Leavitt. 

1820, 1824, Edmund Toppan. 
1828, John Dearborn, Jr. 

1832, Aaron Coffin. 

1836, [ ? ] 



1840, Amos Towle, Jr. 

1844, David Marston. 

1848, John D. Neal. 

1852, Uri Lamprey. 

1856, Morris Hobbs. 

1860, Thomas Leavitt, Jr. 

1864, Morris Hobbs. 
1868, 1872, Jacob T. Brown. 

1876, SevveU W. Dow. 



TOWN CLERKS. 

The first two clerks held the office till they left town. Dalton, 
Henry Dow and his son and grandson, the Deacons Samuel, died in 
office. The later Dows, Joseph, Josiah and Josiah Jr., were son, grand- 



TABULAR. 



565 



son and great-grandson of the second Deacon Samuel ; so that the 
office of Town Clerk was held in direct descent in that family 134 
years. 



TERM OF OFFICE. 



TEKM OF OFFICE. 



William Wakefield, 


163i)-1643. 


Joseph Dow, 


1761-1796. 


William Howard, 


1C43-1617. 


Philip Towle, 


1796-1798. 


Robert Tuck, 


1647-1650. 


Ephraim Fellows, 


1798-1801. 


Christopher Hussey, 


1650-1653. 


John Dearborn, 


1801-1813. 


Samuel Dalton, 


1653-1681. 


Josiali Dow, 


1813-1833. 


Henry Dow, 


1681-1707. 


Josiali Dow, Jr., 


1833-1854. 


Dea. Samuel Dow, 


1707-17U. 


John J. Leavitt, 


1854-1858. 


John Tuck, 


1714-1730. 


John M. Palmer, 


1858-1860. 


Dea. Samuel Dow, 


1730-1755. 


John .J. Leavitt, 


1860-1870. 


Samuel Dow, 


1755-1756. 


David 0. Leavitt, 


1870-1877. 


Joshua Lane, 


1756-1761. 


John M. Akernian, 


1877-pre8ent. 



TOWN TREASURERS. 

The office of Treasurer was created in 1747. From 1755 to 1791 
the town money was probably again in the hands of the selectmen. 
Article three, in the warrant for a town meeting, August 8, 1791, was : 
"To see if the town will be of the mind to choose a Town Treasurer, 
which is thought to be necessary, especially on account of the public 
securities belonging to said town." In 1841 it was voted that the 
office of Town Treasurer be dispensed with ; the present Treasurer 
to pay over to the Selectmen all notes or property now in his hands, 
for which he is accountable to the town. This arrangement continued 
till 1879. 



TKEASURER. 



TERM OF OFFICE. 



TREASURER. 



TERM OF OFFICE. 



Samuel Dow, 


1747-1755. 


Daniel Towle, 


1830-1831. 


Christopher Toppan, 


1791-1794. 


Samuel Batchelder, 


1831-1833. 


The Selectmen, 


1794-1795. 


Daniel Towle, 


1833-1835. 


Benjamin Shaw, 


1795-1811. 


Samuel Drake, 


1835-1836. 


David Garland, 


lSll-1814. 


Daniel Towle, 


1836-1840. 


Josiah Dow, 


1814-1816. 


Jonathan Marston, 


1840-1841. 


Samuel Dow, 


1816-1820. 


George W. Lane, 


1879-1886. 


Samuel Batchelder, 


1820-1830. 


Joshua A. Lane, 


1886-preseAt. 



566 



HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



REPRESENTATIVES. 
1. IN THE GENERAL COURT OF MASSACHUSETTS. 



REPRESENTATIVES. 



SESSIONS. 



REPRESENTATIVES. 



Sept., 1639, 


John iMoulton. 


1658-60; 3 Ses., 


ChristopherHiissey. 


1640-1 ; 3 Ses., 


John Crosse. 


1661, 


William Fuller. 


1641-4; 6 Ses., 


William Howard. 


1662. 


Samuel Dalton. 


May, 1644, 


William Eastow. 


1603-t; 2 868., 


William Gerrish. 


May, 1645, 


William Howard. 


1664-6; 3 Ses., 


Samuel Dalton. 


1646-7; 2 Ses., 


William English. 


1667, 


William Fuller. 


1648-9; 2 Ses., 


William Eastow. 


1668, 


Robert Page. 


1650, 


Jeffery Mingay. 


1669-71; 3 Ses., 


Samuel Dalton. 


1651-3; 3 Ses., 


Roger Shaw. 


1672, 


Joseph Hussey. 


1654, 


Anthony Stanyan. 


1673-6; 4 Ses., 


Samuel Dalton. 


1655-6; 2 Ses., 


Henry Dow. 


1677, 


Thomas Marston. 


1657, 


Robert Page. 


1678-9; 2 Ses., 


Samuel Dalton. 



AFTER NEW HAMPSHIRE WAS SEPARATED FROM MASSACHUSETTS. 



REPRESENTATIVES. 



REPRESENTATIVES. 



1680; 4 Ses., 
1682; 2 Ses., 

1684; dis. 1st Ses., 

May, 1684, 
July, 1684, 

Sept., 1692, 

Feb., 1693, 

Oct., 1693, 

Oct., 1694; May, 1695, 
Nov., 1695, 



f Anthony Stanyan, 
} Thomas Marston, 
( Edward Gove. 

( Edward Gove. 

e Anthony Stanyan, 

< Joseph Smitli, . 

( Juo.Smitli(coopev) 

Vacant. 

Vacant. 

T/ieut. John Smith, 
Joseph Smith, 
John Hussey. 

( Capt. Henry Dow. 
I Ser. Tho. Philbrick, 
( Ser. Joseph Swett. 

t Daniel Tilton, 

< Jolin Redman, 

( Joseph Moulton. 

( Lieut. John Smith, 
} Nat'lBatchelderSr., 
( Thomas Robie. 

( Daniel Tdton, 
j Josiah Sanborn. 



Sept. 16, 1696, at New- 
castle. By prorogat'n 
at Hami)ton,Sept. 22 ; 
dissolved, Sept. 24, 

May, 1697, 



Dec, 1697, ; 



Jan., 1698, 



Mar., 1698, 

Aug.. 1699 - Held by 
adj't, but organized 
anew under adminis- 
tralion of Earl of Bel- 
lomont. 



Feb., 1703, 



Mar., 1708— in room of 
G. Elkins, dismissed. 



June, 1709, 



( John Redman, 
) John Tuck, 
( Samuel Dow. 

e Ephraim Marston, 
} .Jolin Redman, 2iid, 
( Benjamin Brown. 

f Capt. Henry Dow, 
\ Lieut. Jolui Smith, 
(Beiij. Fifleld (dis.). 

{ Joseph Swett (in 
I room of B. Filield). 

I Capt. Henry Dow, 
? T^ieut. Jolin Smith, 
( Lieut. JosepliSwett, 

i Capt. Henry Dow, 
? Lieut. .John Smith, 
( Lieut. JosepliSwett. 



Thomas Robie, 
(iersliom Elkins, 
Samuel Shaw. 

Maj. Joseph Smith. 

Maj. .Joseph Smith, 
En8. Daniel Tilton, 
Ephraim Marston. 



TABULAR. 



567 



RKPRESENTATIVES. 



SESSIONS. 



KEPRE8ENTATIVES. 



April, 1715, 

Nov., 1715: 

Dow beins constable 

was disqiialifleil, & 

new election ordered 

Nov., 1715 — in room 
of Dow, 

Aug., 1716 & Jan .,1717, 



May, 1717, 

July, 1722, 

Dec, 1727; Apr., 1728 
Jan., 1731, 

Dec, 1733; Oct., 1734, 
Apr., 1735; Apr., 1736. 

Mar., 1737, 

Oct., 1739, 



t Maj. Joseph Smith, 

< Peter Weare. 

( Joshua Wingate. 

{ .Joseph Smith, 

< .Jabez Dow, 

( Peter VVeare. 

•{ Ephraim Marston. 

( Col. Joseph Smith, 
} Maj. Peter Weare, 
( Ephraim Marston. 

SCol. Jose))h Smith, 
Maj. Peter Weare, 
John Tucke. 

j John Redman, 
I John Sanborn. 

j Capt..Tosh. Wingate 
} John Sanborn. 

j Sam. Palmer, ,Tr. 
I "Sr."John Sanborn. 

( John Sanborn, 

} Samuel Palmer Jr., 

( Capt.lchabodRobie 

e Capt. John Smith, 
} Xath'l Weare, Esq., 
( Samuel Palmer. 

I Samuel Palmer, Jr. 
} (Japt. .John Smitli, 
( C ipt.IchabodRobie 



July, 1740; Feb., 1741, 
Jan., 1742, 

Mar , 1742, in room of 
Palmer, 

Jan., 1745, 

June, 1745, 
In session 3 years, 

Jan., 1749; Sept., 1752, 
Feb., 1753, 

Oct., 1755, 

Nov., 1758, 

Jan., 1762— Apr., 1771, 
4 Assemblies, 

May, 1771, 
Apr., 1774, 
Feb., 1775, 



i John Sanborn, Sr., 
' Samuel Palmer, Jr. 

I Samuel Pidmer, Jr., 
I Joseph Towle. 

I Thomas Elkins. 



I Samuel Palmer Esq . 
( Dea. Jos. Philbrick. 

j .Jolin Sanborn, 

/ Samuel Palmer Esq. 

( Richard Waldron, 
< of Portsmouth, 
( Joseph Phdbrick. 

Jonathan Tucke (In 
I)lace of R. Wal- 
dron, Esq.). 

f William Moulton 

J (cooper), 
1 Capt. Jonathan 
I. Moulton. 

\ Dea. Jona. Tucke, 
I William Moulton. 

J .Jona. Moulton, Esq., 
j Chris.Toppan, Esq. 

j Chris.Toppan. Esq., 
I Capt.Jos'h Moulton. 

J Chris.Toppan, Esq., 
I Mr.Josiali Moulton. 

{ Capt.Jos'h Moulton, 
t Mr. Josiah Moulton. 



3. UNDER REDCrCED REPRESENTATION. 



(Dec.) 1775-80, 


Capt. Josiah Moulton. 


(Aug.) 1792-3, 


Joseph Dow. 


1781, 


Dea. John Fogg. 


1794-5, 


(;apt. Jere. Marston. 


1782, 


Joseph Dow. 


1796-1800, 


Oliver Whipple, Esq 


1783-6, 


Col. Chris. Toppan. 


1801-5^ 


Maj. Benjamin Shaw 


1787, 


Joseph Dow. 


1806, 


Jonathan Marston Jr 


1788 (Mar.), 


Col. Chris. Toppan. 


1807-8, 


John Dearborn. 


1788 (July), 


Joseph Dow. 


1809-16, 


Edmnnd Toppan. 


1789-92 (Mar.), 


Col. Chris.Toppan. 


1817, 


Dr. Eben. Lawrence 



568 



HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 



1818-19, 


Edmund Toppan. 


1851-2, 


Thomas Ward. 


1820-1, 


Tristram Shaw. 


1853, 


Josiah Page. 


1822-4, 


Edmund Toppan. 


1854, 


(No choice). 


1825, 


David Nudd. 


1855-6, 


Edward Shaw. 


1826, 


Edmund Toppan. 


1857-8, 


Edmund Mason. 


1827-30, 


Joshua Lane. 


1859-60, 


John Dearborn. 


1831-3, 


Amos Towle, Jr. 


1861-2, 


Adna Garland. 


1834-6, 


David Mareton, 


1863-4, 


Adna B. Lane. 


1837-8, 


Josiah Dow, Jr. 


1865-6, 


Thomas Leavitt, Jr. 


1839, 
1840-1, 


David Marston 
(unseated). 

Amos Towle, Jr. 


1867-8, 
1869-70, 


John J. Leavitt. 

Rev. DeWitt C. Dur- 
gin. 


1842, 


Jonathan Mari~ton,Jr. 


1871-2, 


Alfred J. Leavitt. 


1843, 


Simon Towle. 


1873, 


David O. Leavitt. 


1844, 


Jonathan Marston. 


1874-5, 


Samuel D. Lane, 


1845, 


David Marston. 


1876-7, 


Joseph W. Mason. 


1846-7, 


EbenezerLane. 


1878, 


John 11. Fogg. 


1848, 


Amos Towle, Jr. 






1849-50, 


Uri Lamprey. 







4. UNDER BIENNIAL ELECTIONS. 



TERM. 




TERM. 




1879-80, 


John C. Palmer. 


1887-8, 


Horace M. Lane. 


1881-2, 


Jacob T. Brown. 


1889-90, 


Charles Philbrick. 


1883-4, 


John C. Marston. 


1891-2, 


William H. Blake. 


1885-6, 


William G. Cole. 







SELECTMEN. 

1644, Wm. Fuller, Thos. Moulton, Rob't Page, Phile. Dalton, 
Thos. Nudd, Walter Rojier, Wm. Howard. 

1 647, Wm. Eastow, John Moulton, Edw. Colcord, JefEery Mingay, 
Eob't Page, Francis Peabody, Rob't Tuck. 

1649, Roger Shaw, Wm. Eastow, Rob't Page, Rob't Tuck, Thos. 
Marston, Anthony Stanyan, Wm. Moulton. 



TABULAR. 569 

1650, Wm. Fuller, Abra. Perkins, Christo. Hussey, Jeffery Min- 
gay, John Sanborn, Thos. Ward, Rich. Swaine. 

1651, Edw. Rishworth, Henry Dow, "\Ym. Sanborn, Wm. Swaine, 
John Brown. 

1652, Rob't Page, Wm. Marston, Sr., Wm. Fifield, Thos. Moulton, 
Rob't Tuck, John Redman, Jeffery Mingay. 

1653, Wm. Eastow, Wm. Fuller, Thos. Ward, AVm. Moulton, 
John Cass, Henry Moulton, Sam'l Dalton. 

1654, Roger Shaw, Thos. Coleman, AYm. Godfrey, Seth Fletcher, 
Rob't Smith, Wm. Swaine, Thos. Philbrick, Jr. 

1655, Abra. Perkins, Godfrey Dearborn, Christo. Palmer, Sam'l 
Fogg, Rob't Page. 

1656, Jeffery Mingay, Thos. Marston, John Redman, John Brown, 
Henry Robie. 

1657, Rob't Tuck, Thos. Ward, Thos. Leavitt, John Cass, Wm. 
Fuller. 

1658, Christo. Hussey, Wm. Moulton, Sam'l Dalton, Anthony 
Taylor, Abra. Drake. 

1659, Rob't Page, Abra. Perkins, Thos. Marston, Wm. Fifield, 
Morris Hobbs. 

1660, Rob't Smith, Henry Robie, Wm. Sanborn, John Clifford, 
Nath'l Batchelder. 

1661, John Sanborn, Thos. Ward, Wm. Fuller, Henry Moulton, 
Henry Dow, Jr. 

1662, Anthony Stanyan, Abra. Perkins, Sr., Henry Green, Sam'l 
Dalton, Moses Cox. 

1663, Wm. Gerrish, Godfrey Dearborn, Sam'l Fogg, Thos. Phil- 
brick, Jr., Thos. Nudd. 

1664, Christo. Hussey, Wm. Fuller, Thos. Marston, Nath'l Batch- 
elder, Giles Fuller. 

1665, Thos. Ward, John Sanborn, Sam'l Dalton, Henry Robie, 
Henry Moulton. 

1666, Abra. Perkins, Sr., Benj. Swett, John Redman, Anth. Tay- 
lor, Henry Dow. 

1667, Rob't Page, Thos. Marston, Wm. Sanborn, Nath'l Weare, 
Thos. Leavitt. 

1668, John Sanborn, Sam'l Dalton, John Cass, Wm. Marston, Jr., 
Thos. Nudd. 

1669, Christo. Hussey, Anth. Stanyan, Wm. Fuller, Thos. Ward, 
Joseph Dow. 

1670, Abra. Perkins, Sr., Benj. Swett, Thos. Marston, Anth. Tay- 
lor, Thos. Page. 



570 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

1671, Kob't Page, Godf. Dearborn, Wm. Sanborn, Nath'l "Weare, 
Thos. Ward. 

1672, John Sanborn, Sam'l Dalton, Thos. Ward, John Cass, Henry 
Moiiltou. 

1673, Abra. Perkins, Sr., Thos. Marston, Nath'l Batehelder, Nath'l 
Weare, Henry Dow. 

1674-5, Sam'l Dalton, Wm. Fuller, John Sanborn, John Cass (d. 
Apr. 7), Thos. Dearborn, John Smith (vice Cass). 

1675-6, Benj. Swett, Nath'l Batehelder, Henry Moultou, Henry 
Dow, Henry Dearborn. 

1676-7, Sam'l Dalton, Anth. Stanyan, Wm. Fuller, Sr., Wm. 
Marston, John Moulton. 

1677-8, Wm. Sanborn, Christo. Palmer, Thos. Philbrick, Francis 
Page, Thos. Dearborn. 

1678-9, Sam'l Dalton, Henry Moulton, John Sanborn, Nath'l 
Weare, John Smith (cooper) . 

1680, Henry Green, Thos. Marston, Abra. Cole, Jos. Dow, John 
Tuck. 

1681, Henry Robie, Henry Dow, Christo. Palmer, John San- 
born, Jr., John Marston. 

1682, Wm. Marston, Anth. Taylor, Nath'l Batehelder, Edw. Gove, 
Jos. Moulton. 

1683, Nath'l Weare, Sam'l Sherburne, Abra. Perkins, Wm. San- 
born, John Tuck. 

1684-'85-'86, no record. 

1687, Henry Moultou, John Smith (cooper), Benj. Fifield, John 
Tuck. 

1688, Sam'l Sherburne, Henry Moulton, John Tuck, Edw. Gove, 
John Sanborn, Timo. Hilliard. 

l689-'90-'91, no record. 

1692, Nath'l Batehelder, John Stanyan, Dan'l Tilton, Henry Dear- 
born, John Smith (tailor), Christo. Palmer, John Sanborn. 

1693, Wm. Marston, Thos. Philbrick, John Marston, Jos. Swett, 
Thos. Dearborn, John Redman, Sam'l Dow. 

1694, John Moulton, Peter Weare, John Tuck, John Dearborn, Sr., 
Phile. Dalion, Abra. Green, Thos. Philbrick, Jr. 

1695, Francis Page, Jacob Green, Rich'd Sanborn, Josiah San- 
born, Thos. Chase. 

1696, Lieut. John Smith, Nath'l Batehelder, Abra. Cole, Abra. 
Drake, Jr., Benj. Brown. 

1697, Christo. Palmer, John Marston, Isaac Green, Timo. Hilliard, 
Simon Dow. 



TABULAR. 571 

1698, Henry Dow, John Tuck, Eph. Marston, Jos. Swett, John 
Gove. 

1699, Natli'l Weare, Sr., Henry Dow, John Stanyan, John Red- 
man, Jr., Josiah Moulton. 

1700, John Tuck, Morris Hobbs, Jr., John Gove, Christo. Page, 
Nath'l Weare — Sam'l Dow and Jonathan Philbrick added. May 7, 
1701, 

Nov. 10, 1701, Jos. Smith, Thos. Eobie, Abra. Green, Nath'l 
Weare, Jr., John Stanyan. 

1702, Jacob Green, Abra. Cole, John Sanborn, Sr,, Jona. Moul- »/ 
ton, James Philbrick. 

1703, Nath'l Batchelder, Simon Dow, John Redman, Sr., Abra. 
Drake, Jr., John Gove. 

1704, Sam'l Marston, Nath'l Batchelder, Jr., Jona. Philbrick, 
Sam'l Dow, Seth Fogg. 

1705, Jacob Gi-een, Eph. Marston, Benj. Brown, Phile. Dalton, 
Rob't Moulton. 

1706, Simon Dow, Christo. Pottle, Caleb Shaw, Sam'l Nudd, Jona. 
Marston. 

1707, Abra. Drake, Jos. Cass, Sam'l Dow, Peter Johnson, John 
Moulton (son of Lieut. John) . 

1708, Jos. Chase, Jos. Smith, John Sanborn, Sr., John Gove, 
Sam'l Page. 

1709, John Gove, Jos. Smith, John Stanyan, John Redman, Sr., 
Joshua Wingate, Benj. Billiard, Jona. Marston. 

1710-11, John Tuck, Jos. Smith, Jabez Dow, Benj. Brown, John 
Gove (in Mar., 1712). 

Dee. 15, 1711, Josiah Moulton, Sr., Wm. Sanborn, Jr., Jona. 
Philbrick, *Nath'l Batchelder. 

Dec. 29, 1712, Jos. Chase, James Philbrick, Jos. Smith, Sam'l ^ 
Shaw, Jos. Swett. 

Mar. 1, 1714, Jos. Smith, Nath'l Weare, Sam'l Robie, Josiah 
Moulton, Sr., Benj. Perkins. 

Mar. 5, 1715, Christo. Page, John Tuck, John Sanborn (son of 
Wm), Benj. Sanborn, Jos. Tilton, 

1717, John Tuck, Jabez Dow, Wm. Sanborn, Sr., Sam'l Shaw, 
Jos. Swett. 

1718, , Dearborn, Moulton, Sr., Jas. Pres- 

cott, Jr., Jona. Philbrick. 

1719, Jas. Philbrick, Elisha Smith, Christo. Page, Sam'l Shaw, ^ 
Jos. Cass. 

1720, Jona. Marston, Sam'l Dearborn,' Sr., Francis Page, Jacob 
Freese, Sam'l Palmer, Jr. 



572 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

1721, Jos. Taylor, Josiab Moulton, Sr., Jabez Smith, Sam'lNudd, 
Simon Marston. 

1722, Jabez Dow, Joshua Wingate, Rob't Moultou, Si'., Joua. 
Moulton, John Sherburne. 

1723, Capt. Jolm Smith, Jos. Towle, Josiah Moulton, Jas. Phil- 
brick, Jabez Dow. 

1724, Rich. Taylor, Christo. Page, Caleb Towle, Jabez Dow, Jona. 
Dearborn. 

1725, Rob't Moulton, Sr., Joshua Wingate, Simon Marston, Jabez 
Dow, Caleb Marston. 

1726, Capt. John Smith, Abra. Drake, Sam'l Palmer, Jr., Peter 
Johnson, Dea. John Dearborn. 

1727, Morris Hobbs, Jr., Jona. Garland, Christo. Page, Elisha 
Smitli, Amos Knowles. 

1728, Jabez Dow, Jos. Philbrick, Eben'r Dearborn, Jere. Marston, 
Wm. Staniford. 

1729, Joshua Wingate, Jos. Towle, Sr., Josiah Moulton, Benj. 
Thomas, Sam'l Dow. 

1730, Benj. Lampre}^, Caleb Towle, Simon Marston, Josiah Moul- 
ton, Abra. Drake. 

1731, Jabez Dow, Sam'l Palmer, Jr., Jona. Marston, Philip Smith, 
Benj. Hobbs, Nath'l Drake. 

1732, Sam'l Palmer, Jr., Jona. Marston, Morris Hobbs, Moses 
Perkins, Benj. Dow. 

1733, Jos. Towle, Daniel Sanborn, Seth Fogg, Jona. Godfrey, 
Jabez Dow. 

1734, Sam'l Palmer, Jr., Jona. Garland, Christo. Page, Rich. 
Taylor, Jonathan Tuck. 

1735, Thos. Dearborn, Philip Smith, Jr., John Sanborn, Sam'l 
Palmer, Jr., Sam'l Dow. 

1736, Capt. John Smith, Jos. Taylor, Jabez Smith, Jos. Philbrick, 
Sam'l Palmer. 

1737, Josiah Moulton, Abra. Drake, Henry Dearborn, Jere. Mars- 
ton, Jos. Chapman. 

1738, Jona. Dearborn, Caleb Marston, Sr., Sam'l Palmer, Jr., 
Eph. Marston, John Hobbs. 

1739, Thomas Robie, Jona. Garland, Josiah Moulton, John Dear- 
born, Jr., Jona. Tuck. 

1740, Joshua Wingate, Jabez Smith, Jona. Marston, Sam'l Pal- 
mer, Jr., Nath'l Drake. 

1741, Christo. Page, Thos. Elkins, Benj. Smitli, Jos. Philbrick, 
Caleb Towle, Sr. 



TABULAR. 573 

1742, Jona. Tuck, Rich. Taylor, John Dearborn, Eph. Marston. 

1743, Nath'l Sargent, Philip Smith, Abra. Drake, Philip Towle, 
Benj. Dow. 

1744, Nath'l Sargent, Sam'l Palmer, Jr., Jona. Marston, John 
Sanborn, Sr., Rob't Moiilton. 

1745, Jabez Smith, Eph. Marston, John Dearborn, Jr., Jona. Tuck, 
Sam'l Dow. 

1746, Jona. Dearborn, Eph. Marston, Benj. Dow, Thos, Nudd, 
Amos Towle. 

1747, Clement Jackson, Moses Perkins, Jos. Towle, Wm. Moulton, 
John Dearborn. 

1748, Sam'l Palmer, John Dearborn, Jona. Tuck, Noah "Ward, 
Caleb Towle. 

1749, Josiah Moulton, Rob't Moulton, Jona. Elkins, Jere. Mars- 
ton, Jona. Moulton. 

1750, Gershom Griffith, Henry Dearborn, Jona. Garland, Nath'l 
Drake, Amos Towle. 

1751, Jos. Philbrick, Moses Perkins, John Smith, Thos. Nudd, 
John Taylor. 

Change of style in 1752. 

1752, Joshua "Weeks, Joshua Lane, Rob't Moulton, James Towle, 
John Lamprey. 

1753, Sam'l Palmer, Ephr. Marston, John Dearborn, Thos. Nudd, 
Jere. Marston. 

1754, Anth. Emery, John "Weeks, Joshua Lane, Amos Towle, 
Sam'l Drake. 

1755, Benj. Dow, Samuel Palmer, Moses Perkins, Sam'l Dow, Jr., 
Noah Ward. 

1756, Sam'l Palmer, Jos. Philbrick, Jona. Leavitt, Jere. Marston, 
James Leavitt, Jr. 

1757, Sam'l Palmer, John Sanborn, Nath'l Drake, Anth. Emery, 
John Moulton, Jr. 

1758, John "Weeks, John Nay, Sam'l Dow, Jere. Marston, Josiah 
Shaw. 

1759, Jos. Philbrick, Thos. Nudd, Jona. Moulton, Christo. Top- 
pan, John Taylor. 

1760, Rob't Moulton, Jos. Philbrick, Jona. Brown, Josiah Moul- 
ton, Jr., Jos. Dow. 

1762, Thos. Nudd, Jona. Leavitt, John Lamprey, Sam'l Drake, 
Jos. Dow. 

1763, Jona. Tuck, Jere. Sanborn, Amos Coffin, Josiah Moulton, Jr., 
Cotton "Ward. 

37 



574 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

1764, Jona. Tuck, Jere. Marston, Josiah Moulton, Jr., Christo. 
Toppan, Jos. Dow. 

1765, Cotton Ward, Josiah Moultou, Jos. Dow, Joua. Tuck. 

1766, Jona. Moulton, Jos. Dow, Sam'l Garland, Josiah Moulton, 
Jona. Tuck. 

1767, Thos. Ward, Josiah Moulton, Jere. Marston, Cotton Ward, 
Jos. Dow. 

1768, Thos. Nudd, Jona. Moulton, Jere. Marston, Jos. Dow, 
Cotton Ward. 

1769-70, Josiah Moulton, Christo. Toppan, Jos. Dow, Simon 
Nudd, Philip Towle. 

1771, Jere. Marston, Josiah Moulton, Jos. Dow, Sam'l Drake, 
Philip Towle. 

1772, Josiah Moulton, Cotton Ward, Henry Elkins, Philip Towle, 
Jos. Dow. 

1773-5, Wm. Lane, Jos. Dow, Philip Towle, Simon Nudd, Joshua 
James. 

1776, Jos. Dow, Wm. Lane, Cotton Ward, Josiah Dearborn, Jona. 
Garland. 

1777, Wm. Lane, Joshua James, Philip Towle, John Fogg, Jos. 
Dow. 

1778, Dan'l Philbrick, Amos Knowles, Philip Towle, Jos. Dow, 
Simon Nudd. 

1779, Jos. Dow, Cotton Ward, Amos Knowles, Simon Nudd, 
Philip Towle. 

1780-1, Jos. Dow, Simon Nudd, Philip Towle, Philip S. Marston, 
Josiah Dearborn. 

1782, Jos. Dow, Simon Nudd, Philip Towle, Jona. Garland, 
Elisha S. Marston. 

1783, Jos. Dow, Philip Towle, Elisha S. Marston, Moses El- 
kins, Sr., John Moulton, Jr. 

1784, Jos. Dow, Philip Towle, Cotton Ward, Jona. Garland, 
Elisha S. Marston. 

1785-6, Jos. Dow, Dan'l Philbrick, Cotton Ward, Philip Towle, 
Simon Nudd. 

1787, Jos. Dow, Josiah Dearborn, Philip Towle, Simon Nudd, 
John Dow. 

1788, Jos. Dow, Philip Towle, Josiah Dearborn, John Dow, Jere. 
Moulton. 

1789, Jos. Dow, Philip Towle, Cotton Ward, Sam'l Drake, Jere. 
Moulton. 

1790, Jos. Dow, Philip Towle, Josiah Dearborn, Jona. Garland, 
Benj. Shaw. 



TABULAR. 575 

1791, Jos. Dow, Philip Towle, Jere. Moulton, Jona. Garland, 
Philip S.Mui-ston. 

1 792, Philip Towle, Cotton Ward, Benj. Shaw, Elisha S. Marston, 
Jere. Moulton. 

1793, Jos. Dow, Josiah Dearborn, Sam'l Drake, Jere. Moulton, 
Jos. Towle, Jr. 

1794, Philip Towle, Jona. Garland, Jere. Moulton, Benj. Shaw, 
Jos. Towle, Jr. 

1795, Jona. Locke, Sam'l Drake, Philip Towle, Capt. Jona. Mars- 
ton, Jona. Marston, 3d. 

1796, Philip Towle, Jona. Marston, Jr., Jos. Towle, Jr., Jona. 
Marston, 3d, Levi Batchelder. 

1797, Cotton Ward, Simon Nudd, Philip Towle, Jona. Marston, 
Jr., Stephen Coffin. 

1798, Jos. Towle, Jr., Capt. Jona. Marston, Abner Page, Jas. 
Leavitt, Jona. Marston, 3d. 

1799-1800, Jas. Leavitt, John Dearborn, John M. Moulton, Josi- 
ah Shaw, Sam'l Brown, Jr. 

1801, Jas. Leavitt, Sam'l Brown, Jr.,Zacch. Brown, Nath'l Batch- 
elder, Jr., Jos. Palmer. 

1802, Jas. Leavitt, Elisha S. Marston, Isaac Marston, Zacch. 
Brown, Thos. Ward. 

1803, Jas. Leavitt, Thos. Ward, Zacch. Brown, Levi Batchelder, 
Elisha S. Marston. 

1804, Jas. Leavitt, Benj. Shaw, Isaac Marston, Abner Page, Jos. 
F. Dearborn. 

180.5, Jas. Leavitt, Josiah Dow, Henry Elkins, Philip Towle, Jr., 
Jere. Hobbs. 

- 1806, Jas. Leavitt, Joshua Lane, Nehemiah Sanborn, Zacch. Brown, 
Nath'l Locke. 

1807, Jas. Leavitt, Capt. Jona. Marston, Sam'l James, David Nudd, 
Eben'r Lawrence. 

1808-9, Thos. Ward, David Towle, Josiah Dow, Edm. Toppan, 
Jos. Towle. 

1810, Jos. Towle, Josiah Dow, Eben'r Lawrence, David Towle, 
Rich'd Greenleaf. 

1811, Jos. Towle, Eben'r Lawrence, David Towle, Rich'd Green- 
leaf, Moses Nudd. 

1812, Eben'r Lawrence, David Towle, Jere. Hobbs, John Dow, 
Isaac Marston. 

1813, John Dow, Jere. Hobbs, Rich'd Greenleaf, Sam'l James, 
Jere. T. Marston. 



576 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

1814, John Dow, Jei'e Hobbs, Sam'l James, Dan'lToTvle, Jere. T. 
Mars ion. 

1815, John Dow, Jere. Hobbs, Isaac Marston, Jere. T. Marston, 
Dan'l Towle. 

1816, John Perkins, Thos. Ward, Oliver Marston, Dan'l Towle, 
Jere. T. Marston. 

1817, Thos. Ward, John Perkins, Amos Towle, Jr., Dan'l Towle, 
Sam'l Batehelder. 

1818, Dan'l Towle, Sam'l Batehelder, Sam'l Dow, Tristram Shaw, 
Jos. AVard. 

1819, Edm. James, Dan'l Towle, Sam'l Batehelder, Sam'l Dow, 
Tristram Shaw. 

1820-1, John Perkins, Tristram Shaw, Sam'l D. Taylor, Dan'l 
Towle, Josiah Dow. 

1822, Dan'l Towle, Sam'l D, Taylor, John Dow, Edm. James, 
Renben Lamprey. 

1823-4, Dan'l Towle, Jona. Marston, 3d, John Dow. 

1825-8, Dan'l Towle, Jona. Marston, 3d. Jos. Philbrick. 

1829, Sam'l Batehelder, Amos Towle, Jr., Josiah Dow, Jr., Sam'l 
D. Taylor, John Philbrick. 

1830, Samuel Batehelder, Amos Towle, Jr., Josiah Dow, Jr. 

1831, Daniel Towle, Jesse Knowles, Jonathan Towle, Jr. 

1832, Jesse Knowles, Jonathan Towle, David Marston. 

1833, David Marston, Jonathan Towle, John Johnson. 

1834, Jonathan Towle, Josiah Marston, Jr., Joseph Philbrick. 

1835, Col. Jonathan Marston, Simeon B. Shaw, John Perkins, Jr. 

1836, John Perkins, Jr., Simeon B. Shaw, Simon Towle, Jr. 
1837-8, Simon Towle, Jr., David Page, Ebenezer Lane. 
1839-42, Abraham Fogg, Simeon B. Shaw, William Brown. 

1843, Josiah Dow, Amos Towle, Jr., Anthony Emery. 

1844, Abraham Fogg, David Marston, Joseph Philbrick. 

1845, David Marston, Joseph Philbrick, John Redman, Jr. 

1846, Josiah Dow, Simeon B. Shaw, John Redman, Jr. 

1847, Josiah Page, Samuel D. Lane, Adna Garland. 

1848, Simeon B. Shaw, Thomas Leavitt, Col. Jonathan Marston. 
1849-50, Simeon B. Shaw, Abraham Fogg, Ebenezer Lane. 

1851, David Towle, Jr., Joseph R. Sanborn, John Palmer. 

1852, Josiah Page, Joseph R. Sanborn, Daniel Moulton. 

1853, Josiah Page, John Dearborn, Moses Leavitt. 

1854, Josiali Dow, John Dearborn, Edmund Mason. 

1855, Enoch P. Young, Jesse Lane, Alba C. Taylor. 

1856, Enoch P. Young, Edmund Mason, Simeon Shaw. 



TABULAR. 577 

1857, Joseph Johnson, Jesse Lane, Simeon Shaw, 

1858, Joseph Johnson, Ebenezer Lane, Daniel Moulton. 

1859, Daniel Monlton, Ebenezer Lane, Oliver Towle. 

18G0, Meshech S. AUennan, Oliver Towle, Jeremiah M. Lamprey. 
1861, Joseph A. Dearborn, Abraham Fogg, Jonathan M. Lamprey. 
1S62-3, Joseph Johnson, Obed S. Ilobbs, Alvin Emery. 

1864, Joseph Dow, Jacob T. Brown, Ednuind INIason. 

1865, Jacob T. Brown, Edmnud Mason, John II. Fogg. 

1866, Jacob T. Brown, John C. Marston, Samuel J. Drake. 

1867, Jacob T. Brown, Benjamin Hobbs, Jonathan Taylor. 

1868, Jacob T. Brown, John C. Marston, Samuel J. Drake. 

1869, John H. Fogg, John C. Marston, Reuben Lamprey. 
1870-1, Edmund Mason, Jesse Lane, John Dearborn. 
1872-3, J. Warren Dow, Daniel Weare, Christopher G. Toppan. 
1874, Samuel J. Drake, Joseph Johnson, Nathaniel S. Locke. 
1875-6, Jacob T. Brown, John H. Fogg, William H. Blake. 

1877, Jacob T. Brown, John F. Marston, William E. Lane. 

1878, Jacob T. Brown, Christopher G. Toppan, Henry J. Perkins. 

1879, Enoch P. Young, William E. Lane, John F. Marston. 

1880, John F. Marston, Joseph Johnson, William E. Lane. 

1881, John F. Marston, William E. Lane, William H. Blake. 
1882-3, William E.Lane, John W. Towle, Warren M. Batchelder. 
1884-5, Frank B. Brown, William E. Lane, Samuel W. Dearborn. 
1886, William E. Lane, George A. Johnson, Samuel W. Dearborn. 
1887-8, William E. Lane, George A. Johnson, Joseph B. Brown. 

1889, William E. Lane, Samuel A. Towle, John W. Mace. 

1890, Joseph B. Brown, William E. Lane, Charles M. Batchelder. 

1891, Horace M. Lane, Joseph B. Brown, Abbott L. Joplin. 

1892, Horace M. Lane, Abbott L. Joplin, George W. Palmer. 



PHYSICIANS. 
WITH LENGTH OF TIME IN HAMPTON, AS FAR AS ASCERTAINED. 

EobertTiick, "chinirgeon," lfi38-1664. Dr. Clement Jackson, 1731P-1747, or 
Ur. Richard Hooper, here in 1684, and later. 

for a number of years. " John Newman, 1740P-1747. 

" John Groth, licensed by Gen. Court " John Weeks, 1748 ?-death, 1763. 

Apr., 1679, to practice pliysic and " Anthony Emery, ab. 1750-deatli, 

chirurgery in Hampton. 1781. 

" Benjamin Dole, from ab. 1700, to " Samuel Page, ab. 1770-death, 

d<^ath, 1707, ae. 26 years. 1821. 

" Nathaniel Sargent, 1711?-! 748?. " Ebenezer Tilton, ab. 1771-death, 
" Edmund Toppan, 1727?-death, 1800. 

1739. " Dudley. 



578 HISTORY OF HAMPTON. 

Dr. Asahel Dearborn. Dr. Abram B. Lord, 184-, — 1854. 

" Jonathan French, on school com. " F. F. Forsaith, left in 1854. 

in 1801. " Nathaniel Ruggles, 1854?-1859. 

" Obed Stearns, 1799-death, 1800, " William T. Merrill, since 1854; 

aged 29 years. sole resident phj'sician, 1859- 

" Ebenezer LaAvrence, 1801-1850. 1873. 

" Luciau French, died here Mar. 19, " Norberto Osorio, 1873-1875? 

1828, aged 25 years. " Marvin F. Smith, since 1888. 

" Robert Smith, 183-P-184-? " Charles P. Jackson, since 1891. 

" Henry A. Jewett, 184-,— 184-. " S. F. A. Pickering, dentist, 1890- 

" George G. Odiorne, married, 1848. 1892. 

Other physicians have resided and practiced in town temporarily. 



APPENDIX. 

EXTRACTS FROM CAPT. HENRY DOw's DIARY. 

The 8th June, 1684. — A storm of thunder; one sore crack fell in 
that [place] called the nook ; split a great red oak ; killed Chris : 
Palmer's horse and scattered the pieces of the tree. Myself, Henry 
Dow, measured one place where lay several pieces, and amongst the 
rest was 4 or 5 foot in length which lay fifteen rod from the tree root — 
others found some 20 rod off. It tore up the roots of the tree and 
split rocUs after a maraculous manner. 

Bro. Sambourn put in prison, 21 October, 1684, Capt. Sherburne 
and I compared a copie with the original execution and there was no 
return made upon it the 1** November, 1684. 

June, 1687 — millions of streaked worms this yeai\ 



FROM THILIP TOWLE S DIARY. 

July 22, 1770, the steeple was struck with Lightning, the spire very 
much hurt. 

Winter of 1772, died suddenly, Sam' Brown, Sam' Garland, Nathan 
Moulton, Jonathan Dearborn, Anne Stanj'an. 

July 2, 1781, the steeple was struck the second time — the spire 
stript uaked from top to bottom. 

August 30''', 1787, their was a Ball of fire or Comet Shot a Long 
the sky the sky being clear Leaving a stream Like Smoak & made a 
Keport Like Distant thunder 4 o'clock afternoon Daytime. 



APPENDIX. 579 



EXTRACTS FROM MAJ. DAVID MARSTOn's RECORD OF EVENTS. 

1840.— No rain fell from May 6 to July 23. 

Aug. 31, 1840. — First time tlie steam eugiue went through [East- 
ern R. R.]. 

Jan. 1841. — Bought my first cook-stove. 

1844 and 1845. — Granite House built at Boar's Head. 

Mar. 18, 1850. — Severe snow-storm; about a foot of snow fell; 
wind northeast ; about four days very high tides and storm at sea ; 
broke over beach hill almost the whole length of the beach; filled 
muddy pond ; water three feet deep on the causeway bridge ; filled 
the road with stones ami carried away fences, 

July 21, 1854. — Thomas Leavitt's hotel burned at Boar's Head. 

July 21, 1859. — Josiah Dearborn sold his tavern stand for $2000. 

June 11, 1863. — Joseph and Nathaniel Johnson's barn burned, with 
four cows, one horse, two ox-carts and other farming tools. 

July 31, 1863. — 8 o'clock, evening: J. P. Whitcomb's stable to 
public house burned — supposed set afire. 

Mar. 13, 1864. — James Lane lost his house and barn, set afire by 
his little boy; — one cow, two wagons, seventy bushels corn, potatoes, 
two tons hay; — furniture saved. $800 insurance. 

Aug. 3, 1864. — Dwelling house and barn of the Sanborn sisters at 
Bride Hill burned, with most of the contents ; — caught fire from the 
stove. 

June 24, 1866. — The canker worm commenced its depredations some 
four years ago. Most of the apple and elm trees have suffered badly, 
some locations having escaped. They usually mature and leave about 
the 20th of June. This year they are much later, 

Apr. 23, 1867. — Joseph W. Dow built a barn and large house last 
fall, near the causeway ; — had the house ready to plaster. At half- 
past ten they were discovered to be on fire and all burned to the ground. 
Loss, $3000, insurance, $2000. Rebuilt and finished, June, 1869. 

Oct. 28, 1867.— John A. Towle raised his store on the south side 
of the road. 

Jan. 18, 1871, — Dwelling house of Randolph A. DeLaucy was de- 
stroyed by fire ; — part of the goods saved. 

Mar. 1, 1874. — Joseph W. Dow burned out again— house, barn, 
one horse, two cows, harnesses, carriages, sheep. Very little saved. 

Mar. 30, 1874. — David Brown, Jr.'s house and barn burned about 
one o'clock, p, m. Buildings joined together — supposed, hay caught 
from a spark from the chimney, 

July 30, 1875. — Cotton Brown's barn, carriage-house and wood- 



580 HISTORY OF HAJVIPTON. 

house destroyed by fire, together with one horse, wagon and most 
other contents ; — house barely saved. 

May 4, 1876. — Granite House stable and bowling-alley burned. 
Incendiary — house saved. 

June 3, 1876. — A. T. Wilbur's gristmill, shingle and box factory 
burned. 

Jan. 10, 1878. — Avery heavy northeast blow and rain storm. John 
T. Batchelder, of Hampton Falls, went in the marsh just at night, to 
get salt hay — out all night — lost one man, named Wright, from Salis- 
bury, and one horse. 

June 17, 1878. — Simon P. Towle's barn burned, at a quarter past 
eleven o'clock at night. Three cows, two bulls, two horses, three 
sheep. 

July 3, 1878. — Samuel F. French's house at North Hampton burned 
about 2 o'clock A. m. Algie B. Towle, son of Moses Towle, of Hamp- 
ton burned in it. 

1879. — The Colorado potato beetle struck Hampton in 1866. This 
year they are in immense^ numbers. 



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